Introduction.
This article offers to those interested in the life and works of Cicero a translation of twenty-four short passages which are included in "Cicero on Himself", a book in the Alpha Classics series, published by G. Bell and Sons Ltd. in 1950. The extracts are chosen and edited by N. Fullwood, B.A. This little book provides excellent insights into the thinking and character of the great orator and author, and the extracts which have been carefully chosen from the corpus of his voluminous works will be of considerable interest to any student of the momentous times in which Cicero lived and worked. Cicero was not without his flaws. His sense of self-importance, his egotism and his constant tendency to self-congratulation are not easy for the modern reader to appreciate nor were they to the taste of many of the Romans of his own day or to many literary commentators of subsequent generations, but he remains the greatest exponent of Latin prose of all time, probably the greatest Roman orator, the first and perhaps the most important interpreter of Greek philosophical thought in the Latin tongue and a letter writer whose massive output of letters provides a fascinating running commentary on the stirring historical events of the times in which he lived. There is also something heroic about his desperate attempts to shore up the republican constitution, in which he believed with all the fervour and sincerity which perhaps only a new arrival, i.e. a 'novus homo', could have summoned up. In this he was surely misguided. The republican constitution of a small city-state was not well suited to the circumstances of world empire, to which Rome was called by his time. Nevertheless his genuine patriotism was perhaps his most admirable personal quality. When, in his old age, Octavian, by then the Emperor Augustus, was asked by a young relative about Cicero, he gave what was surely a fitting epitaph on the man whom he had so grievously betrayed so many years before: "He was an eloquent man, my boy, an eloquent man, and a lover of his country."
1. From "De Legibus", II, 2-3. This passage comes from Cicero's earliest philosophical work, "On Laws", written about 52 B.C. in the form of a dialogue between him, his friend Atticus and his brother, Quintus. In it Ciciero seeks to explain to Atticus the causes of his attachment to his birthplace, Arpinum.
Atticus: Previously I was surprised - for I imagined nothing in this place except rocks and mountains, and I was led to do so both by your utterances and by your poems - but I was surprised, as I have said that you were delighted so very much by this spot; now, on the contrary, I am surprised, that you, when you are absent from Rome, are anywhere rather (than this).
Cicero: Indeed, when I can (lit. it is permitted [to me] to) be absent for several days, especially at this time of the year, I do seek both the loveliness and the wholesomeness of this place, but this is rarely possible (lit. it is rarely permitted [to me]). But, undoubtedly, another reason delights me too, which does not affect you, Titus.
Atticus: What, pray, is that reason of yours?
Cicero: Because, if I speak the truth, it is the genuine native-place of myself and of this brother of mine; for here we were sprung from a very ancient stock, here (was) our altar, here (was) our race, here (are) the many vestiges of our ancestors. What more (need I say)? You see this villa as it is indeed now, splendidly built up by the zeal of my father, who, since he was of weak health, passed almost (all) his life here, (engaged) in literary (pursuits). But know that I was born in this very place, when my grandfather was (still) living and there was a small villa (here) according to the ancient custom, like the famous (villa) of Curius in the Sabine (land). Therefore (lit. on account of which thing), there is something inherent and lurking in my mind and senses, through which this place delights me more perhaps, since (lit. if indeed) even that very wise man (i.e. Ulysses) is reported to have renounced immortality in order to see Ithaca (once more).
2. From "Brutus", line 306. In this extract, taken from the oratorical treatise, "Brutus", written about 46, and addressed to the man who two years later, was to lead the plot that assassinated Caesar, Cicero tells us of the main influences upon his development as an accomplished orator.
But in my study of civil law, I gave much of my attention to Quintus Scaevola, son of Quintus, although he gave himself to no one for the purpose of teaching, yet by responding to those consulting (him), he instructed those desirous of hearing (him). And it was (the year) next to this year, Sulla and Pompeius (being) consuls. Then I learned completely about every kind of speaking during the tribunate of Publius Sulpicius, speaking in public daily; at the same time, when Philo, the head of the Academy, with the best of the Athenians, had fled from home during the Mithridatic war and had come to Rome, I gave myself over to him entirely, impelled by a certain wonderful enthusiasm for his philosophy, in which I remained even more attentive - although the variety and sublimity of his practices kept me in the highest delight - for this reason, because however the procedure of the law-courts seemed to have now been permanently overturned. In that year Sulpicius perished, and in the next (year) three orators from three generations, Quintus Catulus, Marcus Antonius and Gaius Julius, had been most cruelly killed. [In the same year also, I gave my attention in Rome to Molo the Rhodian, both an excellent pleader of lawsuits and teacher.]
3. From "Brutus", lines 313-14. In the passage below Cicero explains why he decided to remodel his method of speaking.
There was at this time, in respect of me, the greatest leanness and weakness of body, (and) a long and thin neck: this condition and this shape are thought to be not far away from a danger to life, if toil and (any) great exertion of the lungs occur. And this alarmed my friends (lit. those to whom I was dear) all the more, because I used to say everything without moderation, without variation, and with the utmost power of my voice and the straining of my whole body. And so, when both my friends and my doctors exhorted me to stop pleading causes, I considered that I should undergo any degree of danger (lit. it was right for any degree of danger to be undergone by me) rather than I should forsake (lit. it was right [for me] to forsake) the hoped for glories of speaking. But, when I considered that by the relaxation and the moderation of my voice, and my method of speaking having been altered, I could both avoid danger and speak more calmly, to change my custom of speaking was the very reason in my case of travelling to Asia. And so, although I had been engaged in lawsuits for two years and my name had already been celebrated in the Forum, I set out from Rome.
II. CICERO'S FAMILY.
1. From "Ad Atticum", 5, 1. In this letter, written in 51, Cicero seeks to explain to Atticus how badly the latter's sister, Pomponia, has been behaving to her husband, his brother Quintus, and he contrasts, perhaps not entirely convincingly, Pomponia's behaviour with the apparently impeccable conduct of Quintus.
As I came to (the estate at) Arpinum, when my brother had come over to me, in the first place we had a conversation, and it (was) a lengthy one, about you. After that I came on to the things which you and I had said about your sister at (my villa at) Tusculum. I have seen nothing more gentle, nothing more pacific, than my brother was towards your sister, as, even if there had been any unpleasantness on the score of expenditure, it did not appear. Thus (was) that day. The next day we set out from the Arpinum (estate). The (festival) day required that Quintus stayed in (the villa at) Arcae, I at Aquinum, but we lunched at Arcae. You know this farm. When we came thither, Quintus said in the kindest manner, "Pomponia, you invite the female (slaves), and I shall summon the men." Nothing could (have been) more agreeable, as indeed it seemed to me, and this (was) both in words and in intention and expression. But she, in our hearing, answered, "I, myself, am a stranger here," (and) moreover this (arose) from the fact, I guess, that Statius had gone ahead to see to our luncheon. Then, Quintus said to me, "There, I suffer these things every day." You will say; "What, I pray, was there in that?" A great deal! and so it alarmed me, myself; she had responded so absurdly and so roughly, both in words and in expression. (Although) pained, I concealed my feelings. We all reclined except her, to whom, however, Quintus sent (food) from the table. She rejected (it). What more (need I say)? It seemed (to me) that nothing (was) milder than my brother, nothing harsher than your sister; and I leave out many things which were of greater annoyance to me at that time than (they were) to Quintus himself.
2. "Ad Familiares", 14, 20. In this letter, written in 47, Cicero gives abrupt instructions to Terentia, who had been his wife for thirty years. There is no sign of any affection in it, and it has been observed that ' a gentleman would write a more civil letter to his housekeeper'. In fact, Cicero, who had discovered that Terentia had been cheating him of money for years, divorced her immediately afterwards.
I think that I shall arrive (home) at the Tusculum (villa) either on the Nones (i.e. the 7th) or on the next day. (See) that everything is ready there [for there will perhaps be several people with me, and we shall, as I think, be staying there for quite a long time]; if there is not a basin in the bathroom, (see) that there is, (and) likewise (that there are) the other things which are necessary for food and for health.
Farewell. Kalends (i.e. the 1st) of October. from (the region) of Venosa.
3. "Ad Familiares", 16, 4. In this letter, written in 50, Cicero demonstrates his deep concern for the well-being of his secretary, the freedman Tiro, whom, because of sickness, he has had to leave behind in Patrae, in the Peloponnese, in order to recuperate, while he returns to Rome from his stint as governor of Cilicia. Cicero's relations with Tiro show Cicero at his most humane and considerate. Tiro, whom Cicero had manumitted from slavery in about 54, continued to serve Cicero faithfully thereafter, and Cicero's affection for him is very evident in this passage. Tiro is portrayed as the narrator of events in Robert Harris' masterly historical novels, 'Imperium' (2006) and 'Lustrum' (2009), about the life of Cicero. A third volume is eagerly awaited by Sabidius.
