Introduction:
Gaius Sallustius Crispus (Sallust) was, together with Cicero and Caesar, the third great prose writer of the first part of the Golden Age of Latin literature which stretched from about 80 to 40 B.C., and like the other two writers he exercised a profound influence on the subsequent development of Latin literature.
What is known about his life is relatively meagre. He was born in the Sabine hills of central Italy in 86 B.C. and entered the Senate in about 55, having been elected quaestor, and appears to have been a member of the popular faction, or the 'Populares'. In 52 he was tribune of the plebs, and during this year he prosecuted Milo for the murder of Clodius and attacked Cicero for defending him. Sallust's private life was reputed to be scandalous, and in 50 he was expelled from the Senate on the grounds of immorality by the censor, Appius Claudius Pulcher, a prominent member of the 'Optimates' clique that Sallust so detested. This drove Sallust into the arms of Caesar, who restored him to the Senate on his return from Spain in 49, and whom he then served faithfully in various campaigns and offices from 49 to 45. He was elected praetor in 46 and from 46 to 45 served as proconsular governor of the new province of Africa Nova, formed from the Numidian kingdom of Juba following the Battle of Munda. During his year as governor Sallust is reputed to have plundered the province ruthlessly, and only survived prosecution for extortion due to Caesar's protection. With the wealth he had acquired in Africa, Sallust was able to purchase a substantial park and mansion on the Quirinal Hill in Rome, where he developed the famous 'Horti Sallustiani' (Gardens of Sallust), and he also acquired a villa in Tivoli, which Caesar had previously owned. After Caesar's assassination in 44, Sallust retired into private life, and determined to devote himself to historical writing, as he explains in Chapter IV below. He died in about 35.
Sallust is chiefly renowned for his two historical monographs, 'The Conspiracy of Catiline', which he published in 43, and 'The Jugurthine War', published two years later. Both these monographs were written, to a considerable extent, from the point of view of the 'Populares', and in both he denounces the corruption and the degeneracy of the aristocratic 'Optimates' faction in the Senate. Sallust wrote about the decay of ancient virtue, and was determined to assign the origin of this moral decline to the destruction of Carthage, and he refuses to see any sign of decadence so long as Rome had to contend with a rival for empire. His view has been influential, and has been widely accepted by historians subsequently. After completing his two monographs, Sallust wrote a full history of Rome, covering the period 78-67 in five books. Unfortunately this is mostly lost and all that survives are some speeches, letters and fragments. Nevertheless, it is clear from these pieces, as well as from the text of 'The Conspiracy of Catiline', that for Sallust it was not the outbreak of civil war in 49 but the ascension and domination of Pompey, following the death of Sulla in 78 that saw the end of political liberty in Rome, and he wrote his history of the years 78-67 to demonstrate that the government of Rome during that time was rotten and fraudulent.
Sallust was widely admired in classical antiquity, not least by the Silver Age writers, both Quintilian and the historian Tacitus, who modelled his style on him, and in Late Antiquity by both St. Jerome and St. Augustine, In the Middle Ages his works were drawn on as a source for quotes and aphorisms. In truth, however, this admiration was a tribute to the dramatic qualities of his writing and his vivid presentation of characters and events rather than to his merits as a historian, at least if he were to be judged by today's standards. Like most historians in Antiquity he was less concerned with detailed and impartial investigation of the facts with a view to a correct interpretation of events than to entertain his readers by instructing them in the traditions of his people, and by enhancing their moral awareness through memorable accounts of the actions of great men, and by highlighting the proven consequences of indulgence and vice. Sallust was chiefly interested in reconstructing striking scenes and persons, and in moralising about the degeneracy of the present age and the recent past.
With regard to the 'Jugurthine War', Sallust gives his reasons for writing it in Chapter V of this work: "I am going to write of the war which the Roman people waged with Jugurtha, king of the Numidians, firstly because it was great, and savage, and varied in its outcomes, and, secondly, because then for the first time opposition was offered to the tyranny of the nobility; it was a contest which threw everything, divine and human, into confusion, and it proceeded to such a pitch of folly, that only war and the devastation of Italy could put an end to these civil dissensions."
As a writer, Sallust displays a highly individual and somewhat artificial style, mostly consisting of short, terse sentences, and very different from the oratorical rotundity of Cicero. Of him, Sir Ronald Syme, the famous Roman historian of the age of Caesar and Augustus wrote as follows:
"Literary critics did not not fear to match him with Thucydides, admiring in him gravity, concision, and, above all, an immortal rapidity of narrative. He had certainly forged a style all of his own, shunning the harmonies of formal rhetoric and formal rhythm, wilfully prosaic in collocation of words, hard and archaic in vocabulary, with broken sentences, reflecting perhaps some discordance in his own character." (From "The Roman Revolution", Oxford University Press, 1939.)
As a language Latin is particularly noteworthy for its conciseness, and of all Latin writers few are more concise than Sallust. Indeed in the following century, Seneca observed, in relation to this quality that you cannot take away a single word from Sallust's writing without detriment to the sense.
The text of the translation below is taken from the edition of Axel W. Ahlberg, Leipzig, Teubner (1919), which is available on the Perseus website of the Department of Classics, Tufts University.
SECTION I. CHAPTERS I-XXXV.
Chapters I-IV. The Introduction: the author's declaration of his design.
Chapter I.
(1) Mankind unreasonably complains of its nature, in that, (being) weak and short-lived, it is governed by chance rather than by intellectual power. (2) For, on the contrary, you will find on reflection that (there is) nothing greater or more excellent, and that human nature is lacking diligence rather than energy or opportunity. (3) But the ruler and director of the life of man is the mind. This, when it pursues glory by the path of true merit, is sufficiently strong, and powerful and worthy of honour, and needs no luck, since this can neither give honesty, diligence, and other good qualities, nor (can it) take them away. (4) But if, overwhelmed by perverse passions, (a man) has abandoned himself to indolence and bodily pleasures and has indulged himself for a while in pernicious gratification, when his strength, opportunity (and) mental vigour have been wasted by sloth, the weakness of nature is invoked: (and) those responsible, whoever (they are), shift the blame, (which is) theirs, on to these factors.
(5) But if men had as much regard for worthy enterprises as (they have) ardour in pursuing (things that are) useless and bound to be of absolutely no value, and, in many cases, even dangerous and ruinous, they would not be governed by circumstances more than they would govern (them), and they would progress to a point of greatness, where, instead of being mortal, they would be immortalised by glory.
Chapter II.
(1) For as mankind is made up of body and mind, so all our acts and all our pursuits partake of the nature either of the body or of the mind. (2) Therefore, outstanding beauty (and) great wealth, as well as bodily strength and all other (gifts) of this kind will soon dissolve, but the illustrious achievements of the intellect, like the mind (itself), are immortal.
(3) In short, to the fortunes of the person and of his property as (there is) a beginning, so there is an ending, and all (such things) rise and fall, increase and decay, (but) the mind, incorruptible (and) eternal, the ruler of the human race, activates and controls everything, yet is itself uncontrolled. (4) (So) we marvel all the more at the depravity of those who, devoted to the joys of the body, pass their time in extravagance and idleness, (and) allow the mind, beside which there is nothing else (which is) better or greater in man's nature, to languish in neglect and inactivity, especially when so many and (so) various are the skills of the mind, through which the highest renown can be obtained.
Chapter III.
(1) But of these (pursuits), magistracies and military commands, in short all concern for public affairs, seem to me to be least desirable at the present time, since neither is an honour conferred on merit, nor are those who have gained power by dishonest means any safer or more respected because of it. (2) For to rule one's country or one's subjects by force, although you both can and should correct abuses, is tyrannical nevertheless, especially since all attempts to change the state lead to bloodshed, exile and other hostile (acts). (3) Yet, to struggle in vain and to gain nothing by exhausting oneself, other than hatred is utter madness; (4) unless, perhaps, a base and pernicious passion induces a man to offer up his reputation and his liberty to the power of a faction.
Chapter IV.
(1) Besides, among other activities, which are pursued by the intellect, the recording of past events is of particularly great value. (2) Of its merits I think I should be silent, since many have spoken (of them), and, at the same time, lest someone might think that, by praising my own occupation, I was extolling myself. (3) I believe too that there will be (those) who, because I have decided to lead a life far (removed) from public affairs, will assign the name of idleness to this great and most valuable employment of mine (i.e writing history), especially (those) to whom it seems an essential task to court the people and to gain their favour through entertainments. (4) (But) if such (men) will (only) bear in mind both the times during which I was elected (as) a magistrate, and the kind of men who were unable to gain the same (office), and what kind of men have since entered the senate, they will surely consider that I have changed my mind for good reasons rather than due to idleness, and that a greater advantage will accrue to the state from my retirement than from the activity of others.
(5) For I have often heard that Quintus Maximus (i.e. Quintus Fabius Maximus Cunctator) and Publius Scipio (i.e. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus the Elder) and other famous men of our country were wont to declare as follows whenever they gazed upon the portraits of their ancestors, that their hearts were set alight in the most ardent (pursuit of) virtue. (6) Not, of course, that the wax or the shape had any influence on them, but the memory of their (forefathers') achievements kindled this flame in the breasts of these eminent men, nor could it be extinguished until their own merit had equalled the fame and glory (of their ancestors).
(7) But, on the contrary, who is there among everyone in the present circumstances that does not vie with his ancestors in wealth and extravagance, not probity and diligence? Even the 'new men' who formerly used to outdo the nobility in merit, (now) rely on stealth and criminality rather than good practices to (win) power and distinction; (8) (it is) just as if a praetorship and a consulate and all other such (offices) were noble and dignified in themselves, and should not be regarded in the same way as is the merit of those who hold them. (9) But, while I have expressed my regret and dismay at the morals of our country, I have proceeded with too much freedom and at too great a length. Now I return to my subject.
Chapter V. Prefatory account of Jugurtha's family.
(1) I am going to write of the war which the Roman people waged with Jugurtha, king of the Numidians, firstly because it was great, and savage, and varied in its outcomes, and, secondly, because then for the first time opposition was offered to the tyranny of the nobility; (2) (it was) a contest which threw everything, divine and human, into confusion, and it proceeded to such (a pitch) of folly, (3) that (only) war and the devastation of Italy could put an end to these civil dissensions. But, before I set out the beginning of such a narrative, I shall recall a few earlier (events), so that everything may become clearer and more open to our understanding.
(4) In the second Punic war, in which, after the Roman name had become great, Hannibal, the leader of the Carthaginians, had particularly weakened the power of Italy, Masinissa, the king of the Numidians, was taken into an alliance by Publius Scipio, to whom the surname Africanus was afterwards (given) on account of his valour, and he (i.e. Masinissa) performed many distinguished exploits of a military nature. Because of these (services), after the defeat of the Carthaginians and the capture of Syphax (i.e. in 203 B.C.), whose dominions in Africa were great and wide-reaching, the Roman people gave the king as a gift all those cities and lands which they had captured. (5) So, Masinissa's friendship remained loyal and honoured. But the end of his reign and his life occurred at the same time (i.e. in 149 B.C.).
(6) Then his son, Micipsa (i.e. King of Numidia 148-118 B.C.) obtained the kingdom alone, his bothers Mastanabal and Gulussa having died due to illness. (7) He, himself, begot Adherbal and Hiempsal, and Jugurtha, his brother Mastanabal's son, whom Masinissa had left as a private citizen, because he had been born of a concubine, he brought up in the palace in the same way as his own children.
Chapter VI. Jugurtha's character; Jugurtha's talents excite apprehensions in his uncle Micipsa.
(1) As he (i.e. Jugurtha) grew up with a powerful physique, good-looking in appearance, but most especially strong in intellect, he did not allow himself to be spoiled by excess or idleness, but, as is the custom of that nation, he rode, threw the javelin, (and) contended in running with those of his own age, and, although he surpassed (them) all in reputation, yet he was beloved by all; in addition to this, he spent much of his time in hunting, and, being the first, or among the first, to strike the lion or the other wild beasts, he performed very great (deeds), yet spoke about himself very little.
(2) Micipsa, although he had been gratified by these circumstances to begin with, as he considered that Jugurtha's prowess would (bring) glory on his kingdom, yet, when he realised that the young man was constantly growing (in power), (while) he (was) advanced in age and his children (were still) small, he became seriously disturbed by the situation (and) revolved (it) frequently in his mind. (3) The nature of men, greedy for power and inclined to satisfy their heart's desire, alarmed him, especially the opportunity accorded by his own age and (that) of his children, which leads astray even men (who are) moderate in the hope of gain; in addition, (he saw) the devotion towards Jugurtha inspired in the Numidians, among whom, if he should cause the death of such a man through treachery, some rebellion or war might arise.
Chapter VII. Jugurtha is sent to Numantia. His merits, his favour with Scipio, and his popularity in the army.
(1) When, engulfed by these difficulties, he saw that a man (who was) so approved of by his fellow-countrymen could not be disposed of by force or by insidious (means), he resolved, because Jugurtha was ready for action and eager to (win) military glory, to expose him to dangers and, in this way, to put fortune to the test. (2) Accordingly, during the Numantine war (i.e. 134-133), since he was sending reinforcements of cavalry and infantry to the Roman people, he put (him) in command of the Numidians, whom he sent to Spain, hoping that he would fall either due to a display of his own bravery or due to the ferocity of the enemy.
(3) But this business turned out very differently from what he had expected. (4) For Jugurtha, as he had an active and keen intellect, when he became acquainted with the character of Publius Scipio (i.e. Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus the Younger), who was then the commander of the Romans, and (with) the tactics of the enemy, shortly acquired such a reputation by hard labour and careful attention to duty, as well as by well-disciplined obedience and by frequently going to meet dangers, that he became greatly beloved by our (men) and (was the source) of extreme terror to the Numantines. (5) And indeed, (something) which is especially most difficult, he was both vigorous in battle and wise in counsel, of which (qualities), the one from foresight is generally wont to produce fear, (and) the other from boldness, rashness. (6) So, the general (i.e. Scipio) managed almost every difficult matter by means of Jugurtha, regarded (him) among his friends, and became more and more attached to him every day, since neither his advice nor any undertaking (of his) was (ever) without value. (7) To this was added a generosity of disposition and an adroitness of wit, by which qualities he joined to himself many of the Romans in (ties of) intimate friendship.
Chapter VIII. Jugurtha receives commendation and advice from Scipio.
(1) At that time, there were in our army several (men) of both humble and noble birth, to whom wealth was more desirable than virtue and honour; attached to factions and of consequence at home, and distinguished rather than respected among our allies, (they were men) who inflamed Jugurtha's not unaspiring spirit by promising that, if King Micipsa were to die, he would be able to acquire sole power in Numidia; (for he had) particular merit in himself, (and) in Rome everything might be purchased.
(2) But, when Numantia was destroyed (i.e. in 133), and Publius Scipio decided to disband the auxiliary troops and himself return home, he presented Jugurtha with gifts and praised him in the highest terms before an assembly (of soldiers), and (then) took (him) into his tent, and there he advised (him) privately to cultivate the friendship of the Roman people as a body rather than on an individual basis, and not to become accustomed to bribing anyone: (as it was) dangerous for (something) which belonged to many to be bought from a few. If he wished to keep to his own virtues, glory and a throne would come to him of their own accord; but if he proceeded too hastily, he would bring about his own downfall by means of his money.
Chapter IX. Jugurtha is adopted by Micipsa, who resolves that Jugurtha, Adherbal, and Hiempsal, shall, at his death, divide the kingdom equally between them.
(1) Thus speaking, he dismissed him with a letter which he was to present to Micipsa. Its message was this: (2) "The valour of your Jugurtha in the Numantine war was most conspicuous, something which I know will certainly bring you joy; on account of his services he is dear to us; (and) we shall strive with our utmost efforts that it shall be the same with the senate and people of Rome. Indeed, on behalf of our friendship, I congratulate you. Behold (in him) you have a hero worthy of yourself and his grandfather Masinissa."
(3) So, the King, when he learned from the general's letter that those reports which he had received were true, (was) moved both by the prowess and by the popularity of the man and changed his mind, and undertook to win Jugurtha over by his generosity, and, at once, adopted him and established him in his will as an equal heir with his sons. (4) But, a few years afterwards, when, weakened by age and disease, he realised that the end of his life was at hand, he is said, in the presence of his friends and relations, and also of his sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, to have spoken to Jugurtha in terms of the following kind:
Chapter X. Jugurtha is addressed by Micipsa on his death-bed.
(1) "I received you, Jugurtha, into my kingdom (when you were) small, (at a time when) you had lost your father, (and were) without prospects (and) without means, believing that, on account of my kindness, I should be loved by you no less than by my children, should I beget (any). (2) Nor has the outcome proved me mistaken. For, to say nothing of your other great and noble (achievements), lately on your return from Numantia you have brought honour both to me and to my kingdom by your glorious deeds, and by your valour you have made the Romans from (being) our friends to (being) our greatest friends. In Spain, the name of our family has been restored. Finally, by your glory you have overcome envy, (something) which is most difficult (to achieve) among mortals.
(3) "(And) now since nature is bringing an end to my life, I admonish and implore you, by this right hand (of mine and) by the loyalty (which you owe) this kingdom, to hold dear those (youths) who are your kinsmen by birth and your brothers by my favour, and not to prefer to attach yourself to strangers (rather) than to retain (the love of those who are) joined (to you) by blood. (4) (It is) not armies or treasures (that) form the defences of a kingdom, but friends, whom you can neither compel by (force of) arms, nor procure with gold: they are won by devotion and loyalty. (5) Yet, who (can be) a greater friend than a brother (is) to a brother? Or what stranger will you find (to be) faithful (to you), if you are an enemy to your family? (6) For my part, I leave you a kingdom, (which will be) strong, if you are honourable, but weak if (you are) ill-disposed (to one another). For (even) small states grow (strong) through concord, (but even) the greatest (ones) are dissolved by discord.
(7) "It is incumbent upon you, Jugurtha, who are older in age and wiser than they (are), to ensure that nothing of a contrary nature should happen. For in every dispute the (one) who is richer, even if he receives the injury, yet he seems to be responsible, because he is the more powerful. (8) But you, Adherbal and Hiempsal, cherish (and) respect this great man, emulate his virtues and work hard, so that I do not appear to have adopted better children than I begot."
Chapter XI. Jugurtha's actions, and those of Adherbal and Hiempsal, after the death of Micipsa.
(1) To these (words), Jugurtha, though he realised that the king (had) spoken without sincerity, and he himself was revolving very different (sentiments) in his mind, yet he replied graciously to suit the occasion.
(2) A few days afterwards Micipsa died. When his (heirs) had performed the (funeral) rights in a splendid manner in accordance with royal custom, the princes met together to talk among themselves about all their arrangements. (3) But Hiempsal, who was the youngest of them, (and who was) aggressive in nature and had already previously shown his contempt for Jugurtha's ignoble birth, because he was unequal (to him) on his mother's side, sat down on the right-hand side of Adherbal, so that Jugurtha should not be in the middle of the three (of them), which is regarded among the Numidians as (the seat of) honour. (4) But, then, having been urged by his brother to yield to age, he reluctantly transferred to the other seat.
(5) At this (conference), when they were having a long discussion about the administration of the kingdom, Jugurtha suggested, among other measures, that all the acts and decrees of the last five years, ought to be rescinded, for, during that period, Micipsa had been weakened by age and had not been very strong in mind. (6) Then, Hiempsal replied that he was delighted by this (proposal), for he himself (i.e. Jugurtha) had (only) come to the throne by adoption within the last three years. (7) This remark sank more deeply into Jugurtha's mind than anyone would have thought. (8) So, from that moment he struggled, in his anxiety, with anger and fear, (and) planned and considered in his mind some means by which he might catch Hiempsal in a trap. (9) (But,) when these plans progressed too slowly, and his proud spirit did not relent, he resolved to achieve his purpose by any possible means.
Chapter XII. Jugurtha murders Hiempsal.
(1) At the first meeting, which, after it had been organised by the princes, I have mentioned above, it was decided, on account of their disagreement, that the treasures should be divided (between them) and that boundaries should be set to the jurisdiction of each one. (2) So, a date was determined for (the organisation) of both of these matters, but the earlier (of the two was given) to the distribution of the money. In the meantime, the princes withdrew, one after the other, to locations in the neighbourhood of the treasury. (3) But, in the town of Thirmida, Hiempsal happened to occupy the house of a man, who,(being) Jugurtha's chief lictor, had always been dear and acceptable to him. This (man, who had been) given (to him) by chance (as) an agent, he loaded with promises and induced to go to his house as if to inspect it, and to procure spare keys for the doors - for the original (ones) had been given to Hiempsal - and then, when the circumstances should call for (it), he himself should arrive with a large band (of men). (4) The Numidian promptly carried out his instructions and let in Jugurtha's soldiers at night as he had been directed. (5) They, when they had rushed into the building, scattered in search of the king, slew some as they were sleeping, and others when they offered resistance, searched (all) hiding-places, broke open (doors that were) shut, (and) filled the whole (place) with noise and commotion, when, eventually, Hiempsal was found, concealing himself in the hut of a serving woman, in which, in his alarm and ignorance of the area, he had taken refuge in the first place. (6) The Numidians brought his head back to Jugurtha, as they had been ordered.
Chapter XIII. Jugurtha defeats Adherbal and drives him to Rome for refuge. He dreads the vengeance of the senate, and sends ambassadors to Rome, who are confronted with those of Adherbal in the senate-house.
(1) Then, a report of this appalling crime was spread across the whole of Africa in a short space of time. Fear seized Adherbal and everyone who had been under the rule of Micipsa. The Numidians divided into two groups: the majority followed Adherbal, but those who were better at war the other (man). (2) And so, Jugurtha armed as large a force as he could, brought (a number of) cities under his control, some by force, others by their own consent, and prepared to rule all of Numidia. (3) Adherbal, although he had sent envoys to Rome to inform the senate of his brother's murder and his own position, yet, relying on the large number of his troops, prepared to take the field. (4) But, when the matter came to a contest, he was defeated and fled from the battle(-field) to our province (i.e. the Roman province of Africa), and then hastened to Rome (n. b. this occurred in the year 116).
(5) Then, when Jugurtha had accomplished his plans and was the master of the whole of Numidia, reflecting in his mind at leisure on his crime, (began) to dread the Roman people, nor did he have any hope of ever avoiding their anger except through the avarice of the nobility and his own wealth. (6) So, a few days (later), he dispatched ambassadors to Rome with a great amount of gold and silver, and he ordered them, firstly, to load his old friends with gifts, (and) then to acquire new (ones), in short, not to hesitate (but) to effect through bribery whatever they could.
(7) But, when the ambassadors arrived in Rome, and, in accordance with the king's direction, sent large presents to his intimate friends and to others, whose influence in the senate was powerful at that time, so great a change ensued that Jugurtha went from the greatest state of disapproval into the grace and favour of the nobility. (8) Some of them induced by hope, others by (actual rewards), endeavoured by bribing individual (members) of the senate (to ensure) that no heavy measures were taken against him. (9) Therefore, when the ambassadors felt sufficient confidence, on the appointed day (an audience) of the senate was given to both (parties). Then, we have heard that Adherbal spoke in the following manner:
Chapter XIV. The speech of Adherbal.
(1) "Conscript Fathers, my father Micipsa, as he lay dying, told me to consider my (holding) the kingdom of Numidia only (as) a stewardship, but that the right (of possession) and the control of it belonged to you; at the same time I should endeavour, (both) at home and in the field, to be as helpful as possible to the Roman people, and to regard you as (being) in the position of my kindred and relatives: if I were to observe these (injunctions), I should find in your friendship all the necessary armed forces, riches and defences for my kingdom. (2) While I was following these instructions of my father, Jugurtha, that most wicked man of all (those) whom the earth sustains, has, in contempt of your authority, robbed me, the grandson of Masinissa, and the hereditary ally and friend of the Roman people, of my kingdom and all my possessions.
(3) "And yet, Conscript Fathers, since I have been reduced to such a state of wretchedness, I wish I could ask for help from you rather on account of my own services than on account of (those) of my ancestors, and, above all, that acts of kindness were due to me from the Roman people, of which I were not in need, (and) next to this, that, if they were needed, I might receive them as my due. (4) But, since integrity is no defence in itself, and it was not in my power (to determine) what the character of Jugurtha should be, I have fled to you for refuge, Conscript Fathers, to whom, (and this is something) which is (the cause of) great misery to me, I am compelled (to be) a burden before I am a source of assistance. (5) All other kings have been received into friendship by you either, when they have been defeated in war, or they have sought your alliance in circumstances of (great) uncertainty in their case; my family established its friendship with the Roman people during the Carthaginian war, at a time when the latter's good faith was worth more than their (good) fortune. (6) (O) Conscript Fathers, do not permit me, their descendant (and) Masinissa's grandson, to seek help from you in vain!
(7) "(Even) if I had no reason for securing your help other than my pitiable misfortune, in that until recently (I was) a king, powerful in family, reputation and wealth, (but) now, dishonoured by my troubles (and) destitute, I await the assistance of others, it would still be (in the nature) of the majesty of the Roman people to prevent a wrong, and not to allow any man's kingdom to grow in size through crime. (8) But I have been driven from those (very) territories which the Roman people gave to my ancestors, (and) from which my father and grandfather, together with you, expelled Syphax and the Carthaginians. (It is) your gifts (that) have been wrested from me, Conscript Fathers; in my injury, you have been scorned. (9) Alas, wretched man that I am! Have your kindnesses come to this, Micipsa, my father, that he, whom you made equal with your children and a sharer in our kingdom, should become above all others the destroyer of our race? So will our family never be at peace? Shall we always be involved in bloodshed, force of arms, and exile? While the Carthaginians were (still) undefeated, we were necessarily exposed to all (kinds of) hardships: the enemy were on our borders, you, our friends, (were) far away, (and) all our hope was in our arms. After Africa had been freed from that pestilence, we were living happily at peace, since we had no enemy unless (it were one) which you should happen to give us. (11) But behold, all of a sudden, Jugurtha, bearing himself with intolerable audacity, wickedness and arrogance, after killing my brother, (who was) at the same time his kinsman, first made his kingdom the spoil of his crime; then, when he could not ensnare me by similar tricks, as under your rule I was expecting nothing less than violence or war, he made (me) an exile, as you see, from my home and country, destitute and overwhelmed with misery, so I was safer anywhere than in my own kingdom.
(12) "So I used to think, Conscript Fathers, just as I had (often) heard my father declare, that those who diligently cultivated your friendship, undertook a demanding task, but that otherwise they of all (people) would be especially secure. (13) Whatever (duty) was in (the hands of) our family, it performed, just as it has supported you in every war; it is in your power, Conscript Fathers, (to ensure) that we are safe in (time of) peace. (14) My father left two of us, brothers; a third, Jugurtha, he reckoned would be attached to us by his benefits. One of us (two) has been murdered, (and) I, myself, have scarcely escaped the impious hands of the third (one). (15) What shall I do? Or to what place in particular shall I go in my misfortunes? All our family's props have been removed. My father, as was unavoidable, has yielded to nature. That kinsman, whom it least became, has stolen, by a crime, the life of my brother. (As for) the rest of my relations, friends (and) connections, one blow after another has befallen (them): (of those) taken by Jugurtha, some have put on the cross, others have been thrown to wild beasts, (while) a few, whose lives have been spared, (have been) shut away in gloomy dungeons amid (circumstances of) suffering and sorrow, and are eking out an existence (which is) worse than death.
(16) "If all that I have lost, or (if all that) from (being) friendly has become hostile (to me), remained unchanged, yet, if anything bad were to happen unexpectedly, I should (still) have to appeal to you, Conscript Fathers, to whom, in accordance with the magnitude of your empire, every (matter) of right and wrong should be of concern. (17) But now, (when I am) an exile from my home and country, (when I am) alone and lacking all things of dignity, to whom shall I go or to whom shall I appeal? To nations or kings who are all hostile to my family on account of our friendship (with Rome)? Or can I go to any place where there is not an abundance of hostile monuments of my ancestors? Or can anyone, who has ever been an enemy of yours, take pity on me? (18) Finally, Conscript Fathers, Masinissa so instructed us to cultivate no one but the people of Rome, nor to join any new leagues or alliances: (for) we should find in your friendship an abundance of effective support; if the fortunes of your empire were to change, we should sink together (with it). (19) Through your own merit and the will of the gods, you are mighty and full of wealth; all (things) are favourable and obedient (to you): so you may the more readily have regard for any wrongs suffered by your allies.
(20) "My only fear is this, that private friendship with Jugurtha, (about which) too little is known, may lead some (of you) astray. (For) I hear that some (of his supporters) are striving with the greatest effort to canvass and importune each one of you separately not to decide anything concerning someone in his absence when his cause is unheard; (they are saying) that I am making things up, and pretending to be in exile when I could have remained in my kingdom. (21) But would that I could see him, by whose unnatural crime, I have been reduced to such miseries, in very similar circumstances, and that now at last a regard for human affairs should arise either among you or among the immortal gods: for then he who is now boasting and glorying in his crimes, (will be) tortured by ills of every kind and should pay a heavy penalty for his impious conduct towards our father, for the murder of my brother, and for my woes.
(22) "Right now, brother, the dearest (object) of my affections, although your life has been taken from you prematurely, and by someone for whom it was least appropriate, yet I think your fate should be (a matter) for rejoicing rather than of grief. (23) For, when you lost your life, (it was) not your throne (that you lost) together with it, but flight, exile, and all those afflictions which are (now) weighing me down. While I, poor (wretch that I am), have been hurled from my father's throne into so a great (sea of) calamities, and present a spectacle of human vicissitudes, uncertain what I should do, whether I should avenge your wrongs, while I myself am in need of assistance, or whether I should have regard for (the recovery of) my kingdom, when the issue of my life and death depends on the aid of others. (24) Would that my death should be an honourable termination to my misfortunes and not appear rightly contemptible, if, exhausted by my afflictions, I should submit to injustice. Now it is not pleasing to live, nor can I die without disgrace.
(25) "Conscript Fathers, (I beseech you), on your own behalf, on behalf of your children, and your parents, (and) on behalf of the majesty of the Roman people, help me in my distress, oppose injustice, (and) do not let the kingdom of Numidia, which is your (possession), sink into ruin through wickedness and the blood of our family."
Chapter XV. The reply of Jugurtha's ambassadors, and the opinions of the senators.
(1) After the king had brought his speech to an end, Jugurtha's ambassadors, relying on bribery rather than (the justice of) their cause, replied in a few (words): (they said) that Hiempsal had been killed by the Numidians on account of his cruelty, (and) that Adherbal had made war without provocation, and that, after he had been defeated, he was complaining that he had been unable to inflict injury. (They said) that Jugurtha was begging the senate not to consider him as any different from (the man) he had been at Numantia, and not to put the words of his enemy before his own conduct.
(2) Then both (parties) withdrew from the senate-house. The senate at once deliberated. The ambassadors' patrons and a large section of the senate that had been corrupted by their influence deplored the speech of Adherbal and extolled with their praises the virtues of Jugurtha; (and) they exerted themselves through their influence, their eloquence, (and), in short, by all (possible) means, in relation to the disgraceful crime of a foreigner, as though (it were) on behalf of their own honour. (3) But, on the other hand, a few, to whom right and justice were dearer than wealth, expressed the opinion that Adherbal should be assisted and Hiempsal should be avenged with severity. (4) Yet, the most renowned of all (of these was) the nobleman (Marcus) Aemilius Scaurus (i.e. consul 115 B.C.), an energetic oligarch, avid for power, honour and riches, but for all that clever at concealing his own faults. (5) He, when he saw that the king's bribery (was) infamous and brazen, fearing what is usual in such cases, (namely) that such corrupting licentiousness would arouse (popular) resentment, curbed his mind from its usual passion
Chapter XVI. The prevalence of Jugurtha's money, and the partition of the kingdom between him and Adherbal.