I was affected by your letter in various ways, very much disturbed by the first page, (and) a little reassured by the second. So (lit. on account of which thing) now I do not doubt at all but that, until you are completely well, you should commit yourself neither to sailing nor to the road. I shall see you early enough, if I see (you) fully recovered. Concerning your doctor, you even write that he is well thought of, and I hear (it) thus too; but I do not fully approve of his treatment; for soup should not have been given to you, when you were sick in your stomach. But, however, I have written carefully both to him and to Lyso. But I have written at length (lit. many things) to Curius, that very agreeable man and (a man) of the greatest kindness and of the greatest consideration, among other things (asking him) to take you into his (house), if it were to seem (good) to you; for I fear lest our Lyso may be too negligent, firstly because all Greeks (are), then because, when he had received a letter from me, he sent nothing back to me. But you praise him; so you shall decide what it is right to do. I beg you, my (dear) Tiro, that you do not spare any expense on this matter, which thing may be necessary for your health. I have written to Curius (to tell him) to give (you) what (money) you may have mentioned. I think it is necessary (for you) to give something to the doctor himself, in order that he may be more attentive. Your services towards me are incalculable: domestic, forensic, concerning the city, concerning my province, in my private affairs, in public (affairs), in my reading, in letter(-writing); you will surpass (them) all, if as I trust, you see yourself strong (again). I think that, if (things) turn out well, you will travel home most splendidly with my quaestor Mescinius. He is not disagreeable, and he is fond of you, as it seemed to me. And when you have very diligently taken care of yourself, then my (dear) Tiro, take care over the journey. I wish you to hurry in no respect now; I am concerned about nothing except that you are safe. So remember, my (dear) Tiro, that there is no one who loves me but that the same person loves you, and while it matters very greatly to you and to me that you are well, at the same time it is of concern to many (others). Hitherto, while you have wished always to be at my side (lit. to fail me in no place), you have never been able to take care of yourself; now nothing hinders you; put everything (else) aside, consider your own body. In proportion as you show care for your own health, so I shall consider that I am esteemed by you.
III. CICERO THE ADVOCATE.
1. From "Pro Roscio Amerino", 1-3. Cicero made his reputation at the Roman bar as an advocating the accused in criminal trials. The passage below comes from the recorded speech which he delivered in his first case in 80, when he successfully defended Sextus Roscius of Ameria from the charge of parricide. In this extract he explains why his very inexperience is advantageous to his client.
I believe that you, (O) judges, are marvelling why it is that, when so many of the best orators and most noble men are sitting down, I rather than any other (lit. especially) should arise, the sort of person who am, neither through age nor through ability nor through influence, suitable to be compared with those who are sitting. All these men whom you see present at this trial think that (a man) ought to be defended (against) injury occasioned by an unprecedented wickedness, (but) they do not dare to defend (him) themselves on account of the hazard of the times. So, it happens that they are present on account of the fact that they are following their duty, but they are silent for the reason that they are avoiding danger. What then (lit. therefore)? (Am) I the boldest of these men? Not at all. Or (am I) so much more attentive to my duties than (all) the rest? I am not so covetous even of that praise that I wish it to be snatched away from others. So what thing has impelled me more than other men to undertake the cause of Sextus Roscius? Because, if any one of these men who you see present, amongst whom there is the highest dignity and distinction, had spoken, if he had uttered a (single) word about public affairs, a thing which is necessary to be done in this case, he would be thought to have said much more than he (really) had said. But if I should say all the things which should (lit. are needing to) be freely said, yet my speech can by no means go forth in like manner and become known among the people. Then, because a speech of the others cannot be obscure on account of their nobility and distinction, nor (can) it be excused as spoken rashly on account of their age and prudence. (But) if I should say anything too freely, it can either be covered up on account of the fact that I have not yet entered into public affairs, or pardoned due to my youth.
2. From "In Verrem", Actio Prima, 12-14. Cicero abandoned his normal policy of acting only as a defence barrister in order to prosecute Gaius Verres, the Governor of Sicily from 73 to 71. Although the Verrine Orations contain the speeches of the five speeches which Cicero would have delivered in the main part of the expected trial (a translation of the main passages from the Fifth Verrine Oration can be found on Sabidius' blog), the 'Actio Secunda', these speeches were in fact never delivered, because by that stage Verres had gone into exile. This was because of the devastating attack upon him made by Cicero in his speech at the introductory 'Actio Prima'. In the extract below which is taken from that speech, Cicero sums up the overwhelming case which he has prepared against Verres, backed up by a long line of eager witnesses.
But now he (i.e. Verres) has established very many and very great monuments and proofs of all his crimes in the province of Sicily, which he for three years so harassed and ruined that it can by no means be restored to its former condition, but appears scarcely able to be recovered to any extent in the future (lit. at any time). With this man (as) praetor, the Sicilians enjoyed (lit. possessed) neither their own laws nor our Senate's decrees, nor man's universal rights; everyone in Sicily has only so much as has either escaped the notice (lit. eluded the inadvertence) or survived the satiety of that most avaricious and most licentious man. For three years, no matter was determined, except by that man's nod, no property of any man was so sacred to his father or grandfather such that it could not be taken away from him by that man's command. Countless sums of money were exacted from the property of farmers by a new and nefarious practice, the most faithful allies were considered in the ranks (lit. number) of enemies, Roman citizens were tortured and put to death in the manner of slaves, the most criminal men were absolved by his decision on account of their money, the most honourable and the most upright men, were condemned and banished in their absence, the case of the matter having been brought unheard, the most fortified harbours and the greatest and most secure cities were laid open to pirates and robbers, the sailors and soldiers of the Sicilians, our own allies and friends, were killed by hunger, the best and most serviceable fleets were lost and destroyed with the great disgrace of the Roman people. That same praetor plundered and stripped the most ancient monuments, some (the work) of very wealthy kings, which they wished to be ornaments for their cities, some, too, (the work) of our generals, which, (as) victors, they had given or restored to the states of the Sicilians.
3. From "Pro Cluentio", 138-140. In 66 Cicero, now praetor, defended Aulus Cluentius Habitus against the charge of having poisoned his step-father. The prosecutor has sought to use what Cicero had said at a previous trial against him. In the extract below from a speech, which was not only the longest of his recorded forensic orations but also considered by many, including the Younger Pliny, to be his finest, Cicero seeks both to justify his apparent inconsistency and at the same time sets out a general statement as to an advocate's responsibilities.
Attius quoted out of some (lit. I know not what) speech, which he said was mine, a certain exhortation to the judges in the direction of honest judging and a mention of judicial decisions in other cases which (it was said) had not been approved of, and of that trial before Junianus himself; just as if I had not said at the beginning of this (speech for the) defence that that verdict had been unpopular, or (as if at a time) when I was discoursing about the corruption of the jury-courts, I could at that time have passed over that one which was so notorious. But, if I said anything of that kind, I neither mentioned (it as) known, nor did I state (it) in evidence, and that speech was (a reflection) of the occasion rather than of my judgement and intention. For since I was acting as accuser and had proposed to myself at the outset to stir up the feelings both of the Roman people and of the judges, and since I was bringing forward all the causes for offence (given) by the courts, not from my own opinion but from the reports of men (at the time), I could not pass over that matter which had been so universally discussed. But, if anyone thinks that he has my personal opinions recorded in my speeches, which I have delivered in the courts of justice, he is grossly mistaken. For all these (speeches) are (reflections) of the causes and of the occasions, not of the men themselves or their advocates. For, if the causes themselves could speak for themselves, no one would employ an orator. As it is (lit. now), we are employed to say not those things which are decided on our own authority, but which are suggested from the circumstances and the cause itself.
4. From "Pro Archia", 12-13. The passage below comes from a speech which Cicero made in 62 on behalf of Archias, a Greek poet and teacher, who had been accused of falsely claiming to be a Roman citizen. Long digressions are not uncommon in Cicero's speeches, particularly when he suspected his client's case was weak, but Roman juries were generally tolerant of these, and Cicero was an expert at winning their sympathy. Much of this speech was taken up with the value of literature and what it meant to him. In this case, Archias' citizenship was confirmed.
You enquire from us, Grattus, why we are so greatly delighted by this man. (It is) because he supplies us (with the means) whereby both our mind is refreshed from the din of the law-courts and our ears, wearied by angry disputes, are at rest. Or do you think that either (those things) which we say daily on so great a variety of matters could be available to us, unless we were to cultivate our minds in learning, or that our minds could endure so great a strain, unless we were to relax them by that same learning? Let it shame others if any (of them) have so buried themselves in literary studies that they can either produce nothing out of them for the common benefit, or bring forward (nothing) into the view (of men) and the light; but why should it shame me, who has lived in such a way for so many years, judges, that neither my own (love of ) leisure has ever drawn me away, nor pleasure has (ever) distracted (me), nor sleep has (ever) detained (me), from the hour of need or interests of anyone? Therefore (lit. on account of which thing), who, pray, can reproach me, or who can justly be angry with me, if I take up myself so much (time) for these studies being cultivated, as the time spent by others on their affairs being attended to, as on the festival days of games being celebrated, as on other pleasures and even for the repose of mind and body, as others allot to early banquets, as finally to the rolling of dice, as to playing ball?
IV. CICERO ENTERS POLITICS.
1. From "Pro Plancio", 64-66. In 54 he defended his friend Gnaeus Plancius against a charge of bribery while standing for the office of aedile. The extract below is interesting not only because it tells how Cicero was deflated on his return from holding the post of quaestor at Lilybaeum in the west of Sicily in 75, but also because of the lesson he learned from this experience, that is, that what mattered, if he wanted to make progress politically, was that he was constantly seen at work in the Forum.
I do not fear, judges, lest I appear to claim anything for myself, if I speak of my own quaestorship. For although that was successful, yet I consider that I have since been (employed) in the highest offices of state, such that it is not necessary for me to claim much glory by this means from the praise of my quaestorship. But still I do not fear that anyone will venture to say that anybody's quaestorship in Sicily has been either more renowned or more popular. Indeed (lit. By Hercules), I can say this truly: at this time I was thinking thus, that men at Rome were talking of nothing else, except about my quaestorship. At (a time of) the greatest dearth, I had sent a very great amount of corn (to Rome); I had seemed affable to the traders, just to the merchants, liberal to the tax-farmers, moderate to the allies, and in all respects most diligent in every (part of) my duty; indeed (some) unprecedented honours had been contrived for me by the Sicilians. Therefore I departed with this expectation, that I thought that the Roman people would, of its own accord, offer me every (honour). But, when by chance during these days, I (in) departing from my province with the object of a road journey being made, had come, fortuitously, to Puteoli (at a time) when a great number of people, and the most fashionable, were in that place, I almost fell down, judges, when someone enquired of me on what day I had left Rome, and whether I knew what was (happening there). When I had replied to him that I was departing from my province, he said "Oh, yes, to be sure (lit. by Hercules), from Africa, as I suppose." At this I, now being scornfully irritated, said: "Nay rather, from Sicily." Then someone (else), like (a man) who knew everything, said: "What? Do you not know that this man (i.e. Cicero) has been quaestor at Syracuse?" What more (can I say)? I stopped being irritated and made myself one of those who had come for the waters.