(1) Yet that party triumphed in the senate that preferred money or favour to (what is) right. (2) A decree was passed that ten commissioners should divide the kingdom which Micipsa had held between Jugurtha and Adherbal. The head of this commission was Lucius Opimius, a distinguished man and (one who was) very powerful in the senate at that time, because (as) consul (i.e. in 121 B.C.) he had brought about the death of Gaius (Sempronius) Gracchus (i.e. tribune of the people in 123-122) and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus (i.e. consul in 125), and had cruelly followed up the victory of the nobility over the people. (3) Although Jugurtha had counted him (i.e. Opimius) among his enemies at Rome, yet he received him with the greatest of respect, (and,) by giving (him) and promising (him) many (things), he induced (him) to put the king's advantage before his own reputation, good faith, (and,) in short, all his own personal considerations. (4) Accosting the rest of the commissioners in the same way, he won over the majority (of them); in the case of a few (only) was trustworthiness dearer than money. (5) In the division (of the kingdom), the part of Numidia that borders on Mauretania, and which was superior in farmland and manpower, was allocated to Jugurtha; the other (part), which, (though) it was rich in harbours and more adorned with buildings, (was) more valuable in appearance than in usefulness, Adherbal possessed.
Chapter XVII. A description of Africa.
(1) My subject seems to require that I set out in a few (words) the situation of Africa, and make a mention of those nations with whom we have had a war or an alliance. (2) But those regions and peoples which have been rarely frequented due to heat, ruggedness and, likewise, desert, I cannot recount (things) about them (which it is) not easy to learn. The rest I shall deal with in the fewest possible words.
(3) In their division of the earth's surface most (writers) have considered Africa as a third part (of it), (but for) a few there is only Asia and Europe. (4) It has as its boundary on the west the strait (i.e. the Pillars of Hercules, later called the Straits of Gibraltar) (connecting) our sea (i.e. the Mediterranean) and the Ocean (i.e. the Atlantic), (and) on the east a broad incline, a place which the inhabitants call the Catabathmon (i.e. the Descent, the sloping stretch of land between the Libyan desert and Egypt, that is, Cyrenaica ) (5) The sea (is) boisterous and short of harbours, the land (is) fertile with corn and good for animals (i.e. sheep and cattle), (but) unproductive of trees (and) lacking in water, both from the sky (i.e. rain) and from the land (i.e. springs). (6) The natives (are) healthy, swift (of foot), (and) able to endure hard work; and old age kills most (of them), except (those) who perish by the sword or through beasts of prey; for disease does not often overcome any of them; besides, there is an abundance of animals of a venomous disposition.
(7) But who the men (were) who occupied Africa at the beginning, and who joined them afterwards, or in what manner they intermingled with them, I shall speak as briefly as possible, although (my account) is different from the tradition, which is the view of the majority, (and) yet (I shall tell it) as it was translated to me from the Punic books, which were said to have been written by king Hiempsal (i.e. not the brother of Adherbal, but the son of Gauda, Jugurtha's half-brother and successor, and this Hiempsal was the King of Numidia 88-60), and in accordance with the story which the dwellers in that land believe. But the responsibility for its truth will be with the writers.
Chapter XVIII. A description of Africa: (1) an account of its inhabitants.
(1) The Gaetulians and the Libyans originally occupied Africa, (these being) rude, uncivilised (tribes), whose food consisted of the flesh of wild animals and the pasturage of the soil like cattle. (2) They were governed neither by customs, nor by law or by anyone's rule: roaming about in a restless manner, they occupied the abodes which night compelled (them to accept). (3) But after Hercules, as the Africans suppose, perished in Spain, his army, having lost its leader and with many seeking command of it, each (man) for himself, quickly dispersed into different places. (4) Of their number, the Medes, Persians, and Armenians, (who had) crossed into Africa by ship, occupied those regions (which were) closest to our sea (i.e. the Mediterranean), (5) but the Persians (settled) more towards the Ocean (i.e. the Atlantic), and they used the inverted keels of their vessels for huts, since there was no timber in the countryside, nor any supply (of it) from the Spaniards, (either) by purchase or barter; (6) (for) the wide sea and an unknown tongue were barriers to commerce. (7) They gradually intermingled with the Gaetulians through marriage, and, because, in testing the soil, they frequently made for one place and then another, they called themselves Nomads. (8) Moreover, even now the buildings of the Numidian rustics, which they call 'mapalia' (i.e. huts), are oblong (in shape), with roofs with curved sides like ships' hulls.
(9) Now, the Libyans connected themselves to the Medes and the Armenians - for they moved nearer to the African sea, (while) the Gaetulians settled more towards the sun (i.e. to the south), not far from the torrid zones - , and they (i.e. the Libyans, combined with the Medes and Armenians) promptly built themselves towns; for, separated from Spain (only) by the strait, they proceeded to exchange goods with them. (10) The Libyans gradually corrupted their name calling (them), in their barbarous tongue, Moors instead of Medes.
(11) But the power of the Persians (i.e. the Persians and the Gaetulians combined) rapidly increased, and later, under the name of Numidian, having separated from their parents due to an excess (of population), they occupied those regions which border upon Carthage, and are now called Numidia. (12) Then, the two (groups) (i.e. the older ones nearer to the Ocean and the younger Numidians who had settled near Carthage), relying on one another, brought the neighbouring (tribes) under their sway by (force of) arms or through fear, and acquired a glorious name; those who had progressed towards our sea (made) the greater (gains), because the Libyans are less warlike than the Gaetulians. At last, most of the lower part of Africa (i.e. the part nearest to the sea) was occupied by the Numidians, and all the conquered (tribes) were submerged in the race and name of their rulers.
Chapter XIX. A description of Africa: (2) an account of its principal divisions at the commencement of the Jugurthine war.
(1) At a later date, the Phoenicians (i.e. the inhabitants of the eastern coastline of the Mediterranean, especially those dwelling in the ports of Tyre and Sidon), some out of regard for the need to reduce the size of the population, (and) others from a desire for empire, stirred up the common people and others (who were) avid for new arrangements, founded Hippo (i.e. Hippo Diarrhytus), Hadrumetum, Lepcis (i.e. Lepcis Minor, now Lempta, situated on the Gulf of Hammamet off the eastern coast of Numidia) and other cities on the sea-coast; and these soon became very powerful, some (being a means of) support and others a (source of) glory to their founders. (2) As for Carthage, I think (it is) better to be silent then to say not enough, since time bids (me) hasten on to another (topic).
(3) Then, (next) to the Catabathmos (i.e. Cyrenaica), the region which separates Egypt from Africa, the first (city) is Cyrene, a colony of the Theraeans (i.e. the inhabitants of Thera, an island in the Sporades, a group of islands in the Aegean), and then the two Syrtes, with Lepcis (i.e. Lepcis Magna, now Lebda on the northern coast of Libya) between them, and then the Altars of the Philaeni, the place which the Carthaginians regarded as (marking) the boundary of their empire on the side of Egypt, and beyond (them are) the other Punic cities. (4) The other regions as far as Mauretania, the Numidians occupy, (and) the Moors are the nearest to Spain. To the south of the Numidians (live) the Gaetulians, we are told, some (dwelling) in huts, others leading a less cultivated vagrant lifestyle, (6) (and) beyond them are the Ethiopians, and further still the regions parched by the heat of the sun.
(7) Now, at the time of the Jugurthine war, the Roman people were governing, by means of their praetors, most of the Punic towns as well as the territories which the Carthaginian people had latterly possessed (i.e. between the Second and the Third Punic Wars); a large section of the Gaetulians and Numidia as far as the river Mulucha were subject to Jugurtha; King Bocchus was ruling all of the Moors, knowing nothing of the Roman people except their name only, and before that time (he was) likewise unknown to us either in war or in peace. (8) Of Africa and its inhabitants enough (has now been) said to (satisfy) the requirements of my narrative.
Chapter XX. Jugurtha invades Adherbal's part of the kingdom.
(1) When, after dividing the kingdom, the commissioners had left Africa, Jugurtha saw that, contrary to the fears in his mind, he had obtained the rewards of his crime; he was convinced of the truth of what he had heard from his friends at Numantia, (namely) that all (things) at Rome were for sale, and, at the same time, being encouraged by the promises of those whom he had recently loaded with presents, he directed his attention to the kingdom of Adherbal. (2) He, himself, (was) bold and warlike, but the one, at whose (destruction) he was aiming, (was) quiet, peaceful, of a tranquil disposition, open to injury, (and) more inclined to fear than to be the object of fear. (3) So, he suddenly invaded his territories with a large band, took many (men) as prisoners, together with their cattle and other booty. set fire to buildings, (and) raided very many places with his cavalry in a hostile manner; (4) then, he turned back with all his forces into his own kingdom, thinking that Adherbal, aroused by such provocation, would seek to avenge his injuries by force, and that such action would provide a pretext for war. (5) But he (i.e. Adherbal), because he realised that he (was) no match (for his rival) in arms, and was relying on his friendship with the Roman people more than the Numidians, sent envoys to Jugurtha in order to complain about these outrages. Although they brought back insolent answers, yet he resolved to endure all (things) before resorting to war, since, (when he had) tried (it) before, it had turned out badly. (6) But Jugurtha's eagerness was not in any way diminished, since he had now, in his mind, taken possession of the whole of Numidia. (7) So, he began to wage war, not as before with a predatory band, but (only) after he had got together a large army, and he openly laid claim to all of Numidia. (8) Now, wherever he marched, he ravaged the cities (and) the fields, rounded up booty, (and) increased the confidence of his (men and) the terror of his opponents.
Chapter XXI. Jugurtha defeats Adherbal, and besieges him in Cirta.
(1) Adherbal, when he realised that (matters) had reached such a (point) that he must either relinquish his kingdom or retain it by (force of) arms, prepared his forces through necessity and advanced to meet Jugurtha. (2) Now, both armies encamped near the town of Cirta, not far from the sea, and, because it was late in the day, no engagement (was) undertaken, but, when the greater part of the night and passed, (but it was) still dark, the soldiers of Jugurtha, at a given signal, attacked their enemy's camp, (and as) some (were) half-asleep and others were (still) taking up their arms, they routed (them) and put (them) to flight. Adherbal with a few of his cavalrymen fled to Cirta, and, if there had not been a considerable number of Roman citizens (in the town), who kept their Numidian pursuers away from the walls, the war between the two kings would have begun and ended on one (and the same) day. (3) So, Jugurtha besieged the town and tried to storm (it) by means of penthouses, towers and machines of all kinds, making all haste so as to anticipate the arrival of the envoys, whom he had heard (had been) sent to Rome by Adherbal before the battle (was) fought.
(4) But, as soon as the senate heard of their war, three young men were sent to Africa as deputies, to go to both kings (and) announce in the words of the senate and people of Rome that it was their will and resolution that they should lay down their arms and settle their disputes by arbitration rather than by war: (to act) thus was to the honour both of themselves and of the (Romans).
Chapter XXII. Jugurtha frustrates the intentions of the Roman deputies.
(1) The deputies arrived in Africa, hastening all the more, because, while they were preparing to set out, word reached Rome of the battle (which had) taken place and of the siege of Cirta; but the report was understated (i.e. that the fighting and the siege were being much more vigorously conducted than the report had suggested). (2) Having given them an audience, Jugurtha responded that nothing was more important or dearer to him than the authority of the senate. So, from his youth, he had endeavoured to win the esteem of all the best men; (it was) by merit, not wickedness that he had won the favour of that very great man, Publius Scipio; (and) on account of the same qualities, he had been adopted by Micipsa to (a share in) the kingdom, not through any want of children. (3) But the more honorably and vigorously he had acted the less could his mind tolerate injustice. (4) That Adherbal had deceitfully plotted against his life; that, when he discovered this, he went to meet his crime. That the Roman people would be acting neither justly nor rightly, if they prevented him from (recourse) to the right of nations (i.e. the right of self-defence, when attacked). Finally, that he would shortly be sending ambassadors to Rome to explain all these matters. (5) On this basis, both parties separated. There was no opportunity for Adherbal to be addressed.
Chapter XXIII. Adherbal's distress.
(1) As soon as he thought they had left Africa, Jugurtha, (because he found) he could not take Cirta by armed force, on account of the nature of the place, surrounded its walls with a rampart and a trench, (and) erected towers and manned them with troops; furthermore, he made attacks (on the place) night and day either by force or by stratagem; to the defenders of the walls, he offered now bribes, now threats; he roused his (men) to valour by exhortation, (and was) absolutely determined to try all (possible expedients).
(2) Adherbal, when he realised that all his fortunes were in a desperate state, that his enemy was bent on his destruction, that (there was) no hope at all of assistance, (and) that, due to a lack of the necessities of life, he could not prolong the war, he picked out two of the most energetic of the (men) who had fled with (him) to Cirta; these he persuaded, by promising (them) many (things) and by dwelling upon his own most wretched plight, to make their way by night through the enemy's fortifications to the nearest (stretch of) sea, and thence to Rome.
Chapter XXIV. Adherbal's letter to the senate.
(1) In a few days the Numidians fulfilled their instructions. A letter from Adherbal (was) read out in the senate, the substance of which was this: "(It is) not my fault that I send you an entreaty so often, Conscript Fathers, but the violence of Jugurtha compels (me to do so), (for,) in his case, so strong a desire to destroy me has seized hold of (him), that he pays no regard either to you or to the immortal gods, (and) he covets my blood beyond everything (else). (3) So, I, an ally and friend of the Roman people, am now being held under siege by armed forces for the fifth month; neither the good services of my father Micipsa, nor your decrees, are of any assistance to me; (whether) I am being pressed more sharply by sword or famine, I am unclear.
(4) "My current situation deters me from writing any further about Jugurtha, and I have experienced even before (i.e. when he spoke to the senate) that little credit is (bestowed) upon the unfortunate. (5) But yet I feel that he is aiming at (something which is) higher than I am, and that he does not expect (to enjoy) your friendship and my kingdom at the same time. Which of the two he thinks the more important must be clear to everyone. (6) For, in the first place, he murdered my brother Hiempsal, (and) then he expelled me from my father's kingdom. These may doubtless be seen as my grievances, and of no (concern) to you. (7) But now he holds your kingdom by armed force, and myself, whom you appointed (as) the ruler of the Numidians, he is closely besieging; how much regard he may have for the words of your envoys, my perils reveal. (8) (So then) what is left but your arms, by which he can be influenced? (9) For I could, indeed, wish that these (things) that I am (now) writing, and those (things) that I formerly complained about in the senate, were false, rather than that my (present) miseries should confirm the truth of my words.
(10) "But, since I was born so as to be an example of Jugurtha's crimes, I do not now seek to avoid death or distress, (but) only the tyranny of an enemy and bodily torture. As for the kingdom of Numidia, which belongs to you, decide as you please; (but,) if any memory of my grandfather Masinissa remains with you, deliver me, (I entreat you,) by the majesty of your empire, (and) by the sacred ties of friendship, from those impious hands."
Chapter XXV. Jugurtha disappoints a second Roman deputation.
(1) When this letter was read, there were (some) who thought that an army should be sent to Africa, and that assistance should be provided to Adherbal as soon as possible; and, in the meantime, that a decree should be passed (by the senate) concerning Jugurtha, since he had failed to obey its delegates. (2) But the greatest possible efforts were made by those same supporters of the king (to ensure) that no such decree was passed. (3) So, the public good, as is customary in the majority of circumstances, (was) overcome by private influence. (4) Nevertheless, some noblemen of senior age, who had filled the highest offices of state, were sent to Africa. Among these was Marcus Scaurus, whom I have mentioned above (i.e. in Ch. XV), (who was) an ex-consul and by that time the chief man of the senate.
(5) These (envoys), because their business was (being conducted amid the circumstances of) public indignation, and, at the same time, (their help) was besought by the Numidians, boarded their ship within three days. Then, when they landed shortly afterwards at Utica, they dispatched a letter to Jugurtha, (bidding him) come as speedily as possible to the province (i.e. the Roman province of Africa), as they had been sent by the senate to (meet) him. (6) When he understood that these distinguished men, whose authority in Rome he had heard was strong, had come to put a stop to his proceedings, he was, in the first place, unsettled, (and then) driven by the different (emotions) of fear and greed. (7) He dreaded the wrath of the senate, should he disobey their deputies, but yet his spirit, blinded by the lust (for power), was seized (by the desire) to (complete) the crime (which he had) begun. (8) However, a crooked counsel prevailed in his covetous mind. (9) Therefore, he surrounded Cirta with his army, and endeavoured with the utmost effort to break into (it), greatly hoping that, by dividing his enemy's forces, he would find, either by force or by guile, the opportunity of victory. (10) When this (attempt) proved unsuccessful, and he had not achieved what he had intended, (namely) to get Adherbal into his power before he met the ambassadors, in order (to ensure that) he might not annoy Scaurus, whom he particularly feared, by any further delay, he came into the province with a few cavalrymen. (11) Yet, although serious threats were reported (to him) in the words of the senate, because he did not put a stop to the siege, despite much (time) having been taken up in talking, the ambassadors departed without success.
Chapter XXVI. Jugurtha takes Cirta, and puts Adherbal to death.
(1) When (news of) this was known in Cirta, the Italians, by whose courage the walls had been defended, (and who were) confident that, if a surrender occurred, they would be unharmed on account of the might of the Roman people, encouraged Adherbal to hand himself and the town over to Jugurtha, and that he should stipulate only that his life (should be spared); (the position) concerning all other (matters) would be (left) to the care of the senate. (2) Now, although he considered everything (else to be) of more weight than the good faith of Jugurtha, yet because (he knew that,) if he were to resist, the power to compel (him) was in the possession of these same (men), he therefore arranged the surrender. (3) Jugurtha immediately tortured and killed Adherbal, and then he massacred indiscriminately all the adult Numidians and merchants (i.e. these would have been Italians) as each fell into the hands of his soldiers (n.b. the conquest of Cirta and the execution of Adherbal occurred in 112 B.C.).
Chapter XXVII. The senate determines to make war upon Jugurtha, and commits the management of it to Calpurnius.
(1) When this (outrage) was known about in Rome, and the matter began to be discussed in the senate, those same partisans of the king, by interrupting, and often through their (personal) influence, and sometimes by extending the time (for debate) by their wrangles, tried to lessen the atrocity of the deed. (2) And had Gaius Memmius, tribune of the people-designate, (and) a man of energy (and one who was) opposed to the power of the nobility, not made it clear to the Roman people that this was being done in order that Jugurtha's crime might be condoned through the influence of a few of his partisans, all of the indignation (against him) would certainly have evaporated due to the deliberations being prolonged: so great was the power of (private) influence and of the king's money! (3) But, when the senate, through its consciousness of the crime, became afraid of the people, Numidia and Italy (were) decreed to the succeeding consuls (as) their provinces under the Sempronian law (i.e. a law promoted by Gaius Gracchus in 123 B.C. which required the senate to select the provinces, to which consuls were to proceed, before their elections were held). (4) Publius Scipio Nasica (Serapio) and Lucius Calpurnius Bestia (were) declared consuls; Numidia went to Calpurnius, (and) Italy to Scipio. (5) Then an army was enlisted to be transported to Africa; (then) pay and all the other (things) which would be needed for war were voted.
Chapter XXVIII. Jugurtha sends an ineffectual embassy to the senate. His dominions are vigorously invaded by Calpurnius.
(1) But, when he received the news, (which was) contrary to his expectations, since it was fixed in his mind that all (things) at Rome were for sale, he sent his son, and two close friends with him, (as) envoys to the senate, and directed them, like those whom he had sent after the murder of Hiempsal, to accost all men with (bribes of) money. (2) When they drew near to Rome, the senate was consulted by Bestia as to whether they would allow Jugurtha's envoys to be admitted within the walls, and they decreed that, unless they had come to surrender both his kingdom and himself, they must depart from Italy within the next ten days. (3) The consul ordered that the Numidians should be told of the senate's decree. Therefore, they went home with their mission unaccomplished.
(4) In the meantime, Calpurnius, having raised an army, chose as his (officers) men of a noble and oligarchic background, by whose influence he hoped he would be protected, were he to commit any errors. Among these was Scaurus, of whose character and disposition I have spoken above (i.e. in Ch. XV). (5) For in our consul (i.e. Scaurus) there were many good qualities, both mental and physical, all of which his avarice hampered; enduring of labour, of a sharp intellect, of considerable foresight, not inexperienced in warfare, and most vigilant against dangers and snares.
(6) Now, the legions were conveyed across Italy to Rhegium and thence to Sicily, and then from Sicily to Africa. (7) So, Calpurnius, having collected his provisions in the first place, keenly invaded Numidia, and took many men (prisoner) and several cities by force of arms.
Chapter XXIX. Jugurtha bribes Calpurnius, and makes a treaty with him.
(1) But, when Jugurtha, through his emissaries, began to to tempt him with money, and to show (him) the difficulties of the war which he was conducting, his mind, corrupted by avarice, (as it was,) was readily altered. (2) Scaurus was adopted as an accomplice and tool in all his designs, and, although at first, after most of his faction had been corrupted, he had vigorously opposed the king, yet he was seduced by the size of the bribe from virtue and honesty to villainy. (3) But Jugurtha at first sought only to bring about a delay in he fighting, thinking that, in the interim, he could achieve something at Rome by bribery and (personal) influence. But, when he heard that Scaurus (was) a participant in the negotiations, he was led to believe (there was) a very great hope of peace being regained, and he resolved to negotiate with them in person concerning the terms of peace.
(4) But, meanwhile, for the sake of good faith, the quaestor Sextius was sent by the consul to Jugurtha's town of Vaga. The pretext of this visit was the the receipt of the grain, which Calpurnius had openly demanded from his emissaries, since a truce was arranged, (as there was) a delay in the surrender. (5) Then, the king, as he had determined, came to the camp, and, after he had spoken a few words in the presence of the council concerning the unpopularity of his conduct, and (confirming) that he was agreeing to a surrender, he settled the remaining (details) with Bestia and Scaurus in private. Then, on the next day, his surrender was accepted, the votes having been taken en masse (i.e. lit. as if by the lump). (6) But, as was demanded at the meeting of the council, thirty elephants, a considerable number of cattle and horses, and a small quantity of silver was delivered to the quaestor. (7) (Then,) Calpurnius proceeded to Rome to preside at the election of the magistrates (i.e. this was in the middle of the year 111 B.C. and the magistrates were elected to serve in the following year). Peace was observed in Numidia and by our army.
Chapter XXX. Calpurnius' proceedings are discussed at Rome.
(1) When rumour had divulged the things that had been done in Africa, and the manner in which they had been enacted, there was discussion of the consul's conduct throughout all the meeting places in Rome. Among the people (there was) deep indignation, and the senators were in a state of indecision: as to whether they should approve such an outrageous act or set aside the consul's decree, there was no agreement. (2) The strong influence of Scaurus, in that he was said (to be) the agent and accomplice of Bestia, (was what) restrained them from (acting) with justice and honour. (3) But Gaius Memmius, of whose independence of mind and dislike of the power of the nobility, I have spoken above (i.e. see Ch. XXVII), incited the people by his harangues during (the period of) the senate's dithering and delay to take their revenge, (and) he urged (them) not to abandon the public interest or their own freedom (of speech), (and) exposed the arrogant and vicious crimes of the nobility; in short, (he was) intent in inflaming the mind of the people in every (possible) way.
(4) But, as the eloquence of Memmius was (so) renowned and influential in Rome during this period of time, I have thought (it) proper to quote in full one speech of his out of so many (that he made), and I shall take that most important one which he delivered in the people's assembly after the return of Bestia in words such as these:
Chapter XXXI. The speech of Memmius concerning Calpurnius' proceedings.
(1) "Were not my zeal for (the welfare of) the state superior to all (other considerations), many (factors) would deter me from (addressing) you, my fellow-citizens; the power of the (opposing) faction (i.e. the 'Optimates', or the oligarchy of the nobility), your submissiveness, the lack of justice, and, above all, (the fact) that there is more danger than honour in one's integrity. (2) For (there are) some things of which I am indeed ashamed to speak: how during the past fifteen years you have been the sport of the arrogance of a faction, how shamefully your defenders have perished unavenged, (and) how your spirits have been demoralised on account of your cowardice and apathy, (3) and not even now, when your enemies deserve to be punished, do you take any action, and at present you are still afraid of those to whom you should be a terror.
(4) "But although such is the state of affairs, yet my spirit obliges (me) to take on the power of this faction. (5) I shall certainly make use of that freedom (of speech) which my father left me. But (whether) I shall do this in vain or to good purpose (is something that) lies in your hands, my fellow-citizens. (6) But I do not exhort you to take up arms against injustice, as your ancestors (so) often did. There is no need of violence, no (need) of secession; they must bring about their ruin in their own way.
(7) "After the murder of Tiberius (Sempronius) Gracchus (i.e. the tribune of the people killed in 133 B.C.), whom they said was getting ready for the throne, criminal trials were instituted against the common people of Rome; likewise, after the slaughter of Gaius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius (i.e. in 121 B.C.) many men of your rank were killed in a dungeon; no law but (merely) their own inclination brought about an end to these bouts of bloodshed. (8) But (let us accept) that to restore their (rights) to the common people was indeed to prepare for kingship; (and let us allow) that whatever cannot be avenged without (shedding) the blood of a citizen was justly done. (9) In previous years, you have borne with silent indignation the treasury being pillaged, kings and free peoples paying tribute to a few noblemen, and the highest honours and the greatest wealth being in the possession of the same (men). Yet, they consider to have undertaken such misdeeds as these with impunity (to be but) a small (matter), and so, at last, your laws, your sovereignty, (and) all (obligations), divine and human, have been surrendered to your enemies. (10) Nor do those who have done these (things) show any shame or regret, but they strut around proudly before your faces, displaying their priesthoods, their consulships and, in some cases, their triumphal (regalia), just as if they regarded them as (marks) of honour, not (as the fruits) of their booty. (11) Slaves, purchased with money, do not put up with unjust commands from their masters; do you, my fellow-citizens, (who are) born to rule, endure servitude with an untroubled mind?
"But who are these (men) who have seized control of the state? (These are) men of the greatest wickedness, with blood on their hands, insatiable in their avarice, most full of guilt, and, at the same time, most full of pride, (men) for whom integrity, reputation, decency, in short, all (things) honourable and dishonourable, are (but) a means of gain. (13) Some of them regard (it) as their defence that they have killed tribunes of the people, others that they have instituted unjust prosecutions against you, (and) several (that they have shed) your blood. (14) Thus, the more atrocious (the deed) which each one has committed, so is his safety the greater. They have shifted the anxiety from their villainy to your cowardice, and desiring the same (things), hating the same (things), (and) fearing the same (things) has united them all into one (body). (15) Among good (men) this constitutes friendship, but among bad (men it creates) a faction. (16) But, if you have so great a concern for your freedom, as they are spurred on towards tyranny, surely our country would not be being torn asunder, as (it is) now, and your favours would be bestowed on the most virtuous, not the most reckless. (17) Your forefathers, in order to assert their legal rights and to establish their sovereignty, twice occupied the Aventine in arms through a secession; will you not exert yourselves to the utmost of your strength on behalf of that liberty which you received from them? Indeed, (you should exert yourselves) the more vigorously, on the basis that it is more shameful to lose (what has been) acquired than never to have gained (it) at all.
"(But) someone will ask (me), 'What (course of action) would you advise us (to adopt)?' (I would advise) that you should take your revenge upon those who have betrayed their country to the enemy, not by means of armed force or violence, which is more unbecoming for you to inflict than for them to suffer, but by prosecutions and the evidence of Jugurtha himself. (19) If he is (really) one who has capitulated, he will surely be obedient to your commands; but if he defies them, you will doubtless be wondering what kind of surrender it is, from which impunity has gone to Jugurtha for his crimes, immense wealth to a few powerful (men), (and) damage and disgrace to our country; (20) unless, perhaps, the extent of these men's dominance does not yet even worry you, and those (times in the past), when kingdoms, provinces, laws, rights, law-courts, war and peace, in short, all (things), human and divine, were in the hands of a few, but you, the Roman people that is, unconquered by your enemies, rulers of all the nations, thought (it) sufficient (merely) to retain your lives, are more pleasing (to you) than our present times.
(21) "But (as for me), although I think it is most disgraceful for a man to receive an injury without a penalty (being inflicted in return), yet I could readily allow you to pardon those basest of men, on the grounds that they are your (fellow-)citizens, were it it for the fact that such a merciful policy would end in your ruin. (22) For, in their case, they have so great (a degree of) presumption, that it is not enough to do evil, unless the licence to do mischief is then wrung from you, and a constant anxiety will remain with you, since you will be aware that you must either be enslaved or you must preserve your liberty by force of arms. (23) For what hope is there of any mutual trust or harmony? They wish to be in control, you (wish) to be free; they (wish) to inflict wrong, you (wish) to prevent (it); finally, they treat our allies as enemies, (and) our enemies as allies. (24) With such different attitudes, can there be peace or friendship (between you)?
(25) "For this reason, I warn and exhort you not to allow such great wickedness to go unpunished. (It is) not an embezzlement of public money (that) has occurred, nor (has) money (been) extorted from your allies by force, (offences) which, although serious (ones), yet they are now regarded as of no (significance), on account of their frequency; (but) the authority of the senate (has been) sacrificed to a most bitter enemy, (and) your own sovereignty has been betrayed; the republic has been offered for sale (both) at home and abroad. (26) Unless these (misdeeds) are going to be investigated, and, unless punishments (are going to be) inflicted on the guilty (ones), what will be left (to us), but to live in obedience to those who have committed them? For to do as one wishes with impunity, that is to be a king. (27) I am not asking you, my fellow-citizens, to prefer to attribute guilt to your (fellow-)citizens rather than innocence, but not to bring ruin upon good (people) by excusing bad (ones). (28) Besides, in a republic it is much better to forget a kindness than a misdeed: (for) a good (man) only becomes less active, when you overlook (him), whereas a bad (man becomes) more wicked. (29) Moreover, if the crimes (of bad men) are covered up, you will not often need the help (of good men)."
Chapter XXXII. The consequences of Memmius' speech.
(1) By frequently asserting these and similar (things) of this nature, Memmius persuaded the people that Lucius Cassius, who was then praetor, should be sent to Jugurtha, and that he should bring him to Rome, under the guarantee of a public safeguard, in order that, through the testimony of the king, the wrongs of Scaurus, and the others whom he had accused of taking bribes, might the more readily be exposed.
(2) While these (things) were happening in Rome, (those) who (had been) left by Bestia in Numidia in command of the army, followed the example of their general (and) carried out a multitude of the most shameful misdeeds. (3) There were (some) who (were) seduced by gold to hand his elephants back to Jugurtha, and others to sell (him) his deserters, (and) others too took plunder from those with whom we were at peace: (4) so great (was) the power of avarice on their minds, (that it was) as if a plague had taken hold of (them). (5) But, when the motion (proposed) by Gaius Memmius (was) passed, to the consternation of the whole nobility, the praetor Cassius went to Jugurtha, (whom), afraid (as he was) and despairing of his own fortunes though a consciousness (of his guilt), he persuaded that, since he had surrendered himself to the Roman people, he would do better to experience not their force but their mercy. He also gave (him) his private pledge of security, which he valued no less than the public (one): such, at that time, was the reputation of Cassius.
Chapter XXXIII. The arrival of Jugurtha at Rome, and his appearance before the people.
(1) So, Jugurtha came to Rome with Cassius in a garb, (which,) contrary to the splendour of royalty, (was) as pitiable as possible. (2) And, although he had great confidence in himself, (he was) encouraged by all (those) by whose power and villainy he had accomplished all those things, about which I have spoken previously, and he procured by means of a heavy bribe (the services of) Gaius Baebius, a tribune of the people, by whose shameless conduct (he hoped) he should be protected against the law and all harm. (3) But, when a popular assembly had been convoked, although the people were bitterly hostile to the king, and some demanded that he should be taken to prison, and others that, unless he should reveal the accomplices of his crimes, he should receive the punishment of an enemy in accordance with the custom of our forefathers, Gaius Memmius showed more regard for their honour than for their anger, and (endeavoured) to calm their emotions and mitigate their fury, and, finally, he pledged that, as far as it lay in his power, the public guarantee would not be broken. (4) At length, when silence had been achieved, he brought Jugurtha forward, and made a speech, (and) he detailed his misdeeds in Rome and Numidia, (and) set out his crimes against his father and brothers. Although the Roman people were well aware by whose help and with whose support he had done these (things), yet they wished to have further testimony from himself. If he were to disclose the truth, there lay great hope for him in the good faith and clemency of the Roman people; but if he were to remain silent, he would not bring safety to his accomplices, but would ruin himself and his hopes (of obtaining a pardon).