[The lesson was not lost on Cicero. He goes on to tell us how he set out to win the attention of people at Rome.]
But I do not know, judges, whether this circumstance had not benefited me more than if everyone had then congratulated me. For after I had realised that the ears of the Roman people were sluggish but that their eyes were keen and sharp, I stopped thinking what men would be hearing about me; I acted so that afterwards they saw me in their presence every day, I lived in the (public) eye, I haunted the forum; neither my door-keeper, nor sleep, frightened away anyone from meeting with me.
2. From "De Lege Agraria", 2, 3. At the very end of the year 64 the tribune Publius Servilius Rullus, almost certainly acting on behalf of Crassus, introduced an attempted land distribution law, which was abandoned after it was attacked by Cicero who had become consul at the beginning of 63. In the second of three speeches which he made against this proposal, Cicero expatiates on the significance of his election as a 'novus homo'. His apparent belief that he had won the consulship through merit alone was a self-deception. His success in the consular elections for 63 was the result of support from the nobility and its desire to exclude Catiline from election.
After a very long interval beyond the memory of our times, you have, almost for the first time, made me, a new man, consul, and you have torn open the rank which the nobility were holding fortified by garrisons and fenced around by every method, with myself in the lead, and you wish to open (it) in the future to virtue. Nor (have you) only (made) me consul, which is in its very self a most splendid thing, but you have made (me) so in a manner in which few nobles in this state have been made consuls, (and) not one (of them) a new (man) before me. For, if you wish to recollect concerning new men, you will find that those who were made consuls without repulse, have been elected after protracted toil and at some critical moment, when they had stood (for it) (lit. sought [it]) for many years after they had been praetors, and a good deal later than it would have been permitted (to them) through their age and through the laws; but that (those) who stood (for it) in their own year, were not elected without a repulse; that I am the (only) one out of all the new men about whom we can remember, who has stood for the consulship when it was first lawful (to do so) (who) has been elected consul when he first stood, so that your honour appears to have been sued for at the appropriate time in my career, not filched at the moment of someone's else's candidature, nor desperately requested by long prayers, but that it has been obtained by merit.
3. From "Pro Caelio", 12-13. In 56, Cicero, together with Crassus, defended Marcus Caelius Rufus against multiple murder charges. Caelius had been a former associate of the patrician revolutionary, Catiline, whose complex and contradictory character was highlighted by Cicero in this remarkable extract below.
For that man (i.e. Catiline) had, as I think you will remember, very many characteristics, not fully brought out, but sketched in outline, of the most eminent virtues. There were about him many inducements to (the gratification of) lust; there were also certain incentives to industry and toil. The vices of lust burned within him; (but) the study of military matters was also strong. Nor do I think there has ever existed any prodigy of such a kind on the earth, so blown together out of conflicting and differing aptitudes and desires, and (those) by nature fighting between themselves. Who (was) more agreeable at any one time to the more renowned men, who more intimate with the baser? What citizen (was there) of better parts on some occasions, who a fouler enemy to this state (at others)? Who (was) more debased in his pleasures, who more enduring in (undergoing) labours? Who (was) more greedy in his rapaciousness, who more lavish in his liberality? Indeed, judges, there were those admirable (qualities) in that man, (such as) to embrace many men in his friendship, to keep (them) by indulging (their wishes), to share with everyone what he had, to serve all his (friends) in their crises with money, with his influence, with the toil of his person, even with crime and audacity, if there were a need, to restrain his own nature and to guide (it) to (suit) the occasion, and to turn and twist (it) hither and thither, to live strictly with the morose, merrily with the cheerful, seriously with the old, affably with the young, audaciously with the criminal, (and) wantonly with the profligate.
3. From "Pro Sestio", 96-98. In 56 Cicero also defended Publius Sestius on a charge of riot ('vis') during his tribunate in 57, when he had been active in promoting Cicero's recall from exile. The extract below which is taken from his speech at this trial, after which Sestius was acquitted, provides a description of the difference between 'optimates' and 'populares', those elusive political labels which have continued to baffle historians. It is, however, clear that the terms 'optimates or 'boni' have no moral connotations; the sole qualification for these terms was ownership of property.
There have been always been in this state two kinds of men who have been eager to engage in public affairs and to conduct themselves excellently in it; of these (two) kinds, one wish to be considered, and to be, popular men (populares), and the other the party of the best men (optimates). (Those) who wished that whatever things they did and whatever they said should be agreeable to the multitude (were) the populares, but (those) who conducted themselves in such a way that their counsels were acceptable to all the best men were considered optimates. So who (are) all those best men? In number, if you ask, (they are) countless, nor could we stand otherwise; they are the chief men of the public counsel, they are (those) who follow their party, they are men of the highest rank, to whom the Senate-house is open, they are citizens of the municipalities, they are Romans who live in the countryside, they are those engaging in business, even (some) freedmen are optimates. As I have said the number of this party is scattered widely and in different directions; but the entire body, so that error can be removed, can be described and defined in a few words. All men are optimates who are neither criminals nor wicked by nature nor madmen nor hampered by domestic difficulties. So let it be established that those men, what you have called a 'race', are (those) who are both honest and sane and well (placed) concerning their domestic circumstances. (Those) who have regard for their wishes, their interests, (and) their opinions in the republic being governed (are) guardians of the optimates, and are themselves accounted optimates, most wise and most illustrious citizens and the chief men of the state. So what is the thing proposed to these men by the directors of the republic which they are obliged to look towards and whither they (should) direct heir course? That which is most excellent and most desirable to all sane and good and well-blessed (men), leisure (conjoined) with honour. (Those) who desire this (are) all optimates, (those) who effect (this) are considered the top men and the preservers of the state; for it is becoming neither for men to be so carried away by the status arising from public affairs being managed that they do not provide for their leisure, nor (for them) to embrace any (kind of) leisure which is inconsistent with their honour.
6. THE TRIUMVIRS.
1. From "Pro Lege Manilia", 29-31. In his speech in 66 in which Cicero supported the "Lex Manilia", following which the command of all Roman forces in the war against Mithridates, King of Pontus, was transferred to Pompey, Cicero lauds Pompey's achievements in previous wars.
But now what speech can be found equal to the merit of Cnaeus Pompeius? What can anyone bring forward which is either worthy of him or new to you and unfamiliar to any (single) person? For these are not the only qualities of a general which are esteemed by the common people, toil in business, courage amid dangers, industry in doing, speed in completing, wisdom in foreseeing, (qualities) which exist to as great an extent in this one man as there have been in all the other generals whom we have either seen or heard of. My witness is Italy, which that illustrious conqueror, Lucius Sulla, himself, admitted was liberated by this man's valour and assistance; my witness (is) Sicily, which, having been beset by many dangers on all sides, he set free, not by the terror of warfare but by the speed of his decision-making; my witness (is) Africa, which having been overwhelmed by the great forces of the enemy, overflowed with the blood of these very men; my witness (is) Gaul, through which a road into Spain was opened up by our legions by the destruction of Gauls; my witness (is) Spain, which has time and again seen very many enemies defeated and overthrown by this man; my witness again and more often (is) Italy, which when it was hard pressed by the disgraceful and perilous servile war sought help from that man, (although) being absent, which war was reduced and lessened by the expectation of him and ended and buried by his arrival. But now already every coast and every country, race, nation, and finally every sea, both open (lit. universal) ones and every bay and harbour in each individual shore-line, are my witnesses.
2. From "Ad Atticum", 3, 10. In this letter written at Thessalonica in 58 during his exile, we see Cicero at his lowest ebb, overwhelmed with self-pity and despair.
As to the fact that you reproach me so often and so vigorously and that you say that I am feeble spirited, is there, I (would) ask, any evil so great as not to have a part (lit. be) in my disaster? Has any man ever fallen from so fine a position, amid so good a cause, with such great endowments of talent, wisdom (and) influence, (and) with such great support from all honest men? Can I forget who I was or not feel who I am, (and) what rank, what fame, what children, what fortunes, what a brother I am deprived of? In order to direct your attention to another kind of misfortune, I, although I care for (him) more than myself and have always done so, went out of my way not to see him, so as not either to see his grief and wretchedness, or to offer myself, whom he had left in a most flourishing state, to him (as) a ruined and broken man. I pass over other intolerable matters; for indeed I am prevented by tears (from speaking).
3. From "De Provinciis Consularibus", 41-42. In this speech in 59 during a senatorial debate on the allocation of consular provinces, Cicero explains why he has refused Caesar's suggestion that he should join what came to called the First Triumvirate.
He (as) consul ( i.e. Caesar) did those things those things for which he wished me to be a partner; if I was not in favour of these things, yet it behoved (me) to be pleased at his judgment of me. He (also) asked me to accept the office of quinquevir; he wished me to be among the three ex-consuls most intimately connected with him; he offered me (any) staff appointment which I wanted, with (as much) honour as I might wish. I rejected all these (offers) not with an ungrateful mind but with some firmness of opinion. How wisely (I rejected these), I do not (now) dispute; for I shall not convince (lit. recommend [myself] to) many; but (I) certainly (acted) firmly and courageously, inasmuch as, although I could have fortified myself by the most reliable means against the wickedness of my personal enemies and repelled the attacks of radicals by the protection of radicals, (yet) despite (all this), I preferred to take on fortune, to meet (any) violence and (any) injury (rather) than to dissent from your most august policies or to deviate from my principles. I did not think that those distinctions with which he was honouring me were becoming to me and were consistent with those things which I had performed (as consul); but I felt that he regarded me with the same friendly disposition as the respect with which (he looked upon) that chief of citizens, his own son-in-law (i.e. Pompey).
Therefore it is still more appropriate for it to be feared by me that my pride amidst his generosity (towards me) will be censured, (rather) than his injury (of me) in the midst of our friendship.
VII. CICERO IN CILICIA.
1. From "Ad Atticum", 6, 2, 4. The extract below is taken from a letter which Cicero wrote to Atticus in 50, during his governorship in Cilicia, which he had taken up only with extreme reluctance. Never one to hide his lights under a bushel, Cicero boasts about he has been improving the lives of the provincials under his rule.
I see that you are pleased by my moderation and forbearance. Moreover, you would value it (even) more if you were here. And at this assize which I have been holding at Laodicea from the Ides (i.e. the 13th) of February to the Kalends (i.e. the 1st) of May for all the districts except Cilicia (proper), I have performed some wonderful things. Thus many communities have been freed from all debt, many (others) considerably relieved (of it), (and) all have come back to life, enjoying their own laws and courts. I have given the opportunity for them to be freed or relieved from debt in these two ways, firstly because absolutely no expense has been incurred under my period of power, nothing I say, not even a farthing. (Then) another (thing) happened. There were among the communities of the Greeks themselves, an astonishing (number of) embezzlements which their own magistrates had carried out. I myself enquired of those who had performed the magistracy in the last ten years. They admitted (it) openly. And so without any shame, (taking the burden of repayment) upon their own shoulders, they restored the money into the public (coffers). The people, moreover, without a murmur (lit. with no groan), have returned to the tax-gatherers, to whom they had paid nothing in this very lustrum, the arrears from the previous lustrum as well. And so I am to the tax-gatherers (the apple) in their eyes. "Grateful men," you (will) say. I have experienced (their gratitude). Now, the rest of my delivery of justice (is) not incompetent, and (is) lenient (combined) with remarkable informality; moreover, access to me (is) by no means the (usual) provincial (fashion); nothing (is done) through my chamberlain; before dawn I am up and about my residence, as when (I was) once a candidate. These things are welcome and (thought to be) a great thing, and (are) not yet irksome to me on account of that old training of mine.
VIII. THE CIVIL WAR.
1. From "Ad Atticum", 9, 18. In this interesting and revealing letter, written in 49, shortly after the beginning of the Civil War, Cicero tells Atticus how he rejects Caesar's attempts to enlist his help.
(I acted) in accordance with your advice in both (respects); for my language was such that he thought well of me rather than gave (me) thanks, and I remained (firm) in this (resolve), that (I should) not (go) to the City. These things deceived (me), that I had thought (him) accommodating, (but) I have never seen anyone less (so). He said that he was being censured by my decision, (and) that, if I did not come, the rest (of the senators) would be slower (to do so). I (replied) that their position was different. When many things (had been said), (he said) "So come and make proposals for peace." "At my discretion?" I answered. "(Who) am I to dictate to you?" he said. "So," I replied, "I shall argue that it is not pleasing to the Senate that you are going to the Spanish (provinces) or transporting your armies to Greece, and I shall complain of many things with regard to Gnaeus (i.e. Pompey)." He then (responded), "But I am not willing for these things to be said." "So I imagined," I said; "But I do not wish to be present for this reason, because either it is necessary for it to be said thus by me, and (there are) many things about which I could not be silent if I were there, or it is not right for me to go." The upshot was that he, as if looking for a conclusion (to the conversation), (asked me) "to think it over." It was not right for this to be refused (by me). So we parted. I think, therefore, that he is not pleased with (lit. does not love) me. But I was pleased with (lit. was loving) myself, (something) which has not happened (lit. has not come by practice) to me for a long time now.
IX. LIFE UNDER THE DICTATORSHIP OF CAESAR.
1. From "Ad Familiares", 7, 30. In this letter which Cicero wrote in January 44 to his friend Manius Curius, the same man who had looked after the sick Tiro in 50, Caesar recounts the episode in which Caesar had Gaius Caninius Rebilus elected as suffect consul on the last day of 45. Cicero sees this as a calculated insult to the Roman aristocracy.
But (no), I am now neither urging nor asking you to return home; indeed I myself want to fly away from here and reach somewhere, 'where I shall hear of neither the names nor the doings of the descendants of Pelops (i.e. wicked men)'. It is extraordinary how disgracefully I seem to myself to be behaving, in taking part in these affairs. Verily you seem long before to have foreseen what was impending, at the time when you escaped from here. Although these things are painful, even in the hearing (of them), yet it is more tolerable to hear of (them) than to see (them). At least you were not there at the Field (of Mars), when the assembly for (the election of) quaestors having been begun at the second hour (i.e. 8 a.m.), the official chair of Quintus Maximus, whom they (i.e. the Caesarians) had declared to be consul, was set in place; his death having been announced, the chair was removed. But he (i.e. Caesar), although he had (only) performed the auspices for the tribal assembly, held a centuriate (assembly), (and) at the seventh hour (i.e. 1 p.m.) he announced the election of a consul, who would be (in office) until the Kalends (i.e. the 1st) of January, which was going to be
in the morning on the next day. Thus, be aware that no one lunched with Caninius (as) consul. However, nothing bad was done with him (as) consul; for the vigilance was wonderful of (that man) who will not have seen sleep during the whole of his consulship. These things may seem ridiculous to you; for you are not here. If you were to see these things, you could not hold back your tears. What if I were to write (down all) the other things? For there are countless (instances) of the same kind; indeed, I could not have endured these things, if I had not taken refuge in (lit. betaken myself to) the haven of philosophy, and if I had not had my (dear) Atticus (as) companion in my studies.
2. From "Philippicae Orationes in M. Antonium", II, 116. Cicero composed fourteen Philippic Orations attacking Antony in 44-43. They were called 'Philippic' in imitation of the attacks made by the Athenian orator Demosthenes on Philip of Macedon in the Fourth Century B.C. He wrote and circulated the second of these in October 44, and it was an especially vitriolic attack. In the passage below we have Cicero's verdict on the character, achievements and malignant legacy, as he saw it, of Julius Caesar, who had been assassinated in the previous March.
But if you (i.e. Antony) do not fear brave men and illustrious citizens, because they are prevented by arms from (getting to) your person, your men, believe me, will not endure you for (very) much longer. Moreover, what a life it is to be fearing (danger) from one's own men day and night! Unless indeed either you have men bound (to you) by greater kindnesses than he (i.e. Caesar) had in respect of certain men out of those by whom he was slain, or you are fit to be compared with him in any respect. There was in that man genius, method, memory, literary ability, thoroughness, intellect, diligence; he had performed exploits in war, although a disaster for the republic, and yet (they were) great; having aimed at supreme rule for many years, he had, with great labour and amid great dangers, accomplished what he had planned; he had captivated the ignorant multitude with gifts, monuments, food largesses and banquets; he had bound his own supporters closely (to him) by rewards, and his adversaries by the appearance of clemency. What more (can I say)? Partly through fear, partly through forbearance, he had already brought a free city-state into the habit of servitude.
X. ANTONY AND OCTAVIAN.
1. From "Philippicae Orationes in M.Antonium", II, 118. At the end of the same speech Cicero indicates that he is prepared to die on behalf of the cause of freedom and calls upon Antony to reconcile himself with the republic.
Have regard, I beg (you), Marcus Antonius, consider, at some time or other, the republic, (those) from whom you are descended, not (those) with whom you are living: (be reconciled) with myself (or not) as you wish: (but) be reconciled (lit. return into friendship) with the republic. But you will decide about yourself; as for me, I shall declare (what I) myself (shall do). (As) a young man, I defended the republic, I shall not desert (it as) an old man: I scorned the swords of Catiline, I shall not greatly fear yours. On the contrary, I shall even offer my body gladly, if the freedom of the state can be secured at once by my death, so that the indignation of the Roman people may bring forth what it has been struggling to produce for a long time now! For indeed, if almost twenty years ago in this very temple I denied that a premature death could happen to a man of consular rank, how much more truly may I now deny (it) in the case of an old man? But to me, conscript fathers, death is now even to be desired , (my life and career) having been fulfilled by those honours which I have obtained and those (deeds) which I have performed. I only wish for these two things, one, that, dying, I shall leave the Roman people free - nothing greater than this can be granted to me by the immortal gods - and second, that it may befall everyone in such a way that each man may be rewarded in accordance with (his conduct towards) the republic.
2. From "Philippicae Orationes in M. Antonium", V, 50-51. In the Fifth Philippic, composed in early 43, Cicero seeks to reassure an uncertain Senate about the character and intentions of the young Caesar Octavianus. That Cicero had some doubts about the truth of this eulogy is indicated in the final sentence of the extract below. He was right; Octavian was to betray Cicero and made no attempt to save him from a vengeful Antony.
"But he is an enemy to some most illustrious and distinguished citizens." Caesar (i.e. Octavian) has sacrificed
all those personal vendettas on account of the republic; he has established her (as) his judge, her (as) the mistress of his counsels and actions. For he has entered public life (lit. he has come to the republic) to strengthen her, not to overturn (her). I have learned and am aware of all the feelings of the young man. There is nothing dearer to him than the republic, nothing of more weight than your authority, nothing more desired (by him) than the good opinion of patriotic men, nothing sweeter than true glory.