Chapter XXXIV. Jugurtha avoids having to speak, through the intervention of the tribune Baebius.
(1) Then, when Memius had brought his speech to an end, and Jugurtha was required to reply, Gaius Baebius, the tribune of the people, whom I mentioned above as having been corrupted by a bribe, told the king to stay silent, and, although the multitude who were present in the assembly (were) desperately enraged and sought to terrify him by their noise, by their looks, by their frequent gestures, and by all the other (things) which anger likes to bring about, yet his impudence prevailed. (2) So, the people, having been ridiculed, left the assembly; the confidence of Jugurtha, Bestia, and the others, whom this investigation had alarmed, was restored.
Chapter XXXV. Jugurtha procures the assassination of Massiva, and is ordered to leave Italy.
(1) There was in Rome at that time a certain Numidian named Massiva, a son of Gulussa and a grandson of Masinissa, who, because he had opposed Jugurtha in the quarrel between the kings, had been absent from his country (as) an exile, after the fall of Cirta and the murder of Adherbal. (2) Spurius (Postumius) Albinus, who was holding the consulship, together with Quintus Minucius Rufus in the following year after Bestia (i.e. in 110 B.C.), persuaded this (man) to seek the throne of Numidia from the senate, since he was of the family of Masinissa and indignation and fear hung over Jugurtha on account of his crimes. (3) Eager to conduct a war, the consul preferred that everything should be in state of disturbance rather than one of inactivity. The province of Numidia had fallen to himself, (and that) of Macedonia to Minucius. (4) When Massiva began to put these (plans) into action, and Jugurtha did not have enough support among his friends, as a sense of guilt deterred some of them and ill-repute and fear (hindered) others, he ordered Bomilcar, his nearest and most (trusted) confidant, to arrange Massiva's assassination by the use of money, through which he had already achieved (so) much, and (to do it) in the greatest secrecy, but that, if that should prove impracticable, he should kill the Numidian by any means possible.
(5) Bomilcar quickly followed up on the king's instructions, and by means of men (who were) adepts at such business, and he kept track of his comings and goings, (and,) in short, where he was at all times. Then, when the opportunity presented itself, he lay his trap. (6) Then, one of their number, who had been hired to (carry out) the murder, sprang at Massiva somewhat indiscreetly. He killed him, but being captured himself, at the instigation of many, and of the consul Albinus in particular, he openly confessed to the charge. (7) Bomilcar was brought to trial more on the basis of equity and justice rather than in accordance with the law of nations, as the companion of one who had come to Rome under the guarantee of public protection.
(8) But Jugurtha, (though) clearly (guilty) of so flagrant a crime, did not cease to resist the truth, until he realised that the indignation at his deed was beyond (the reach of) his influence and money. (9) Therefore, although at the commencement of the proceedings he had given fifty of his friends as sureties (for Bomilcar's appearance in court), (yet) having more regard for his kingdom than for these bailmen, he sent Bomilcar secretly to Numidia, fearing that if the penalty (i.e. execution) were to be paid in this case, fear of obeying him would overcome the rest of the population. And a few days (later) he himself left also, having been ordered to depart from Italy by the senate. (10) But, as he was leaving Rome, he is said, after frequently looking back on it in silence to have finally exclaimed: "(I see) a city (that is) for sale, and doomed to speedy destruction, if it can (but) find a buyer."
SECTION II. CHAPTERS XXXVI - LXXVI.
Chapter XXXVI. Albinus, the successor of Calpurnius, renews the war. He returns to Rome, and leaves his brother Aulus to command in his absence.
(1) In the meantime, Albinus renewed the war, and hastened to transport to Africa provisions, pay, and (all) the other (things) which were needed by the soldiers; then, he set out at once himself, in order that he might bring the war to a conclusion before the electoral assembly, the time of which was not far off (i.e. this was in the summer of 110 B.C.). (2) But, on the other hand, Jugurtha (sought) to prolong everything else, and then to invent other causes for delay; he promised to surrender, and then feigned mistrust; he withdrew, when attacked, and (then) shortly afterwards, he launched (his own) attack, lest his (men) might lose heart: so, (now) by means of war, and (then) by means of peace, his procrastinations thwarted the consul.
(3) There were at that time (some) who thought that Albinus was not unaware of the king's intention, nor did they believe that so ready a protraction of the war (was) due to tardiness rather than deceit. (4) But, when, after some time had elapsed, the day of the elections approached, Albinus left his brother Aulus in the camp as propraetor (i.e. lieutenant-general) and returned to Rome.
Chapter XXXVII. Aulus Albinus prepares to besiege Suthul.
(1) At that time, public affairs at Rome were grievously disturbed by the machinations of tribunes. (2) The tribunes of the people, Publius (Licinius) Lucullus and Lucius Annius, were striving to continue in office, despite the resistance of their colleagues, and this dispute disrupted the elections throughout the year. (3) Aulus, whom I have just said (had been) left in the camp as propraetor, having been induced by this delay to (form) the hope of either finishing the war or of extracting money from the king through fear of his army, called his troops out of their winter quarters into action in the month of January (i.e. 109 B,C. presumably), and by forced marches during the severe winter (season) he arrived at the town of Suthul, where the king's treasures were (deposited). (4) This (place), although from the harshness of the season and the advantage of its position it could neither be taken nor besieged - for around its walls, built (as they were) on the edge of a steep hill, a muddy plain had formed (itself into) a lake through (the flooding of) the winter rains - , yet, for the purpose of a feint, by which he might impart terror into the king, or blinded by the desire to possess the town on account of its treasures, he brought up penthouses, constructed a mound, and hastened (to make all) the other (arrangements) which would be needed to begin (an assault).
Chapter XXXVIII. Aulus miscarries disastrously in the siege of Suthul, and concludes a dishonourable treaty with Jugurtha.
(1) But Jugurtha, aware (as he was) of the legate's vanity and inexperience, craftily enhanced his stupidity, (and) kept sending (him) supplicant envoys, (while) he himself, as if (seeking to) avoid (any encounters), led his army through wooded sites and footpaths. (2) At length, he lured Aulus, by the prospect of a settlement, into leaving Suthul and pursuing him, as if he were retreating, into remote regions: so any misconduct might be more hidden (i.e. that any bargain Aulus might strike with Jugurtha would be less likely to come to the notice of the senate). (3) Meanwhile, through clever operatives, he was working on our army night and day, (and) he bribed some centurions and commanders of cavalry squadrons to desert (to him) and others to abandon their posts at a given signal.
(4) When he had arranged matters to his liking, he surrounded Aulus' camp at dead of night with an unexpectedly large number of Numidians. (5) The Roman soldiers (were) alarmed by the unusual disturbance: some took up arms, others hid themselves; some encouraged the fearful, but (there was) fear and trembling in all places. (For) the force of the enemy (was) great, (and) the sky (was) hidden by darkness and clouds, (so) the danger was two-fold (i.e. from the enemy and from nature); in short, (whether) it was safer to flee or to remain was (a matter) of uncertainty. (6) But of the number (of those) whom I have just mentioned as having been bribed, one cohort of Ligurians, with two squadrons of Thracian (cavalrymen) and a few common soldiers (i.e. auxiliary infantry), went over to the king, and the chief centurion of the third legion consigned a place of entry to the enemy by means of the (very) fortification which he had agreed to defend, and at this (point) the Numidians burst into (our camp). (7) In shameful flight, our (men) occupied a neighbouring hill, most of them throwing away their weapons. (8) Night and the spoils of the camp prevented the enemy from making full use of their victory. (9) Then, on the next day, Jugurtha, in conference with Aulus, spoke these words: that, although he held him and his army confined by famine and sword, yet, being mindful of varying human fortunes, if he were to make a treaty with him, he would send them all under the yoke unharmed; in addition, (he should agree) to leave Numidia within ten days. (10) Although these (terms) were severe and full of shame, yet, because they were affected by fear of death, peace came about as the king wished.
Chapter XXXIX. Aulus Albinus' treaty is annulled by the senate. His brother, Spurius, resumes command.
(1) But when these (events) were learned of in Rome, alarm and dismay pervaded the community: some grieved for the reputation of the empire, others, unaccustomed to matter of warfare, feared for their liberty; (but) all (were) indignant with Aulus, and, especially, (those) who had often been renowned in war, because, (although) he had arms available (to him), he had sought security through disgrace rather than force. (2) For this (reason), the consul Albinus, fearing indignation and then danger as a result of his brother's delinquency, consulted the senate about the treaty, but yet, in the meantime, he enrolled reinforcements into the army, summoned assistance from allies and (those) with the Latin name (i.e. not just the inhabitants of towns in Latium, such as Tibur and Praeneste, but of towns in other areas of Italy that had received Latin privileges), and, in short, he bestirred himself in every possible way.
(3) The senate, then, as was proper, decreed that no treaty could be made without the consent of itself and of the people. (4) The consul, (though) prevented by tribunes of the people from taking with him those forces which he had raised, set out for Africa within a few days (n.b. if he did this in 109 B.C. he must have been a proconsul, as his consular term of office will have ended); for the whole army, having been withdrawn from Numidia was wintering in the province (i.e. the Roman province of Africa). (5) When he arrived there, although he was burning with desire to pursue Jugurtha and ameliorate the feelings of anger that had fallen upon his brother, (yet,) when he saw the state of the soldiers, whom, besides their flight and the relaxation of discipline, licentiousness and debauchery had corrupted, he determined, that, under all the circumstances of the case, he should take no action.
Chapter XL. The people decide that there should be an inquiry into the conduct of those who had negotiated with Jugurtha.
(1) Meanwhile, at Rome the people's tribune, Gaius Mamilius Limetanus, proposed a bill to the people (i.e. probably in 109 B.C.) that there should be an inquiry into those, by whose advice Jugurtha had ignored the decrees of the senate, and who had received money from him during (their time) as ambassadors or army commanders, who had handed back his elephants and his deserters, (and,) likewise, who had struck bargains with the enemy concerning peace or war. (2) To this bill some, (who were) conscious of their own (guilt), (and) others, who were afraid of the dangers of factional hatred, secretly arranged obstructions (to it) through their friends, and, especially, through men of the Latin name and Italian allies, since they could not openly oppose (it) without having to confess their own approval of these and similar (acts) of such a kind. (3) But (as for) the people, it is incredible to relate what enthusiasm they displayed and with what great vigour they approved the bill, more through hatred of the nobility, against whom these severe (measures) were directed, than through any concern for the republic.
(4) Then, while the rest (of the malefactors) were convulsed with fear, Marcus Scaurus, whom I have previously noted had been Bestia's legate, had managed to arrange, amid the delight of the populace and the rout of his own (party), (and) also with the state (being) in a state of confusion at that time, that, when the three commissioners were put up for election under the terms of Mamilius' bill, he himself should be appointed among their number. (5) But the investigation (was) conducted with harshness and violence, on the basis of rumour (i.e. hearsay evidence) and popular caprice (n.b. under the terms of Mamilius' bill, the jurors came only from the equestrian order): so, the insolence (that stems) from success had taken hold of the people at this time, as (it had done so) often in the case of the nobility. [N.B. Under the proceedings of the Quaestio Mamilia, the following were sentenced to exile, probably in 109 B.C.: four ex-consuls, Lucius Opimius (121), Gaius Porcius Cato (114), Lucius Calpurnius Bestia (111), and Spurius Postumius Albinus (110); and a pontiff, Gaius Sulpicius Galba. See Cicero: 'Brutus' 34, 128.]
Chapter XLI. How the political and social circumstances of Rome began to break down in the long period of peace that followed the fall of Carthage.
(1) Now, the development of parties and factions, and then of all the evil practices (attendant on them), originated in Rome a few years before (this), because of peace and the abundance of (all) those things which mortals deem important. (2) For before Carthage (was) destroyed, the people and the senate of Rome managed public affairs between themselves peacefully and with forbearance, nor was there any struggle between citizens for glory or dominance: (for) dread of the enemy kept the state in good order. (3) But, when that fear was removed from their minds, wantonness and arrogance arose, those (things) which prosperity naturally fosters. (4) So, the peace, which they had (so) desired in adverse circumstances, when they had obtained (it), proved more harsh and more bitter (than adversity itself). (5) For the nobility began (to abuse) their position, (and) the people to take their liberty to excess; each man took, snatched, (and) seized (things) for himself. So, the whole (community) was split into two parties (i.e. the 'Optimates' and the 'Populares'), (and) the republic, which was in their midst, was torn asunder.
(6) Now, the nobility was the stronger due to its faction, (while) the strength of the people, dissipated and dispersed (as it was) among the multitude, was less effective. (7) (Matters) were directed (both) in war and at home by the will of a few (men); (and) in their hands were the treasury, the provinces, the magistracies, honours, and triumphs; (while) the people were oppressed by military service and want, the generals divided the spoils of war with a few (of their friends). (8) Meanwhile, the parents and the little children of their soldiers, where any of them was the neighbour of a more powerful (man), were displaced from their homes. (9) So, avarice (joined) with power violated, soiled, and wasted everything without any limit or restraint, and respected nothing nor held (anything) sacred, until it brought about its own destruction. (10) For, as soon as there were discovered among the nobility, (some) who preferred true glory to unjust power (e.g. the Gracchi), the state began to be disturbed and dissension to arise like a convulsion of the earth.
Chapter XLII. The oligarchic faction of the nobility, having murdered both the Gracchan brothers, turn on their followers with great cruelty.
(1) For, after Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus, whose ancestors had added greatly to the power of the state in the Punic and other wars, began to champion the liberty of the people and to expose the crimes of the oligarchs, the nobility, aware of their guilt and filled with alarm on that account, had taken action to oppose the proceedings of the Gracchi; the first they killed with a sword (was) Tiberius, then, a few years afterwards, Gaius, (who was) pursuing the same (policies), the one a tribune, (and) the other a member of a triumvirate for settling colonies, (and) together with (him) Marcus Fulvius Flaccus. (2) Now, to be sure, in the case of the Gracchi, due to the desire for victory, their spirit was not sufficiently restrained. (3) But to a decent (man), it is preferable to suffer a defeat than to conquer injustice by improper means.
(4) Then, the nobility, making use of this victory in accordance with their passion, removed many men by the sword or by banishment, and for the future increased the fear of them rather than their power. Such behaviour has commonly ruined great states, when one party seeks to defeat the other by any possible means and to take vengeance on the vanquished with undue severity. (5) But if I should contrive to speak of the zeal of the parties and of the customs of every state on an individual basis or in relation to its size, time sooner than the subject would fail me. For this reason I am returning to my subject.
Chapter XLIII. Metellus assumes conduct of the war.
(1) After Aulus' treaty and the shameful flight of our army, (Quintus Caecilius) Metellus and (Marcus Junius) Silanus, the consuls-designate (i.e. for the year 110 B.C.), had shared out the provinces between them (n.b. actually, the provinces must have been allocated before the beginning of the year and therefore before Aulus' defeat), and Numidia had fallen to Metellus, a man of energy, and, although opposed to the popular party, yet of an equable and spotless reputation. (2) When he first entered upon his term of office, thinking (that he shared) all other (duties) with his colleague, he turned his attention to the war which he would be conducting. (3) So, distrustful of the old army, (he began) to enlist troops, to summon auxiliaries from all around, to gather armour, weapons, horses and all other instruments of military service, in addition to (collecting) plentiful supplies, in short, everything which was likely to be needed in a war of a varied (nature) and requiring a multitude of resources. (4) But, in order to accomplish these (things), the allies and (those with) the Latin name with the authority of the senate, and kings (n.b. who these were is unclear) of their own accord, exerted themselves in sending help, and, indeed, the whole state (did so) with the greatest zeal. (5) Therefore, having prepared and arranged everything in accordance with his wishes, he (i.e. Metellus) set out for Numidia, (accompanied) by the great hopes of the citizens, both on account of his good qualities, and, especially, because he had a mind (that was) proof against wealth (i.e. possibly because his family, the Caecilii Metelli, were reputedly the richest in Rome) and (because) before that time our prospects in Numidia (had been) wrecked and (those) of our enemy had prospered through the avarice of our magistrates.
Chapter XLIV. Metellus finds that the army in Numidia is without discipline.
(1) But, when he came to Africa, the army (which) was handed over to him by the proconsul Spurius Albinus (was) inactive, cowardly, and un(able) to endure either danger or hard work, readier of tongue than of action, (and) an accustomed plunderer of our allies, while itself (being) the prey of our enemy, (and) without any discipline or restraint. (2) So, more anxiety came to the new commander from the bad habits of his troops than any advantage or good hopes (arising) from their number. (3) Metellus, however, resolved, though the delay in the elections had reduced the time of his summer campaign, and he knew that the minds of of the citizens were fixed on on the expectation of a (happy) outcome, not to renew the war until he had forced his troops to undergo the discipline of their ancestors. (4) For Albinus, dismayed by the disaster of his brother Aulus and his army, and after he had decided not to leave the province during that part of the summer season when he was in command, had kept most of the soldiers in a stationary camp (i.e. a fixed camp which was in contrast to the mobile camps, pitched at the end of a day's march), except when a stench or the need for fodder compelled (him) to change its position. (5) But, neither had the (camp) been fortified, nor were the watches kept in accordance with military usage; (and) a man was absent from duty whenever it pleased him. Camp-followers, intermingled with soldiers, roamed around day and night, and, as they wandered, they laid waste the fields, stormed farm-houses, and, vying with one another in amassing cattle and slaves (as) booty, they bartered these with merchants in exchange for imported wine and other such (luxuries) and, besides, they sold the grain given to them from the public (storehouse), and purchased bread on a daily basis; in short, whatever excesses arising from idleness and wantonness can be expressed or imagined, these and others as well, were all (to be found) in that army.
Chapter XLV. Metellus restores discipline within the army.
(1) But I am informed that in this difficult (situation), no less than in his encounters with the enemy, Metellus proved himself (to be) a great and a wise man: so great (was) the balance (that he struck) between indulgence and a reasonable (degree of) firmness. (2) For, in the first place, he removed incentives to idleness by an edict (which said) that no one should sell bread or any other cooked food in the camp, that no camp-followers should accompany the army, (and) that no common soldier should have a slave or a pack animal in the camp or on the march; (and) he placed a strict limit with regard to other (matters). In addition, he struck camp daily on cross-country marches, (and then) fortified (it) with a rampart and a trench, just as if the enemy had been at hand; he set night-watchmen at close intervals, and then went round them in person with his officers; likewise, (when) on the march, he was there in the vanguard at one moment, and in the rearguard at another, (and) frequently in the centre (of the line), (to see) that no one should leave the ranks, that they (all) kept close to their standards, (and that every) soldier was carrying his arms and food. (3) So, by preventing rather than punishing transgressions, he soon restored his army's effectiveness.
Chapter XLVI. Metellus rejects Jugurtha's offers of submission, bribes his deputies and marches into the country.
(1) Meanwhile, Jugurtha, when he learned from his emissaries how Metellus was getting on, (and) was informed at the same time (by those) at Rome of his integrity, (began) to despair of his own affairs, and then at last he tried to arrange a true surrender. (2) He, therefore, sent deputies to the consul with petitions of submission that sought only his own life and (the lives) of his children; everything else he consigned to the Roman people. (3) But Metellus had already learned from previous experience that the race of the Numidians was a dishonest (one), with a fickle disposition, (and) fond of changing circumstances. (4) Accordingly, he approached the deputies separately one by one, and, when he learned (by a process) of gradual temptation, that they (could be) of use to him, he induced (them) by lavish promises to deliver Jugurtha to him, alive if possible, but dead, if that should prove impracticable. But, publicly, he directed (them) to report back such things as were in accordance with the king's wishes.
(5) A few days later, with an army (which was) alert and ready for battle, he advanced into Numidia, where, contrary to the appearance of war, there were cottages full of people, (and) cattle and farmers in the fields. From the towns and hamlets the king's officers came out to meet (him), ready to furnish grain, carry provisions, (and,) in short, to do everything that they were told (to do). (6) But, nevertheless, Metellus advanced with a fortified column, just as if an enemy had been at hand, and explored all (places) thoroughly, thinking that these signs of submission (were) a pretence, and that they were looking for an opportunity for an ambush. (7) So, he himself was in the van with some light-armed cohorts, and with a select body of slingers and archers, (and) his lieutenant Gaius Marius was in charge of the rear with the cavalry, and he had apportioned the auxiliary horsemen on each flank to the tribunes of the legions and the prefects of the cohorts, so that they, (and) the light-armed troops intermingled with them, might repel the (groups of) enemy cavalry, whenever they should make an attack. (8) For, with regard to Jugurtha, such (was) his guile, and so great was his knowledge of the countryside and of military affairs, that it was doubtful (whether) he was a greater threat absent or present, (and) bringing peace or war.
Chapter XLVII. Metellus places a garrison in Vaga, and seduces other deputies of Jugurtha.
(1) Not far from the route which Metellus was pursuing was the town of the Numidians called Vacca, the most celebrated place for selling things in the entire kingdom, where many men of the Italian race were accustomed to live and do business. (2) Here, the consul, both for the sake of testing (the disposition of the inhabitants) and on account of the advantages of its position, placed a garrison. Furthermore, he ordered grain and all the other things which war required, to be brought (there), thinking, as the circumstances suggested, that the large number of tradesmen would assist his army in (obtaining) its supplies and provide protection for those provisions already accumulated.
(3) In the midst of these proceedings, Jugurtha sent suppliant envoys to beg for peace in a desperate manner and (offered) to consign everything to Metellus except his own life and (that) of his children. (4) These, just like the earlier (ones), the consul seduced into betrayal and (then) sent home, neither refusing nor promising the king the peace for which he was asking, and waiting, during these delays, for the envoys (to fulfil) their promises.
Chapter XLVIII. Jugurtha, feeling that his position is bring undermined by Metellus, decides to try the fortunes of battle.
(1) Jugurtha, when he compared Metellus' language with his actions, realised that he was being assailed by his own methods, since peace had been granted to him in words, yet in reality a most vigorous war was (being waged against him), his largest city (had been) wrested (from him), his countryside (was being) reconnoitred by the enemy, (and) the minds of his people (were being) tampered with; (so,) compelled by the necessity of the circumstances, he decided to fight it out in battle. (2) So, having examined the enemy's route, and, being led to hope for victory from the advantages of his position, he gathered the largest forces of all kinds that he could, and got ahead of Metellus' army by means of hidden tracks.
(3) There was in the part of Numidia which Adherbal had possesssed on its partition, a river flowing from the south called the Muthul, from which there was a mountain range, desolate by nature and in terms of human cultivation, about twenty miles distant, running parallel (with the stream). But from its centre there stretched a kind of hill, extending a very long way, covered with wild olives, myrtles and other varieties of trees, such as grow in dry and sandy soil. (4) Now, the intervening plain was uninhabited through lack of water, except for those areas close to the river; this (was) covered with shrubs and was full of cattle and farmers.
Chapter XLIX. Both Jugurtha and Metellus prepare for their armies to engage.
(1) So, on this hill, which stretched crosswise to their (line of) march, Jugurtha took up his position with his (men) in an extended battle-line. He gave Bomilcar the command of the elephants and of a part of his infantry troops, and told him what he should do. He, himself, placed his own (men) nearer to the mountain with all the cavalry and the pick of the infantry. (2) Then, riding around each of the squadrons and maniples, he admonished and appealed to (them) to remember their former valour and victories, and to defend themselves and their kingdom from the greed of the Romans: they would be fighting with those whom they had conquered previously and sent under the yoke, and that (it was) their leader, not their morale (that) had changed; (and he said) that he had provided for his (men) everything that was appropriate from a general, (including) the higher ground, as, well acquainted with the country, they would engage in combat with those who were ignorant of it, nor (would they engage) as the few against the many or as the untrained against those more experienced in warfare. (3) Accordingly, they should be ready and eager to attack the Romans, when the signal was given; (for) that day would either confirm all their labours and victories or it would be the prelude to the most grievous tribulations. (4) (He) also (spoke) individually to anyone whom he had rewarded with money or honour for any military deed, (and) reminded (him) of his generosity and pointed the (man) himself out (as an example) to the others, (and,) finally, by promises, threats, (and) entreaties, he roused (them), some in (one) way, (some) in another, according to the disposition of each (one), when, in the meanwhile, Metellus, unaware of the enemy (as he was), caught sight (of them), (while) descending the hill with his army. (5) (He was) doubtful at first about what the strange appearance indicated - for the Numidians and their horses had taken up their position among the thickets, nor, due to the low level of the trees, were they entirely concealed, and yet it was unclear what they were, since both themselves and their military standards (were) obscured by the nature of the ground as well as by artifice - but then, having soon discovered (that there was) an ambush, he halted his column for a while. (6) There, he changed its formation, and drew up the battle-line on the right flank, which was nearest to the enemy, in three ranks, dispersed the slingers and archers among the maniples, (and) stationed all the cavalry on the wings; and then, having exhorted his men with a few words in accordance with the time (available), he led his army, just as he drawn (it) up, down on to the plain, with the men of the front rank (now) forming the flanks.
Chapter L. While Metellus leads his army towards the River Muthul, Jugurtha launches an attack upon its rear and flanks.
(1) But, when he (i.e. Metellus) noticed that the Numidians (remained) quiet, and did not descend from the hill, (and,) fearing that his army, due to the time of year and the shortage of water, might be overcome with thirst, he sent his legate Rutilius (i.e. Publius Rutilius Rufus, consul 105 B.C.), with the light-armed cohorts and a detachment of cavalry, ahead to the river to plan in advance a place for a camp, as he thought that the enemy would (endeavour to) hinder his march by frequent attacks and skirmishes on the flanks, and that, since they seemed distrustful of their arms, they would try (the effect of) fatigue and thirst on his soldiers. (2) Then, he advanced gradually, as circumstances and the ground permitted, in the same formation as he had descended from the mountain; he assigned Marius (a position) behind the front line (i.e. in the centre), (while) he himself took command of the cavalry on the left wing, which had (now) become the front rank.
(3) But when Jugurtha perceived that the rear of Metellus' column had marched past the men of his own front rank, he occupied (that part of) the mountain, from which Metellus had descended, with a garrison of about two thousand infantry, so that it might not serve their adversaries, if haply they were retreating, as (a place of) refuge, and then as a fortress. (5) (For) their cavalry, having been previously instructed by Jugurtha, retreated, whenever a squadron of the Romans began to pursue (them), but (they did so) neither in close order nor in a single (body), but dispersed as widely as possible, some (in one place, others) in another. (6) So, (being) superior in numbers, if they had been unable to deter the enemy from pursuing (them), they surrounded (them, when) scattered, from the rear or on their flanks; but, if the hill seemed more suitable as (a place of) refuge, the horses of the Numidians, accustomed indeed to this (road), easily made their way between the shrubs, (whereas) the roughness and the unusual nature of the ground impeded our (ones).
Chapter LI. As the fortunes of battle vary from one side to the other, both Metellus and Jugurtha seek to encourage their men.
(1) But the aspect of the whole affair was changeable, uncertain, horrendous and lamentable: separated from their (comrades), some gave way, others went in pursuit; they could neither (watch) their standards, nor keep their ranks; wherever danger had overtaken each man, there he stood his ground, and repelled (the enemy); arms, weapons, horses, men, enemy and citizens (were) intermingled; there was no scope at all for advice or commands: chance held sway everywhere.
(2) And so, much of the day had passed, and yet the outcome was still a matter of uncertainty. (3) At last, when all (were) faint with toil and heat. Metellus, when he saw that that the Numidians were charging less vigorously, gradually drew together his men into one (body), restored their ranks, and set four cohorts of legionaries against the enemy's infantrymen. A great part of these, through exhaustion, had taken up their position on higher ground. (4) At the same time, he begged and exhorted his men not to lose heart, nor to allow a fleeing enemy to prevail; nor did they (i.e. the Romans) have a camp nor any citadel to which they could go, (when) retreating, everything (was) dependent on their arms. (5) But nor, in the meantime, was Jugurtha at all inactive: he rode around (and) encouraged (his troops); he renewed the battle, and, with a select (body of men), he tried everything; he supported his own (men), he charged at the enemy, (if they were) wavering, and (those,) whom he realised were unshaken, he restrained by fighting from a distance (i.e. by firing missiles at them).
Chapter LII. The Roman army breaks through Jugurtha's lines and the Numidians flee. In the meantime, down on the plain Bomilcar's forces approach the camp which Rutilius has established.
(1) In this way did the two commanders contend between each other, (both) eminent men, equal themselves (in ability) but with disparate resources. (2) For Metellus had valiant soldiers, (but) an unfavourable position, (while) Jugurtha had everything else in his favour except his soldiers. (3) At last, when they realised that that they had no (place of) refuge and that they would receive no opportunity for a battle - and it was already the evening of the day - the Romans worked their way up the opposite hill, as they had been ordered. (4) Having lost their position, the Numidians (were) routed and put to flight; a few perished, but their speed and the (fact that) the region (was) unknown to their enemy saved most of them.
(5) Meanwhile, Bomilcar, whom I have said before had been appointed by Jugurtha to command the elephants and a section of the foot soldiers, when Rutilius marched past him, led his (men) gradually down on to the level ground, and, while the legate was hastily making his way to the river, to which he had been sent ahead, he fitted out his battle-line, as the circumstances required, nor did he cease to keep his eye on what the enemy were doing in every place. (6) When he learned that Rutilius had already encamped, and (was) free in his mind (from anxiety), and that, at the same time, the noise from the battle with Jugurtha was growing louder, he feared that the legate, if he became aware of the situation, might go to the assistance of his struggling countrymen; (accordingly), in order to obstruct the enemy's march, he extended more widely his battle-line, which, distrusting the courage of his men, he had (previously) formed in close order, and in that formation he made his way to Rutilius' camp.
Chapter LIII. Rutilius' forces defeat Bomilcar's men and kill most of his elephants; they then march to meet the rest of Metellus' army, with whom they have a joyous reunion.
(1) All of a sudden, the Romans noticed a vast quantity of dust; for the ground, (which was) covered with bushes, obstructed their view. At first, they thought that the dry soil had been dislodged by the wind, but later, when they saw that it remained unchanged, (and) that it was coming closer and closer as the line advanced, they understood the cause of it, and hastily seized their arms and took up their position in front of the camp, as they were directed. (2) Then, when they came nearer, both sides rushed together with loud shouting. (3) The Numidians lingered only as long as they thought (they would find) help in their elephants, (but,) when they saw them entangled in the branches of the trees, and thereby scattered and surrounded (by the enemy), they took to flight, and most of them, having thrown down their arms, escaped unhurt, due to the assistance of the hill and of the night, which was coming on. (4) Four of the elephants (were) captured, (and) all of the rest, up to the number of forty, (were) killed.
(5) But the Romans, although they were tired and worn out by the march, the construction of the camp, and the battle, yet, because Metellus was delayed for longer than they had expected, they went to meet (him), prepared and ready (for action); (6) for the guile of the Numidians allowed for no weakness nor any relaxation. (7) And, at first, in the darkness of the night, when they were not far apart, one side caused fear and confusion among the other side, and a disastrous deed was on the point of happening due to error, had the cavalry sent out by both sides not discovered the truth. (8) So, instead of fear, joy speedily takes its place: the joyful soldiers called out to one another, told of their actions, and listened to (those) of others, each extolling his own deeds to the skies. For so it is with human affairs: in victory, even a coward may boast, (while) defeat discredits even then brave.
Chapter LIV. When Metellus is threatened by Jugurtha's new army, he lays waste the countryside, but his stragglers are cut off by Jugurtha.