Therefore (lit. on account of which thing), you not only ought not to fear anything from him, but to expect greater and better things (still), nor to fear in that man who set out for the purpose of Decimus Brutus being freed from siege that the memory of a domestic grief will remain, so that it can be of more (influence) with him than the safety of the state. I venture even to give my word (lit. pledge my faith), conscript fathers, to you and to the Roman people and to the republic; this, indeed, when no force compelled me, I should not venture to do, and I should greatly fear a dangerous opinion of my rashness in such a very important matter. (But) I promise, I undertake, I guarantee, conscript fathers, that Gaius Caesar will always be such a citizen as he is today, and as we ought especially to wish and desire him to be.
3. From "Ad Familiares", 10, 28. The passage below is an extract from Cicero's letter to Gaius Trebonius, the Governor of West Asia Minor, written on 2 February 43, the day the Senate declared war on Antony. Cicero is still full of hope for the future, but he was to be cruelly deceived. Trebonius never received this letter. Dolabella, once Cicero's son-in-law, whom Antony had appointed to oust Cassius from the governorship of Syria, had him murdered at Smyrna. Cicero himself was murdered in December 43 in the proscriptions which followed the formation of the Second Triumvirate between Antony, Octavian and Lepidus in November 43.
When the tribunes of the people had called the Senate thirteen days before the Kalends of January (i.e. the 20th December) and brought forward a motion concerning other business, I reviewed the whole public situation, and spoke with great vehemence, and more by force of energy than of intellect I recalled the Senate, at that time inert and weary, to its former valour and habit. (The events of) this day and and my efforts and arguments first brought to the Roman people the hope of their freedom being recovered; nor indeed afterwards have I neglected any time not only for planning but also for acting on behalf of the republic. If I did not consider that affairs in the City and everything that has been done (lit. all the actions) were being reported to you, I myself should write about this at full length, although I have been hindered by a very great amount of business. But you will be aware of these things from other people; (you will be informed of) a few things by me, and these in brief. We have a determined Senate, but the consulars are either cowardly or traitors (lit. men thinking badly); a great loss has happened in (the death of) Servius; Lucius Caesar thinks very well, but because he is (Antony's) uncle, he does not express very extreme views; the consuls (are) first class, Decimus Brutus (is) splendid, the boy Caesar (is) excellent, (and) of him I, at any rate, am hopeful for the future.
3. From "Brutus", lines 313-14. In the passage below Cicero explains why he decided to remodel his method of speaking.
There was at this time, in respect of me, the greatest leanness and weakness of body, (and) a long and thin neck: this condition and this shape are thought to be not far away from a danger to life, if toil and (any) great exertion of the lungs occur. And this alarmed my friends (lit. those to whom I was dear) all the more, because I used to say everything without moderation, without variation, and with the utmost power of my voice and the straining of my whole body. And so, when both my friends and my doctors exhorted me to stop pleading causes, I considered that I should undergo any degree of danger (lit. it was right for any degree of danger to be undergone by me) rather than I should forsake (lit. it was right [for me] to forsake) the hoped for glories of speaking. But, when I considered that by the relaxation and the moderation of my voice, and my method of speaking having been altered, I could both avoid danger and speak more calmly, to change my custom of speaking was the very reason in my case of travelling to Asia. And so, although I had been engaged in lawsuits for two years and my name had already been celebrated in the Forum, I set out from Rome.
II. CICERO'S FAMILY.
1. From "Ad Atticum", 5, 1. In this letter, written in 51, Cicero seeks to explain to Atticus how badly the latter's sister, Pomponia, has been behaving to her husband, his brother Quintus, and he contrasts, perhaps not entirely convincingly, Pomponia's behaviour with the apparently impeccable conduct of Quintus.
As I came to (the estate at) Arpinum, when my brother had come over to me, in the first place we had a conversation, and it (was) a lengthy one, about you. After that I came on to the things which you and I had said about your sister at (my villa at) Tusculum. I have seen nothing more gentle, nothing more pacific, than my brother was towards your sister, as, even if there had been any unpleasantness on the score of expenditure, it did not appear. Thus (was) that day. The next day we set out from the Arpinum (estate). The (festival) day required that Quintus stayed in (the villa at) Arcae, I at Aquinum, but we lunched at Arcae. You know this farm. When we came thither, Quintus said in the kindest manner, "Pomponia, you invite the female (slaves), and I shall summon the men." Nothing could (have been) more agreeable, as indeed it seemed to me, and this (was) both in words and in intention and expression. But she, in our hearing, answered, "I, myself, am a stranger here," (and) moreover this (arose) from the fact, I guess, that Statius had gone ahead to see to our luncheon. Then, Quintus said to me, "There, I suffer these things every day." You will say; "What, I pray, was there in that?" A great deal! and so it alarmed me, myself; she had responded so absurdly and so roughly, both in words and in expression. (Although) pained, I concealed my feelings. We all reclined except her, to whom, however, Quintus sent (food) from the table. She rejected (it). What more (need I say)? It seemed (to me) that nothing (was) milder than my brother, nothing harsher than your sister; and I leave out many things which were of greater annoyance to me at that time than (they were) to Quintus himself.
2. "Ad Familiares", 14, 20. In this letter, written in 47, Cicero gives abrupt instructions to Terentia, who had been his wife for thirty years. There is no sign of any affection in it, and it has been observed that ' a gentleman would write a more civil letter to his housekeeper'. In fact, Cicero, who had discovered that Terentia had been cheating him of money for years, divorced her immediately afterwards.
I think that I shall arrive (home) at the Tusculum (villa) either on the Nones (i.e. the 7th) or on the next day. (See) that everything is ready there [for there will perhaps be several people with me, and we shall, as I think, be staying there for quite a long time]; if there is not a basin in the bathroom, (see) that there is, (and) likewise (that there are) the other things which are necessary for food and for health.
Farewell. Kalends (i.e. the 1st) of October. from (the region) of Venosa.
3. "Ad Familiares", 16, 4. In this letter, written in 50, Cicero demonstrates his deep concern for the well-being of his secretary, the freedman Tiro, whom, because of sickness, he has had to leave behind in Patrae, in the Peloponnese, in order to recuperate, while he returns to Rome from his stint as governor of Cilicia. Cicero's relations with Tiro show Cicero at his most humane and considerate. Tiro, whom Cicero had manumitted from slavery in about 54, continued to serve Cicero faithfully thereafter, and Cicero's affection for him is very evident in this passage. Tiro is portrayed as the narrator of events in Robert Harris' masterly historical novels, 'Imperium' (2006) and 'Lustrum' (2009), about the life of Cicero. A third volume is eagerly awaited by Sabidius.
I was affected by your letter in various ways, very much disturbed by the first page, (and) a little reassured by the second. So (lit. on account of which thing) now I do not doubt at all but that, until you are completely well, you should commit yourself neither to sailing nor to the road. I shall see you early enough, if I see (you) fully recovered. Concerning your doctor, you even write that he is well thought of, and I hear (it) thus too; but I do not fully approve of his treatment; for soup should not have been given to you, when you were sick in your stomach. But, however, I have written carefully both to him and to Lyso. But I have written at length (lit. many things) to Curius, that very agreeable man and (a man) of the greatest kindness and of the greatest consideration, among other things (asking him) to take you into his (house), if it were to seem (good) to you; for I fear lest our Lyso may be too negligent, firstly because all Greeks (are), then because, when he had received a letter from me, he sent nothing back to me. But you praise him; so you shall decide what it is right to do. I beg you, my (dear) Tiro, that you do not spare any expense on this matter, which thing may be necessary for your health. I have written to Curius (to tell him) to give (you) what (money) you may have mentioned. I think it is necessary (for you) to give something to the doctor himself, in order that he may be more attentive. Your services towards me are incalculable: domestic, forensic, concerning the city, concerning my province, in my private affairs, in public (affairs), in my reading, in letter(-writing); you will surpass (them) all, if as I trust, you see yourself strong (again). I think that, if (things) turn out well, you will travel home most splendidly with my quaestor Mescinius. He is not disagreeable, and he is fond of you, as it seemed to me. And when you have very diligently taken care of yourself, then my (dear) Tiro, take care over the journey. I wish you to hurry in no respect now; I am concerned about nothing except that you are safe. So remember, my (dear) Tiro, that there is no one who loves me but that the same person loves you, and while it matters very greatly to you and to me that you are well, at the same time it is of concern to many (others). Hitherto, while you have wished always to be at my side (lit. to fail me in no place), you have never been able to take care of yourself; now nothing hinders you; put everything (else) aside, consider your own body. In proportion as you show care for your own health, so I shall consider that I am esteemed by you.
III. CICERO THE ADVOCATE.
1. From "Pro Roscio Amerino", 1-3. Cicero made his reputation at the Roman bar as an advocating the accused in criminal trials. The passage below comes from the recorded speech which he delivered in his first case in 80, when he successfully defended Sextus Roscius of Ameria from the charge of parricide. In this extract he explains why his very inexperience is advantageous to his client.
I believe that you, (O) judges, are marvelling why it is that, when so many of the best orators and most noble men are sitting down, I rather than any other (lit. especially) should arise, the sort of person who am, neither through age nor through ability nor through influence, suitable to be compared with those who are sitting. All these men whom you see present at this trial think that (a man) ought to be defended (against) injury occasioned by an unprecedented wickedness, (but) they do not dare to defend (him) themselves on account of the hazard of the times. So, it happens that they are present on account of the fact that they are following their duty, but they are silent for the reason that they are avoiding danger. What then (lit. therefore)? (Am) I the boldest of these men? Not at all. Or (am I) so much more attentive to my duties than (all) the rest? I am not so covetous even of that praise that I wish it to be snatched away from others. So what thing has impelled me more than other men to undertake the cause of Sextus Roscius? Because, if any one of these men who you see present, amongst whom there is the highest dignity and distinction, had spoken, if he had uttered a (single) word about public affairs, a thing which is necessary to be done in this case, he would be thought to have said much more than he (really) had said. But if I should say all the things which should (lit. are needing to) be freely said, yet my speech can by no means go forth in like manner and become known among the people. Then, because a speech of the others cannot be obscure on account of their nobility and distinction, nor (can) it be excused as spoken rashly on account of their age and prudence. (But) if I should say anything too freely, it can either be covered up on account of the fact that I have not yet entered into public affairs, or pardoned due to my youth.