(1) Metellus remained in the same camp for four days, treated the wounded with care, rewarded (those who had) distinguished themselves in the engagements in accordance with military (practice), and praised and thanked (them) all in a public address; (and in this) he encouraged (them to) show an equal resolution with regard to their other (tasks), which would be less onerous: (for) they had already done fighting enough to achieve victory, and their remaining labours would be concerned with (gathering) booty. (2) But, in the meantime, he dispatched deserters and other suitable (persons) to discover where in the world Jugurtha (was), and what he was doing, (whether) he was in the company of (just) a few (men) or (still) possessed an army, and how he was conducting himself in defeat. (3) In fact, the man (i.e. Jugurtha) had retreated to wooded places, (well) fortified by nature, and was there collecting an army larger in its number of men (than his previous one), but sluggish and feeble, and more acquainted with farming and cattle than with war. (4) (For) it happened on account of the fact that. with the exception of the royal cavalry, not a single Numidian out of all (his troops) had followed the king in his flight. They dispersed to whatever (location) the inclination of each one of them led: for such (is) the custom that they have.
(5) Therefore, Metellus, when he saw that the king's mind was spirited even then, that the war (was being) renewed, which could not be conducted other than in accordance with the king's desire, and, besides, that his struggle with the enemy (was) on unequal (terms), in that they suffered a defeat with less loss than his own (men when) they gained a victory, he resolved that the war should be waged not by (pitched) battles, nor in battle order, but in some other fashion. (6) Accordingly, he marched into the wealthiest districts of Numidia, wasted the fields, captured and burned down many fortresses and towns, (which were) inadequately fortified or without a garrison, put the youth to the sword, (and) instructed that everything else should be (regarded as) his soldiers' plunder. On account of this terror, many men (were) handed over to the Romans (as) hostages, grain and other (things) which were necessary, (were) provided in abundance, and a garrison was imposed wherever the circumstances required (one).
(7) These measures alarmed the king much more than the battle (which had been fought) with such bad results by his (men), (8) since (he,) whose whole hope lay in flight, was being forced to pursue, and (he,) who could not defend his own territories, was waging war in (those) of others. (9) However, he adopted the plan which seemed the best in the circumstances: he ordered most of his army to wait in the same places, (while) he himself, with a select (troop) of cavalrymen, followed Metellus unperceived, by means of night (marches) and remote tracks, (and then) suddenly attacked some Roman stragglers. Most of them, (being) unarmed, were slain, several were captured, (and) not one of them escaped unharmed, and, before help could arrive from the camp, the Numidians departed to the nearest hills.
Chapter LV. Metellus' successes are celebrated in Rome. However, success leads to greater caution in his mind, and further progress is retarded by Jugurtha's tactics.
(1) In the meantime, great joy arose in Rome when the news of Metellus' exploits were known, how he had conducted both himself and his army in accordance with the customs of their forefathers, (how, although he had been caught) in an unfavourable position, yet through his valour he had emerged victorious, and was master of his enemy's territories, (and how) he had compelled Jugurtha, (who had) boasted of Albinus' weakness, to find hope of safety in the desert or in flight. (2) Accordingly, the senate decreed a public thanksgiving to the immortal gods on account of these successes, (and) the community, previously fearful and anxious about the outcome of the war, gave itself over to rejoicing; the reputation of Metellus was raised to the heights. (3) Therefore, he strove for victory all the harder, and hastened (matters) in every way; yet, he was careful that no opening should be given to the enemy anywhere, (and) remembered that envy follows after glory. (4) So, the more famous he was, the more anxious he became, nor, after Jugurtha's ambush did he plunder with his army scattered, when there was a need for corn or forage, (but) some cohorts stood on guard with a whole (squadron of) cavalry; he himself led part of the army, (while) Marius (led) the rest. (5) But the land was ravaged more by fire than by plundering. (6) They used to pitch camp in two places, not far apart. (7) When there was a need for strength, they all came together. Otherwise, in order that desertion and terror might spread more widely, they acted separately.
(8) Meanwhile, Jugurtha used to follow (them) across the hills, looking for an opportunity or a location for an attack, (and,) when he heard that the enemy were coming, he destroyed the forage and the water fountains, of which there was a shortage; sometimes he showed himself to Metellus, sometimes to Marius; he would make an attack upon the rear of the column, and then instantly retreat into the hills; he would threaten now some, then others, neither giving battle, nor allowing any rest, but stopping the enemy from (achieving) its task.
Chapter LVI. Metellus commences the siege of Zama, which Jugurtha then reinforces. His legate, Marius, repulses Jugurtha at Sicca.
(1) The Roman commander, when he found himself harassed by artifices, and given no opportunity of fighting (a battle) by the enemy, resolved to lay siege to a large city called Zama, the citadel of that part of the kingdom where it was sited, thinking that, as a matter of course, Jugurtha would come to the aid of his distressed (subjects), and that a battle would (then take place) there. (2) But he, having learned from some deserters what was being planned, got there before Metellus by forced marches. He exhorted the townsmen to defend their walls, and provided as reinforcements (a band of) deserters, which was the most reliable body of all the king's forces, because it could not be disloyal; furthermore, he promised to be there himself with his army in (due) time. (3) So, having made these arrangements, he retired to the remotest possible places, and learned soon afterwards that Marius had been dispatched from the line of march with a few cohorts to forage at Sicca, which had been the first of all his towns to defect from the king after his defeat. (4) There he (i.e. Jugurtha) proceeded at night with a select band of cavalry, and made an attack on the Romans at the gate just as they were leaving, (and,) at the same time, he exhorted the people of Sicca in a loud voice to surround their cohorts from the rear: fortune, (he said,) had given them the chance of a brilliant exploit; if they did this, then he (would be restored) to his kingdom, (and) they would live in freedom (and) without fear. (5) And, if Marius had not hastened to attack and to escape from the town, all, or a large part of, the inhabitants of Sicca would have changed their allegiance: with such great fickleness do the Numidians conduct themselves! (6) But Jugurtha's soldiers, although they had been uplifted for a time by their king, when their enemy bore down on them with superior force, and a few (of them) had been lost, took to flight.
Chapter LVII. Joined by Marius, Metellus prosecutes the siege of Zama.
(1) Marius arrived at Zama. This town, situated on a plain, was more protected by building work than by nature, (and) was lacking none of the necessities, and (was) well supplied with arms and men. (2) Accordingly, Metellus, having made arrangements in accordance with time and place, surrounded the whole of the city with his army, and assigned to his officers (a post) where each one was in charge. (3) then, at a given signal, loud shouting arose simultaneously from all sides, but this occurrence did not alarm the Numidians, who remained active in their hostility and without any disorder, and the battle commenced. (4) The Romans fought each in accordance with his own inclination, some at a distance with slings or stones, others advanced and now undermined the wall, (and) now scaled (it) with ladders, being eager to engage in close combat. (5) Against these (actions), the townsmen rolled down stones upon their foremost (assailants). (and) hurled beams and javelins, besides pitch mixed with sulphur and firebrands. But a cautious mind was not a sufficient protection, even for those who kept aloof; for missiles, discharged by catapults or by hand, wounded most (of them), and the valiant and the craven were alike in danger but unlike in repute.
Chapter LVIII. A surprise attack is made on the Roman camp: many flee in panic, but a few offer a brave resistance. Marius is sent to the camp with the cavalry, and succeeds in driving Jugurtha's army into retreat.
(1) While the struggle was thus continuing at Zama, Jugurtha suddenly launched an attack on his enemy's camp; through the carelessness of those who had been (left) on guard, (who were) expecting anything rather than a battle, they forced one of the gates. (2) Then, our (men were) overcome by a sudden terror, and each one (of them) took account of his own inclinations; some fled, others took up their weapons; a large part (of them were) wounded or slain. (3) But no more than forty out of their entire number, mindful of the Roman name, formed a body and took up a position a little higher than the others, nor could they be dislodged from it, (even) with the utmost efforts (of the enemy), but they returned the weapons which had been hurled (at them) from a distance, (and, being) few (in number), they were less likely to miss (when throwing their darts) among the many; but, if the Numidians were to come any nearer, then they showed their true courage, and slaughtered, routed and scattered them with the greatest vigour.
(4) Meanwhile, Metellus, while he was pursuing the siege most keenly, heard hostile noises (coming) from behind (him), (and) then, turning his horse around, he observed (a party of men who) had been put to flight turning in his (direction), something which indicated that they were his fellow-countrymen. (5) Therefore, he at once dispatched the whole of the cavalry to the camp in haste, (and he sent) Gaius Marius with the allied cohorts, and he begged him, with tears in his eyes, on account of their friendship and through (his regard for) the public welfare, not to allow any stain to remain on (the reputation of) his victorious army, nor (to let) the enemy escape unpunished. (6) He promptly carried out his instructions. As for Jugurtha, he was hampered by the fortifications of the camp, since some (of his men) were tumbling on top of the ramparts, and others, passing hurriedly themselves through the tight (spaces), were obstructing each other; (so) he retreated, with considerable losses, to his fortified locations. (7) Metellus, the siege unaccomplished, retired to the camp with his army, when night came.
Chapter LIX. Metellus continues to attack the walls of Zama, and Jugurtha launches a further assault on the Roman camp.
(1) So, on the next day, before he (i.e. Metellus) marched out to (resume) the attack, he ordered all of his cavalry to ride up and down in front of the camp on the the side where the king's arrival was (likely), and assigned the gates and the adjoining areas to the tribunes; then, he proceeded to the town and assaulted the wall as on the previous day. Jugurtha, meanwhile, (coming) from a place of concealment, suddenly attacked our (men): (2) (those) who had been stationed in the neighbourhood, were, for a time, terrified and thrown into confusion, (until) the rest came to their aid. (3) Nor would the Numidians have been able to hold their ground, had not their infantry, intermingled (as they were) with the cavalry, caused great carnage in the melee. For the former (i.e. the Numidian cavalry) relying on the latter (i.e. their infantry), did not charge (and) then retire, as cavalry in battle is accustomed (to do), but rushed on their opposing horses, and entangled and disordered the ranks; so, with (the aid of) their light-armed footmen, they almost brought defeat upon their enemies.
Chapter LX. The Romans conduct operations before the town.
(1) At the same time (as this was happening), the conflict continued at Zama with great vigour. Where each officer or tribune was in charge, there they exerted themselves most keenly, nor did anyone have a greater reliance upon others than upon themselves; the townsmen displayed an equal determination; attacks and preparations (for defence) were made in all quarters, they all (seemed) more eager to wound others than to protect themselves, (2) shouts, mixed with exhortations, cries of joy, (and) groans, (and,) likewise, the clash of arms, went up to heaven, and darts flew on both sides. (3) But, when their enemies relaxed their assault just a little, those who were defending the walls turned their attention to watching the cavalry battle. (4) As the fortunes of Jugurtha shifted, one might observe them, now joyful, now alarmed, and, just as if they could be heard or seen by their (comrades), some shouted warnings, some urged (them) on, and they either made signs with their hands or swayed with their bodies, and they moved them this way and that, as if avoiding or hurling darts.
(5) When this was noticed by Marius - for he was in command in that part (of the wall) - , he deliberately slackened his efforts, and feigned diffidence in the circumstances, and allowed the Numidians to witness their king's battle unmolested. (6) And so, when they were drawn close together in zeal for their (comrades), he suddenly attacked (them) with great force. And, his soldiers, having mounted their ladders, had almost reached the top, when the townsmen rushed (there), (and) heaped stones, firebrands, and every kind of missile as well upon (them). (7) Our (men), at first, resisted; then, when one after another of the ladders (were) broken, (and those) who had climbed (them) were dashed to the ground, the rest withdrew by whatever means they could, a few unharmed, (but) a great number suffering from wounds. (8) At last, night put an end to the combat on both sides.
Chapter LXI. Metellus raises the siege of Zama and goes into winter quarters; he secretly acquires the services of Bomilcar.
(1) When Metellus saw that his attempts were in vain, and that the town was not going to be captured, that Jugurtha would not do battle except from an ambush or on his own ground, and that the summer was now far spent, he withdrew from Zama, and placed garrisons in those cities which had defected to him and (which) were sufficiently protected by their position or by their walls. (2) The rest of his army he stationed in (that part of) the province which is closest to Numidia for the sake of keeping wither quarters. (3) Yet he did not abandon this season (of the year) to repose and luxury, in accordance with the custom of other (commanders), but as the war had scarcely progressed by fighting, he arranged to lay traps for the king through his friends and to employ their treachery as his weapons.
(4) Accordingly, he approached with many promises that Bomilcar, who had been with Jugurtha in Rome, and (who) had secretly fled from there, after he had been granted bail, (to avoid) trial for the murder of Massiva, since, through his very special friendship (with the king), he had the greatest opportunity of betraying (him). In the first place, he arranged that he should come to him privately for a conference; then, having given him his word that, if he should hand Jugurtha over to him alive or dead, he would (ensure) that the senate would grant him a pardon and (the retention of) all his (property), he readily persuaded the Numidian, since (he was) treacherous by nature and fearful that, if peace were (ever) to be made with the Romans, he himself would be handed over for execution under its terms.
Chapter LXII. Metellus makes a treaty with Jugurtha, who then breaks it.
(1) As soon as there was an opportunity, he (i.e. Bomilcar) went to Jugurtha, (who was) anxious and lamenting his misfortunes, (and) warned (him) and begged (him) with tears in his eyes to now at last take thought for his children and the well-deserving people of the Numidians; (he reminded him) that they (had been) defeated in every battle, that the land (had been) ravaged, that many of his subjects (had been) captured or killed, (and) that the resources of his kingdom had been drained; (he said) that the valour and the fortunes of his soldiers (had) already (been) tried often enough; he should beware that, if he hesitated (any longer), the Numidians would decide for themselves. (2) By these and other similar (arguments), he incited the king's mind towards surrender. (3) Envoys were sent to the general (i.e. Metellus) to say that he would do (as he was) commanded, and that he would entrust himself and his kingdom to his good faith without any conditions (being made). (4) Metellus immediately gave orders that all (men) of senatorial rank should be summoned from their winter quarters; with them and others whom he considered suitable, he held a council. (5) So, through a decree of this assembly, (held) in accordance with the custom of their forefathers, he demanded from Jugurtha through his envoys two hundred thousand pounds of silver, all his elephants, (and) a considerable amount of horses and weapons. (6) When these (requirements) were complied with without delay, he (then) ordered that all the deserters should be brought to (him) in chains. (7) A large number of these (were) brought as had been ordered; (but) a few, as soon as surrender began (to be discussed), had fled to king Bocchus in Mauretania.
(8) Jugurtha, however, when he was stripped of arms, men and money, (and,) when he was himself summoned to Tisidium to receive his orders, began, once more, to change his mind, and, on account of his guilty conscience, to dread (the punishment that was) due (to him). (9) At last, after spending many days in hesitation, at one time (being so) weary of adverse circumstances that he considered all (things) preferable to war, and at another, reflecting within himself how great a fall it would be from a throne to slavery, (and despite) having lost to no purpose (so) many great sources of assistance, he took up the war afresh.
(10) Meanwhile, at Rome, (when) the senate (was) consulted about the provinces, it decreed Numidia to Metellus (i.e. at the beginning of the year 108 B.C., when his consulship terminated, Metellus was appointed proconsul in Numidia).
Chapter LXIII. The ambition of Gaius Marius; his character and his desire for the consulship.
(1) At about the same time, an augur told Gaius Marius (while he) happened (to be) at Utica, supplicating the gods with sacrifices, that great and wonderful (deeds) were presaged (in his case); accordingly, he should rely on the gods and carry out whatever he had in mind, (and) put his fortune to the test as frequently as possible; all (his undertakings) would have a happy outcome. (2) Now, previous (to this) an ardent longing for the consulship had already possessed him, (and) he had all the other (qualifications) which he needed to obtain the consulship except antiquity of family: diligence, honesty, a great understanding of military affairs, a spirit (which was) mighty in war but unassuming at home, above passion and wealth and avid only for glory.
(3) But, born at Arpinum, and brought up (there) throughout his childhood, as soon as he was of an age to bear arms, he employed himself, not (in studying) Greek eloquence, or in (acquiring) urban refinements, (but) in undertaking military service; so, amid wholesome pursuits his upright character soon showed itself. (4) Therefore, when he first sought the military tribunate from the people, even though most of them were unaware of his appearance, he was known by his deeds, (and) was elected by all the tribes. (5) Then, after this office he won one (post) after another, and, when in power, he always behaved in such a way, that he was considered worthy of a higher (office) than (the one) he was holding. (6) Yet, up to that time (though) he was such an (admirable) man - for afterwards he was driven headlong by ambition - he did not aspire to the consulship. For even then, (while) the commons (bestowed) the other magistracies, the nobility handed down the consulship among themselves by hand. (7) No new man was so famous or so outstanding in his deeds that he was not considered unworthy of that honour and, as it were, a defilement (of it).