2. From "In Verrem", Actio Prima, 12-14. Cicero abandoned his normal policy of acting only as a defence barrister in order to prosecute Gaius Verres, the Governor of Sicily from 73 to 71. Although the Verrine Orations contain the speeches of the five speeches which Cicero would have delivered in the main part of the expected trial (a translation of the main passages from the Fifth Verrine Oration can be found on Sabidius' blog), the 'Actio Secunda', these speeches were in fact never delivered, because by that stage Verres had gone into exile. This was because of the devastating attack upon him made by Cicero in his speech at the introductory 'Actio Prima'. In the extract below which is taken from that speech, Cicero sums up the overwhelming case which he has prepared against Verres, backed up by a long line of eager witnesses.
But now he (i.e. Verres) has established very many and very great monuments and proofs of all his crimes in the province of Sicily, which he for three years so harassed and ruined that it can by no means be restored to its former condition, but appears scarcely able to be recovered to any extent in the future (lit. at any time). With this man (as) praetor, the Sicilians enjoyed (lit. possessed) neither their own laws nor our Senate's decrees, nor man's universal rights; everyone in Sicily has only so much as has either escaped the notice (lit. eluded the inadvertence) or survived the satiety of that most avaricious and most licentious man. For three years, no matter was determined, except by that man's nod, no property of any man was so sacred to his father or grandfather such that it could not be taken away from him by that man's command. Countless sums of money were exacted from the property of farmers by a new and nefarious practice, the most faithful allies were considered in the ranks (lit. number) of enemies, Roman citizens were tortured and put to death in the manner of slaves, the most criminal men were absolved by his decision on account of their money, the most honourable and the most upright men, were condemned and banished in their absence, the case of the matter having been brought unheard, the most fortified harbours and the greatest and most secure cities were laid open to pirates and robbers, the sailors and soldiers of the Sicilians, our own allies and friends, were killed by hunger, the best and most serviceable fleets were lost and destroyed with the great disgrace of the Roman people. That same praetor plundered and stripped the most ancient monuments, some (the work) of very wealthy kings, which they wished to be ornaments for their cities, some, too, (the work) of our generals, which, (as) victors, they had given or restored to the states of the Sicilians.
3. From "Pro Cluentio", 138-140. In 66 Cicero, now praetor, defended Aulus Cluentius Habitus against the charge of having poisoned his step-father. The prosecutor has sought to use what Cicero had said at a previous trial against him. In the extract below from a speech, which was not only the longest of his recorded forensic orations but also considered by many, including the Younger Pliny, to be his finest, Cicero seeks both to justify his apparent inconsistency and at the same time sets out a general statement as to an advocate's responsibilities.
Attius quoted out of some (lit. I know not what) speech, which he said was mine, a certain exhortation to the judges in the direction of honest judging and a mention of judicial decisions in other cases which (it was said) had not been approved of, and of that trial before Junianus himself; just as if I had not said at the beginning of this (speech for the) defence that that verdict had been unpopular, or (as if at a time) when I was discoursing about the corruption of the jury-courts, I could at that time have passed over that one which was so notorious. But, if I said anything of that kind, I neither mentioned (it as) known, nor did I state (it) in evidence, and that speech was (a reflection) of the occasion rather than of my judgement and intention. For since I was acting as accuser and had proposed to myself at the outset to stir up the feelings both of the Roman people and of the judges, and since I was bringing forward all the causes for offence (given) by the courts, not from my own opinion but from the reports of men (at the time), I could not pass over that matter which had been so universally discussed. But, if anyone thinks that he has my personal opinions recorded in my speeches, which I have delivered in the courts of justice, he is grossly mistaken. For all these (speeches) are (reflections) of the causes and of the occasions, not of the men themselves or their advocates. For, if the causes themselves could speak for themselves, no one would employ an orator. As it is (lit. now), we are employed to say not those things which are decided on our own authority, but which are suggested from the circumstances and the cause itself.
4. From "Pro Archia", 12-13. The passage below comes from a speech which Cicero made in 62 on behalf of Archias, a Greek poet and teacher, who had been accused of falsely claiming to be a Roman citizen. Long digressions are not uncommon in Cicero's speeches, particularly when he suspected his client's case was weak, but Roman juries were generally tolerant of these, and Cicero was an expert at winning their sympathy. Much of this speech was taken up with the value of literature and what it meant to him. In this case, Archias' citizenship was confirmed.
You enquire from us, Grattus, why we are so greatly delighted by this man. (It is) because he supplies us (with the means) whereby both our mind is refreshed from the din of the law-courts and our ears, wearied by angry disputes, are at rest. Or do you think that either (those things) which we say daily on so great a variety of matters could be available to us, unless we were to cultivate our minds in learning, or that our minds could endure so great a strain, unless we were to relax them by that same learning? Let it shame others if any (of them) have so buried themselves in literary studies that they can either produce nothing out of them for the common benefit, or bring forward (nothing) into the view (of men) and the light; but why should it shame me, who has lived in such a way for so many years, judges, that neither my own (love of ) leisure has ever drawn me away, nor pleasure has (ever) distracted (me), nor sleep has (ever) detained (me), from the hour of need or interests of anyone? Therefore (lit. on account of which thing), who, pray, can reproach me, or who can justly be angry with me, if I take up myself so much (time) for these studies being cultivated, as the time spent by others on their affairs being attended to, as on the festival days of games being celebrated, as on other pleasures and even for the repose of mind and body, as others allot to early banquets, as finally to the rolling of dice, as to playing ball?
IV. CICERO ENTERS POLITICS.
1. From "Pro Plancio", 64-66. In 54 he defended his friend Gnaeus Plancius against a charge of bribery while standing for the office of aedile. The extract below is interesting not only because it tells how Cicero was deflated on his return from holding the post of quaestor at Lilybaeum in the west of Sicily in 75, but also because of the lesson he learned from this experience, that is, that what mattered, if he wanted to make progress politically, was that he was constantly seen at work in the Forum.
I do not fear, judges, lest I appear to claim anything for myself, if I speak of my own quaestorship. For although that was successful, yet I consider that I have since been (employed) in the highest offices of state, such that it is not necessary for me to claim much glory by this means from the praise of my quaestorship. But still I do not fear that anyone will venture to say that anybody's quaestorship in Sicily has been either more renowned or more popular. Indeed (lit. By Hercules), I can say this truly: at this time I was thinking thus, that men at Rome were talking of nothing else, except about my quaestorship. At (a time of) the greatest dearth, I had sent a very great amount of corn (to Rome); I had seemed affable to the traders, just to the merchants, liberal to the tax-farmers, moderate to the allies, and in all respects most diligent in every (part of) my duty; indeed (some) unprecedented honours had been contrived for me by the Sicilians. Therefore I departed with this expectation, that I thought that the Roman people would, of its own accord, offer me every (honour). But, when by chance during these days, I (in) departing from my province with the object of a road journey being made, had come, fortuitously, to Puteoli (at a time) when a great number of people, and the most fashionable, were in that place, I almost fell down, judges, when someone enquired of me on what day I had left Rome, and whether I knew what was (happening there). When I had replied to him that I was departing from my province, he said "Oh, yes, to be sure (lit. by Hercules), from Africa, as I suppose." At this I, now being scornfully irritated, said: "Nay rather, from Sicily." Then someone (else), like (a man) who knew everything, said: "What? Do you not know that this man (i.e. Cicero) has been quaestor at Syracuse?" What more (can I say)? I stopped being irritated and made myself one of those who had come for the waters.
[The lesson was not lost on Cicero. He goes on to tell us how he set out to win the attention of people at Rome.]
But I do not know, judges, whether this circumstance had not benefited me more than if everyone had then congratulated me. For after I had realised that the ears of the Roman people were sluggish but that their eyes were keen and sharp, I stopped thinking what men would be hearing about me; I acted so that afterwards they saw me in their presence every day, I lived in the (public) eye, I haunted the forum; neither my door-keeper, nor sleep, frightened away anyone from meeting with me.
2. From "De Lege Agraria", 2, 3. At the very end of the year 64 the tribune Publius Servilius Rullus, almost certainly acting on behalf of Crassus, introduced an attempted land distribution law, which was abandoned after it was attacked by Cicero who had become consul at the beginning of 63. In the second of three speeches which he made against this proposal, Cicero expatiates on the significance of his election as a 'novus homo'. His apparent belief that he had won the consulship through merit alone was a self-deception. His success in the consular elections for 63 was the result of support from the nobility and its desire to exclude Catiline from election.
After a very long interval beyond the memory of our times, you have, almost for the first time, made me, a new man, consul, and you have torn open the rank which the nobility were holding fortified by garrisons and fenced around by every method, with myself in the lead, and you wish to open (it) in the future to virtue. Nor (have you) only (made) me consul, which is in its very self a most splendid thing, but you have made (me) so in a manner in which few nobles in this state have been made consuls, (and) not one (of them) a new (man) before me. For, if you wish to recollect concerning new men, you will find that those who were made consuls without repulse, have been elected after protracted toil and at some critical moment, when they had stood (for it) (lit. sought [it]) for many years after they had been praetors, and a good deal later than it would have been permitted (to them) through their age and through the laws; but that (those) who stood (for it) in their own year, were not elected without a repulse; that I am the (only) one out of all the new men about whom we can remember, who has stood for the consulship when it was first lawful (to do so) (who) has been elected consul when he first stood, so that your honour appears to have been sued for at the appropriate time in my career, not filched at the moment of someone's else's candidature, nor desperately requested by long prayers, but that it has been obtained by merit.
3. From "Pro Caelio", 12-13. In 56, Cicero, together with Crassus, defended Marcus Caelius Rufus against multiple murder charges. Caelius had been a former associate of the patrician revolutionary, Catiline, whose complex and contradictory character was highlighted by Cicero in this remarkable extract below.
For that man (i.e. Catiline) had, as I think you will remember, very many characteristics, not fully brought out, but sketched in outline, of the most eminent virtues. There were about him many inducements to (the gratification of) lust; there were also certain incentives to industry and toil. The vices of lust burned within him; (but) the study of military matters was also strong. Nor do I think there has ever existed any prodigy of such a kind on the earth, so blown together out of conflicting and differing aptitudes and desires, and (those) by nature fighting between themselves. Who (was) more agreeable at any one time to the more renowned men, who more intimate with the baser? What citizen (was there) of better parts on some occasions, who a fouler enemy to this state (at others)? Who (was) more debased in his pleasures, who more enduring in (undergoing) labours? Who (was) more greedy in his rapaciousness, who more lavish in his liberality? Indeed, judges, there were those admirable (qualities) in that man, (such as) to embrace many men in his friendship, to keep (them) by indulging (their wishes), to share with everyone what he had, to serve all his (friends) in their crises with money, with his influence, with the toil of his person, even with crime and audacity, if there were a need, to restrain his own nature and to guide (it) to (suit) the occasion, and to turn and twist (it) hither and thither, to live strictly with the morose, merrily with the cheerful, seriously with the old, affably with the young, audaciously with the criminal, (and) wantonly with the profligate.
3. From "Pro Sestio", 96-98. In 56 Cicero also defended Publius Sestius on a charge of riot ('vis') during his tribunate in 57, when he had been active in promoting Cicero's recall from exile. The extract below which is taken from his speech at this trial, after which Sestius was acquitted, provides a description of the difference between 'optimates' and 'populares', those elusive political labels which have continued to baffle historians. It is, however, clear that the terms 'optimates or 'boni' have no moral connotations; the sole qualification for these terms was ownership of property.
There have been always been in this state two kinds of men who have been eager to engage in public affairs and to conduct themselves excellently in it; of these (two) kinds, one wish to be considered, and to be, popular men (populares), and the other the party of the best men (optimates). (Those) who wished that whatever things they did and whatever they said should be agreeable to the multitude (were) the populares, but (those) who conducted themselves in such a way that their counsels were acceptable to all the best men were considered optimates. So who (are) all those best men? In number, if you ask, (they are) countless, nor could we stand otherwise; they are the chief men of the public counsel, they are (those) who follow their party, they are men of the highest rank, to whom the Senate-house is open, they are citizens of the municipalities, they are Romans who live in the countryside, they are those engaging in business, even (some) freedmen are optimates. As I have said the number of this party is scattered widely and in different directions; but the entire body, so that error can be removed, can be described and defined in a few words. All men are optimates who are neither criminals nor wicked by nature nor madmen nor hampered by domestic difficulties. So let it be established that those men, what you have called a 'race', are (those) who are both honest and sane and well (placed) concerning their domestic circumstances. (Those) who have regard for their wishes, their interests, (and) their opinions in the republic being governed (are) guardians of the optimates, and are themselves accounted optimates, most wise and most illustrious citizens and the chief men of the state. So what is the thing proposed to these men by the directors of the republic which they are obliged to look towards and whither they (should) direct heir course? That which is most excellent and most desirable to all sane and good and well-blessed (men), leisure (conjoined) with honour. (Those) who desire this (are) all optimates, (those) who effect (this) are considered the top men and the preservers of the state; for it is becoming neither for men to be so carried away by the status arising from public affairs being managed that they do not provide for their leisure, nor (for them) to embrace any (kind of) leisure which is inconsistent with their honour.
6. THE TRIUMVIRS.
1. From "Pro Lege Manilia", 29-31. In his speech in 66 in which Cicero supported the "Lex Manilia", following which the command of all Roman forces in the war against Mithridates, King of Pontus, was transferred to Pompey, Cicero lauds Pompey's achievements in previous wars.
But now what speech can be found equal to the merit of Cnaeus Pompeius? What can anyone bring forward which is either worthy of him or new to you and unfamiliar to any (single) person? For these are not the only qualities of a general which are esteemed by the common people, toil in business, courage amid dangers, industry in doing, speed in completing, wisdom in foreseeing, (qualities) which exist to as great an extent in this one man as there have been in all the other generals whom we have either seen or heard of. My witness is Italy, which that illustrious conqueror, Lucius Sulla, himself, admitted was liberated by this man's valour and assistance; my witness (is) Sicily, which, having been beset by many dangers on all sides, he set free, not by the terror of warfare but by the speed of his decision-making; my witness (is) Africa, which having been overwhelmed by the great forces of the enemy, overflowed with the blood of these very men; my witness (is) Gaul, through which a road into Spain was opened up by our legions by the destruction of Gauls; my witness (is) Spain, which has time and again seen very many enemies defeated and overthrown by this man; my witness again and more often (is) Italy, which when it was hard pressed by the disgraceful and perilous servile war sought help from that man, (although) being absent, which war was reduced and lessened by the expectation of him and ended and buried by his arrival. But now already every coast and every country, race, nation, and finally every sea, both open (lit. universal) ones and every bay and harbour in each individual shore-line, are my witnesses.
2. From "Ad Atticum", 3, 10. In this letter written at Thessalonica in 58 during his exile, we see Cicero at his lowest ebb, overwhelmed with self-pity and despair.
As to the fact that you reproach me so often and so vigorously and that you say that I am feeble spirited, is there, I (would) ask, any evil so great as not to have a part (lit. be) in my disaster? Has any man ever fallen from so fine a position, amid so good a cause, with such great endowments of talent, wisdom (and) influence, (and) with such great support from all honest men? Can I forget who I was or not feel who I am, (and) what rank, what fame, what children, what fortunes, what a brother I am deprived of? In order to direct your attention to another kind of misfortune, I, although I care for (him) more than myself and have always done so, went out of my way not to see him, so as not either to see his grief and wretchedness, or to offer myself, whom he had left in a most flourishing state, to him (as) a ruined and broken man. I pass over other intolerable matters; for indeed I am prevented by tears (from speaking).
3. From "De Provinciis Consularibus", 41-42. In this speech in 59 during a senatorial debate on the allocation of consular provinces, Cicero explains why he has refused Caesar's suggestion that he should join what came to called the First Triumvirate.
He (as) consul ( i.e. Caesar) did those things those things for which he wished me to be a partner; if I was not in favour of these things, yet it behoved (me) to be pleased at his judgment of me. He (also) asked me to accept the office of quinquevir; he wished me to be among the three ex-consuls most intimately connected with him; he offered me (any) staff appointment which I wanted, with (as much) honour as I might wish. I rejected all these (offers) not with an ungrateful mind but with some firmness of opinion. How wisely (I rejected these), I do not (now) dispute; for I shall not convince (lit. recommend [myself] to) many; but (I) certainly (acted) firmly and courageously, inasmuch as, although I could have fortified myself by the most reliable means against the wickedness of my personal enemies and repelled the attacks of radicals by the protection of radicals, (yet) despite (all this), I preferred to take on fortune, to meet (any) violence and (any) injury (rather) than to dissent from your most august policies or to deviate from my principles. I did not think that those distinctions with which he was honouring me were becoming to me and were consistent with those things which I had performed (as consul); but I felt that he regarded me with the same friendly disposition as the respect with which (he looked upon) that chief of citizens, his own son-in-law (i.e. Pompey).
Therefore it is still more appropriate for it to be feared by me that my pride amidst his generosity (towards me) will be censured, (rather) than his injury (of me) in the midst of our friendship.
VII. CICERO IN CILICIA.
1. From "Ad Atticum", 6, 2, 4. The extract below is taken from a letter which Cicero wrote to Atticus in 50, during his governorship in Cilicia, which he had taken up only with extreme reluctance. Never one to hide his lights under a bushel, Cicero boasts about he has been improving the lives of the provincials under his rule.
I see that you are pleased by my moderation and forbearance. Moreover, you would value it (even) more if you were here. And at this assize which I have been holding at Laodicea from the Ides (i.e. the 13th) of February to the Kalends (i.e. the 1st) of May for all the districts except Cilicia (proper), I have performed some wonderful things. Thus many communities have been freed from all debt, many (others) considerably relieved (of it), (and) all have come back to life, enjoying their own laws and courts. I have given the opportunity for them to be freed or relieved from debt in these two ways, firstly because absolutely no expense has been incurred under my period of power, nothing I say, not even a farthing. (Then) another (thing) happened. There were among the communities of the Greeks themselves, an astonishing (number of) embezzlements which their own magistrates had carried out. I myself enquired of those who had performed the magistracy in the last ten years. They admitted (it) openly. And so without any shame, (taking the burden of repayment) upon their own shoulders, they restored the money into the public (coffers). The people, moreover, without a murmur (lit. with no groan), have returned to the tax-gatherers, to whom they had paid nothing in this very lustrum, the arrears from the previous lustrum as well. And so I am to the tax-gatherers (the apple) in their eyes. "Grateful men," you (will) say. I have experienced (their gratitude). Now, the rest of my delivery of justice (is) not incompetent, and (is) lenient (combined) with remarkable informality; moreover, access to me (is) by no means the (usual) provincial (fashion); nothing (is done) through my chamberlain; before dawn I am up and about my residence, as when (I was) once a candidate. These things are welcome and (thought to be) a great thing, and (are) not yet irksome to me on account of that old training of mine.
VIII. THE CIVIL WAR.
1. From "Ad Atticum", 9, 18. In this interesting and revealing letter, written in 49, shortly after the beginning of the Civil War, Cicero tells Atticus how he rejects Caesar's attempts to enlist his help.
(I acted) in accordance with your advice in both (respects); for my language was such that he thought well of me rather than gave (me) thanks, and I remained (firm) in this (resolve), that (I should) not (go) to the City. These things deceived (me), that I had thought (him) accommodating, (but) I have never seen anyone less (so). He said that he was being censured by my decision, (and) that, if I did not come, the rest (of the senators) would be slower (to do so). I (replied) that their position was different. When many things (had been said), (he said) "So come and make proposals for peace." "At my discretion?" I answered. "(Who) am I to dictate to you?" he said. "So," I replied, "I shall argue that it is not pleasing to the Senate that you are going to the Spanish (provinces) or transporting your armies to Greece, and I shall complain of many things with regard to Gnaeus (i.e. Pompey)." He then (responded), "But I am not willing for these things to be said." "So I imagined," I said; "But I do not wish to be present for this reason, because either it is necessary for it to be said thus by me, and (there are) many things about which I could not be silent if I were there, or it is not right for me to go." The upshot was that he, as if looking for a conclusion (to the conversation), (asked me) "to think it over." It was not right for this to be refused (by me). So we parted. I think, therefore, that he is not pleased with (lit. does not love) me. But I was pleased with (lit. was loving) myself, (something) which has not happened (lit. has not come by practice) to me for a long time now.
IX. LIFE UNDER THE DICTATORSHIP OF CAESAR.
1. From "Ad Familiares", 7, 30. In this letter which Cicero wrote in January 44 to his friend Manius Curius, the same man who had looked after the sick Tiro in 50, Caesar recounts the episode in which Caesar had Gaius Caninius Rebilus elected as suffect consul on the last day of 45. Cicero sees this as a calculated insult to the Roman aristocracy.
But (no), I am now neither urging nor asking you to return home; indeed I myself want to fly away from here and reach somewhere, 'where I shall hear of neither the names nor the doings of the descendants of Pelops (i.e. wicked men)'. It is extraordinary how disgracefully I seem to myself to be behaving, in taking part in these affairs. Verily you seem long before to have foreseen what was impending, at the time when you escaped from here. Although these things are painful, even in the hearing (of them), yet it is more tolerable to hear of (them) than to see (them). At least you were not there at the Field (of Mars), when the assembly for (the election of) quaestors having been begun at the second hour (i.e. 8 a.m.), the official chair of Quintus Maximus, whom they (i.e. the Caesarians) had declared to be consul, was set in place; his death having been announced, the chair was removed. But he (i.e. Caesar), although he had (only) performed the auspices for the tribal assembly, held a centuriate (assembly), (and) at the seventh hour (i.e. 1 p.m.) he announced the election of a consul, who would be (in office) until the Kalends (i.e. the 1st) of January, which was going to be
in the morning on the next day. Thus, be aware that no one lunched with Caninius (as) consul. However, nothing bad was done with him (as) consul; for the vigilance was wonderful of (that man) who will not have seen sleep during the whole of his consulship. These things may seem ridiculous to you; for you are not here. If you were to see these things, you could not hold back your tears. What if I were to write (down all) the other things? For there are countless (instances) of the same kind; indeed, I could not have endured these things, if I had not taken refuge in (lit. betaken myself to) the haven of philosophy, and if I had not had my (dear) Atticus (as) companion in my studies.
2. From "Philippicae Orationes in M. Antonium", II, 116. Cicero composed fourteen Philippic Orations attacking Antony in 44-43. They were called 'Philippic' in imitation of the attacks made by the Athenian orator Demosthenes on Philip of Macedon in the Fourth Century B.C. He wrote and circulated the second of these in October 44, and it was an especially vitriolic attack. In the passage below we have Cicero's verdict on the character, achievements and malignant legacy, as he saw it, of Julius Caesar, who had been assassinated in the previous March.
But if you (i.e. Antony) do not fear brave men and illustrious citizens, because they are prevented by arms from (getting to) your person, your men, believe me, will not endure you for (very) much longer. Moreover, what a life it is to be fearing (danger) from one's own men day and night! Unless indeed either you have men bound (to you) by greater kindnesses than he (i.e. Caesar) had in respect of certain men out of those by whom he was slain, or you are fit to be compared with him in any respect. There was in that man genius, method, memory, literary ability, thoroughness, intellect, diligence; he had performed exploits in war, although a disaster for the republic, and yet (they were) great; having aimed at supreme rule for many years, he had, with great labour and amid great dangers, accomplished what he had planned; he had captivated the ignorant multitude with gifts, monuments, food largesses and banquets; he had bound his own supporters closely (to him) by rewards, and his adversaries by the appearance of clemency. What more (can I say)? Partly through fear, partly through forbearance, he had already brought a free city-state into the habit of servitude.
X. ANTONY AND OCTAVIAN.
1. From "Philippicae Orationes in M.Antonium", II, 118. At the end of the same speech Cicero indicates that he is prepared to die on behalf of the cause of freedom and calls upon Antony to reconcile himself with the republic.
Have regard, I beg (you), Marcus Antonius, consider, at some time or other, the republic, (those) from whom you are descended, not (those) with whom you are living: (be reconciled) with myself (or not) as you wish: (but) be reconciled (lit. return into friendship) with the republic. But you will decide about yourself; as for me, I shall declare (what I) myself (shall do). (As) a young man, I defended the republic, I shall not desert (it as) an old man: I scorned the swords of Catiline, I shall not greatly fear yours. On the contrary, I shall even offer my body gladly, if the freedom of the state can be secured at once by my death, so that the indignation of the Roman people may bring forth what it has been struggling to produce for a long time now! For indeed, if almost twenty years ago in this very temple I denied that a premature death could happen to a man of consular rank, how much more truly may I now deny (it) in the case of an old man? But to me, conscript fathers, death is now even to be desired , (my life and career) having been fulfilled by those honours which I have obtained and those (deeds) which I have performed. I only wish for these two things, one, that, dying, I shall leave the Roman people free - nothing greater than this can be granted to me by the immortal gods - and second, that it may befall everyone in such a way that each man may be rewarded in accordance with (his conduct towards) the republic.
2. From "Philippicae Orationes in M. Antonium", V, 50-51. In the Fifth Philippic, composed in early 43, Cicero seeks to reassure an uncertain Senate about the character and intentions of the young Caesar Octavianus. That Cicero had some doubts about the truth of this eulogy is indicated in the final sentence of the extract below. He was right; Octavian was to betray Cicero and made no attempt to save him from a vengeful Antony.
"But he is an enemy to some most illustrious and distinguished citizens." Caesar (i.e. Octavian) has sacrificed
all those personal vendettas on account of the republic; he has established her (as) his judge, her (as) the mistress of his counsels and actions. For he has entered public life (lit. he has come to the republic) to strengthen her, not to overturn (her). I have learned and am aware of all the feelings of the young man. There is nothing dearer to him than the republic, nothing of more weight than your authority, nothing more desired (by him) than the good opinion of patriotic men, nothing sweeter than true glory.
Therefore (lit. on account of which thing), you not only ought not to fear anything from him, but to expect greater and better things (still), nor to fear in that man who set out for the purpose of Decimus Brutus being freed from siege that the memory of a domestic grief will remain, so that it can be of more (influence) with him than the safety of the state. I venture even to give my word (lit. pledge my faith), conscript fathers, to you and to the Roman people and to the republic; this, indeed, when no force compelled me, I should not venture to do, and I should greatly fear a dangerous opinion of my rashness in such a very important matter. (But) I promise, I undertake, I guarantee, conscript fathers, that Gaius Caesar will always be such a citizen as he is today, and as we ought especially to wish and desire him to be.
3. From "Ad Familiares", 10, 28. The passage below is an extract from Cicero's letter to Gaius Trebonius, the Governor of West Asia Minor, written on 2 February 43, the day the Senate declared war on Antony. Cicero is still full of hope for the future, but he was to be cruelly deceived. Trebonius never received this letter. Dolabella, once Cicero's son-in-law, whom Antony had appointed to oust Cassius from the governorship of Syria, had him murdered at Smyrna. Cicero himself was murdered in December 43 in the proscriptions which followed the formation of the Second Triumvirate between Antony, Octavian and Lepidus in November 43.
When the tribunes of the people had called the Senate thirteen days before the Kalends of January (i.e. the 20th December) and brought forward a motion concerning other business, I reviewed the whole public situation, and spoke with great vehemence, and more by force of energy than of intellect I recalled the Senate, at that time inert and weary, to its former valour and habit. (The events of) this day and and my efforts and arguments first brought to the Roman people the hope of their freedom being recovered; nor indeed afterwards have I neglected any time not only for planning but also for acting on behalf of the republic. If I did not consider that affairs in the City and everything that has been done (lit. all the actions) were being reported to you, I myself should write about this at full length, although I have been hindered by a very great amount of business. But you will be aware of these things from other people; (you will be informed of) a few things by me, and these in brief. We have a determined Senate, but the consulars are either cowardly or traitors (lit. men thinking badly); a great loss has happened in (the death of) Servius; Lucius Caesar thinks very well, but because he is (Antony's) uncle, he does not express very extreme views; the consuls (are) first class, Decimus Brutus (is) splendid, the boy Caesar (is) excellent, (and) of him I, at any rate, am hopeful for the future.