Chapter LXIV. Marius develops an animosity towards Metellus.
(1) So, when Marius realised that the words of the augur were pointing in the same (direction) as his mind's inclination was prompting (him), he asked Metellus that he be released (from his post), in order that he might stand (for the consulship). Although virtue, honour, and all the other (qualities) sought by good (men) existed in abundance in his case, he possessed a contemptuous and haughty spirit, a failing common to the nobility. (2) So, in the first place, (he was) astonished by the unusual request, and expressed wonder at his plan, and, in accordance with their apparent friendship, he advised (him) not to embark upon so perverse (a course), nor to entertain thoughts above his station in life; (he said) that all (things) ought not to be coveted by all (men), and that his own present circumstances should be sufficiently pleasing to him; (and,) finally, that he should be wary of seeking from the Roman people something which they might justly deny him.
(3) After he had made these and other similar remarks, and Marius' mind was not altered (by them), he responded (by saying) that he would do what he had asked as soon as he could (do so) in accordance with his public duties. (4) But, after he had made the same request quite frequently, he was reported to have said that he should not be in a hurry to go: (for it would be) soon enough for him to stand for the consulship with his own son. At this time he (was) about twenty years old, (and) was serving there in the same tent as his father (i.e. since the earliest age that one could become a consul was forty-three, this meant Marius, who was already forty-nine, would have to wait for twenty-three more years before he could enter office). This remark greatly inflamed the feelings of Marius, not only with regard to the honour, to which he aspired, but also against Metellus. So he went about, raging with desire and anger, the worst of counsellors; nor did he abstain from any deed or word which might somehow forward his ambition; he kept the soldiers, who were under his command in winter-quarters, under a more relaxed discipline than before, and among the merchants, of whom there were a great number in Utica, he spoke about the war in a disparaging and, at the same time, a boastful manner; (he said) that, if (but) half of the army were put under his charge, he would have Jugurtha in chains within a few days; (and) that (proceedings were being) deliberately protracted by the commander, because (he was) a vain man and (one who) delighted too much in power (and) the pride of rule. (6) All these (statements) seemed the more credible to them (i.e. the merchants), as, due to the long duration of the war, events had wasted their domestic resources, and to a man with a longing mind, nothing (ever) moves fast enough.
Chapter LXV. Marius intrigues to supplant Metellus.
(1) Moreover, there was in our army a certain Numidian named Gauda, a son of Mastanabal and a grandson of Masinissa, whom Micipsa had named in his will as a secondary heir; he was debilitated by ill-health, and for this reason a little diminished in his mind. (2) Metellus was petitioned by this (man) to set aside a seat (for him) right beside (his own) in the manner of royalty, and afterwards too (to assign him) a squadron of Roman cavalry as a body-guard, (but) he had refused both (requests): the (seat of) honour, because it belonged only to those whom the Roman people had addressed (as) kings; (and) the guard, because it would be an insult to them, if Roman cavalrymen were appointed (as) attendants to a Numidian. (3) Troubled (by these refusals, as he was), Marius paid him a visit, and urged (him), with his assistance, to seek (to take) revenge upon the general for his affronts. He extolled in a flattering speech this man, whose mind (was) unsound through illness; (he declared) that he was a king, a great man, (and) the grandson of Masinissa; that, if Jugurtha should be taken or killed, he would come to power in Numidia without delay, and that this could (even) happen very soon, if he, himself, should be sent to this war (as) consul.
(4) So, he induced both him (i.e. Gauda) and the Roman knights, soldiers and merchants, some (influenced by) himself (directly), the majority in the hope of peace, to write to their friends at Rome with criticisms aimed at Metellus concerning (his conduct of) the war, (and to) ask that Marius (should be) the commander. (5) Thus, the consulship was sought for him by many citizens by the most honourable expressions of support (i.e. no bribery was involved). And just at this time the people were exalting (the prospects of) new (men) by means of the Mamilian law (see Ch. XL), contrary to the wishes of the nobility.
Chapter LXVI. In support of Jugurtha, the people of Vacca conspire against the Romans, and kill all the officers in their garrison except the governor, Turpilius.
(1) In the meantime, Jugurtha, after abandoning his (plan to) surrender, had renewed the war, and was hastening, with great diligence, to make all his preparations: he assembled an army, he tried to regain (the loyalty of) the cities which had defected from him, (either) by intimidation or by offering rewards, he fortified his positions, he repaired or purchased arms, weapons, and other (things) which he had given up in the expectation of peace, he sought to attract the slaves of the Romans, and tempted with bribes even those who were in the garrisons; in short, he left nothing untried or undisturbed, (but) put all (things) in motion. (2) Therefore, the leading citizens of Vacca, a city in which Metellus had at first placed a garrison, (at a time) when Jugurtha was seeking peace, conspired among themselves, having been importuned by the entreaties of the king, from whom they had not been previously alienated by choice. As for the common people, (they were) of a fickle disposition, as is usually the case, and particularly (so) with regard to the Numidians, (and) they were prone to rebellion and disorder, fond of change, (and) opposed to peace and quiet. Then, having arranged matters between themselves, they fixed upon the third day (following), because that (day was) a festival, and, as it was celebrated through the whole of Africa, it offered amusement and dissipation rather than anxiety.
(3) But, when the time came, they invited the centurions and military tribunes, and the town's garrison commander himself, Titus Turpilius Silanus, to their homes one after another. (Then,) they butchered them all at their banquets except Turpilius, (and) after that they fell upon the soldiers, wandering about unarmed (as they were), since (there was) no discipline on a day like this. (4) The common people did the same, some having been instructed by their chiefs, others inspired by a desire for such actions, (for,) although they were unaware of (what was being) done and the purpose (of it), the very disorder and rebellion were pleasing enough (to them).
Chapter LXVII. The people of Vacca massacre all the Roman soldiers, except for Turpilius.
(1) The Roman soldiers, bewildered by the unexpected alarm, and not knowing what (was) the best thing to do, were full of trepidation. At the town citadel, where their standards and shields were (stored), an enemy garrison was in place; the gates, which had been closed earlier, were preventing their escape; in addition, from the roofs of the buildings women and boys were pelting (them) with stones and anything else which the circumstances supplied. (2) So, neither could this twofold peril be guarded against, nor (could it) be resisted, (either) by the bravest (men), (or) by the weakest kind, the worthy and the unworthy, the valiant and the cowardly, were (both) cut down unavenged.
(3) In the midst of such very great slaughter by those most cruel Numidians, and with the town completely closed, the prefect Turpilius alone of all the Italians escaped unharmed. Whether this so happened because of the compassion of his host, or due to some compact, or by chance, I have not (been able) to discover, but, since, amid so great a massacre, a shameful life was preferable to a blameless reputation, he seems (to have been) a worthless and infamous (character).
Chapter LXVIII. In the depth of his grief, Metellus leads his army against Vacca.
(1) When Metellus learned about the things (that had) happened at Vacca, in his sorrow he retired from the (public) gaze. Then, when anger was intermingled with his grief, he hastened with the greatest diligence to go to avenge these outrages. (2) At sunset, he led forth the legion, with which he was in winter quarters, and as many light-armed Numidian horsemen as he could (muster) as well, and on the following day, at about the third hour, he arrived at a certain plain, (which was) surrounded by somewhat higher ground. (3) Here he told the soldiers, (who were) exhausted by the length of their journey and (were) now on the point of refusing all (orders), that the town of Vacca was no more than a mile away, (and) that they ought to endure calmly any further toil, while they took revenge on behalf of their (fellow-)citizens, those bravest and most unfortunate of men; he also made generous promises about the booty. (4) When their spirits (had been) thus aroused, he ordered the cavalry to advance on a broad front at the head, (and) the infantry (to follow) in the closest possible formation, and to conceal their standards.
Chapter LXIX. Metellus recovers Vacca, and puts Turpilius to death.
(1) The people of Vacca, when they perceived that an army was coming their way, thinking at first that it was Metellus, as in fact it was, closed their gates; then, when they saw that their fields were not being laid waste, and that those in the van were Numidian cavalry, they thought (it was) Jugurtha again, and went out with great joy to meet (him). (2) Then suddenly, the signal was given, and some of the cavalry and infantry began to cut down the crowd that was pouring out of the town, some hastened to the gates, and others took the towers; rage and the expectation of booty were of more power than their weariness.
(3) So, the people of Vacca had the joy of their treachery for only two days; this great and opulent city was entirely given over to punishment and booty. (4) Turpilius, whom as the commandant of the town, I have already indicated was the only one of (them) all to have escaped, (was) ordered by Metellus to explain his conduct, and, when he could not clear himself, (he was) condemned to be scourged and to be punished with death; for he was (only) a citizen of Latium (i.e. he lacked the protection of the Lex Porcia of circa 160 B.C. under which neither of these punishments could be inflicted on a Roman citizen).
Chapter LXX. The conspiracy of Bomilcar and Nabdalsa against Jugurtha.
(1) At about the same time (as this), Bomilcar, at whose instigation Jugurtha had begun the surrender, which he abandoned through fear, distrusted (as he was) by the king, and distrusting him himself (in return), desired a change of government, and racked his brains day and night to work out a stratagem to (bring about) his ruin. (2) At last, by trying every device, he attached himself (as) an ally to Nabdalsa, a nobleman of great wealth, renowned and popular with his fellow-countrymen, (a man) who was usually accustomed to leading an army separately from the king and to carrying out all those tasks which were too much for Jugurtha, (when he was) weary or engaged in more important (matters); on account of this, honour and wealth came his way. (3) Therefore, with the agreement of both (men), a day was fixed for (the execution of) their plot; they agreed that other (matters) should be settled at the time as the situation required. (4) Nabdalsa (then) set out to (join) his army, which he was keeping among the winter-quarters of the Romans (i.e. Metellus had placed garrisons in those towns which had defected), as ordered, lest the countryside should be ravaged by the enemy with impunity.
(5) When, alarmed at the magnitude of the crime, he failed to appear at the (appointed) time, and his fear was hindering their plans, Bomilcar, (being) eager to carry out their undertaking, and, at the same time, anxious that, due to the timidity of his associate, he might abandon their former plan and adopt a new (one), he sent him a letter by means of men he could trust, in which he upbraided the man for his weakness and cowardice, and warned (him) not to turn the rewards (offered) by Metellus into his own destruction; (he assured him) that Jugurtha's end was at hand; it only remained to be decided whether he should perish by their valour or (by that) of Metellus; hence, he should reflect whether he preferred rewards or (death by) torture.
Chapter LXXI. Discovery of the plot.
(1) But, when this letter was brought (to him), Nabdalsa, exhausted by bodily exercise, was resting on his couch; when he read Bomilcar's message, at first concern came (over him), (2) and then, as is common with a troubled mind, sleep took hold of (him). (3) He had, (as) the guardian of his affairs, a certain Numidian, trusted and esteemed (by him), and acquainted with all his projects except this most recent (one). (4) When he heard that a letter (had) arrived, and, thinking that there would be a need for his assistance or suggestions as usual, he went into the tent while his (master) was sleeping, and took up the letter, (which had been) carelessly placed on the cushion above his head, and read (it); then, (when he had) discovered the plot, he went immediately to the king.
(5) Nabdalsa awoke soon afterwards, and, when he did not find the letter and heard of the whole business as it had happened, he tried at first to pursue the informer, but, when that (attempt) proved vain, he went to Jugurtha in order to placate (him); he said that what he himself had been planning to do had been preempted by the perfidy of his dependant, and, bursting into tears, he begged (him), by their friendship and his previously faithful service, not to think that he could possibly be suspected of such a crime.
Chapter LXXII. Jugurtha's disquietude.
(1) To these (entreaties), he responded with a mildness quite different from what he was carrying in his mind. After putting Bomilcar and many others whom he knew (were) accomplices in the plot, to death, he suppressed his anger, lest some rebellion might arise from the affair. (2) But, after this occurrence, Jugurtha had no peace (either) by day or by night: nor did he put any real trust in any place or person or occasion; he feared his citizens and his enemies alike; he was suspicious of everything and took fright at every sound; he stayed the night at one place and then at another, often contrary to his royal dignity; (and,) sometimes, aroused from his sleep, he would seize his arms and raise the alarm; (indeed) he was so agitated by dread that it seemed (to be) madness.
Chapter LXXIII. Metellus makes preparations for a second campaign. Marius returns to Rome, and is elected consul, and appointed to command the army in Numidia.
(1) So, Metellus, when he learned of the fate of Bomilcar and that the conspiracy had been revealed, he again hastened to make all preparations, as if for a new war. (2) As Marius was (still) pressing for his release, (and) as he thought that, since he was both serving with reluctance and was displeased with him, he was no longer useful, he sent (him) home.
(3) At Rome, the common people, having learned of (the contents of) the letters which had been sent (from Africa) concerning Metellus and Marius, had readily accepted (what had been said) about both (of them). (4) His nobility, which had formerly been a (source of) honour to the commander, was (now) a (cause of) unpopularity; but the lowliness of the other (man's) birth had brought him favour. However, in relation to them both, party feeling (i.e. 'Optimates' versus 'Populares') was more significant than their good or bad (qualities). Moreover, the factious tribunes whipped up the feelings of the populace, by accusing Metellus of capital crimes at all their meetings and glorifying Marius' valour too greatly. (6) At length, the people (were) so inflamed that all the craftsmen and farmers, whose prosperity and reputation depended on their own hands, abandoned their work, and regarded his success as more important than their own needs. (7) So, the nobility suffered a reverse, and after many years the consulship was entrusted to a new man (i.e. the last time this had happened was in 142 B.C., when Quintus Pompeius had been appointed consul for the following year). And afterwards, when the people were asked by a tribune of the plebs, Titus Manlius Mancinus, whom they wished to conduct the war with Jugurtha, they appointed Marius at a well-attended assembly. Now shortly before, the senate had decreed Numidia to Metellus; but that decree was in vain.
Chapter LXXIV. Jugurtha's irresolution. Metellus defeats him.
(1) By this time, Jugurtha had lost his friends, most of whom he himself had put to death, (while) the others had fled for refuge, some to the Romans, others to king Bocchus; since the war could not be conducted without officers, yet he considered it dangerous to put his trust in new (ones) in view of the very great treachery of the old (ones), he was (therefore) plagued with doubt and uncertainty. No scheme, no plan, nor any person could satisfy him; he changed his routes and his officials on a daily basis; at one moment (he would go) to meet the enemy, then he would take to the desert; he frequently put his hope in flight, and shortly afterwards in arms, and he was in doubt as to whether he could trust the courage or the loyalty of his countrymen the less; so, wherever he turned his thoughts, the prospects were discouraging.
(2) But amidst these (causes of) delay, Metellus suddenly made an appearance with his army. The Numidians were made ready and drawn up by Jugurtha as well as the circumstances permitted, (and) then battle commenced. (3) In that part of the battle where the king was present (in person), there the struggle was maintained for sometime, (but) all the rest of his soldiers (were) routed and put to flight at the first encounter. The Romans acquired a considerable number of standards and arms, but few of the enemy's (men); for in almost every battle their feet afforded more security to the Numidians than their weapons.
Chapter LXXV. Jugurtha flees to Thala, to where Metellus pursues him.
(1) Despairing still more strongly of his affairs in consequence of this rout, Jugurtha (took refuge) with some deserters and part of his cavalry in the desert; then, he arrived at Thala, a large and wealthy town, where lay most of his treasures and some splendid arrangements for the bringing up of his children. (2) As soon as these (things) were understood by Metellus, although he was aware that between Thala and the nearest river there lay a dry and desolate region some fifty miles in extent, yet, in the hope of finishing the war, if he were to become master of this town, he undertook to surmount all hardships and to conquer even nature (herself). (3) So, he ordered that all beasts of burden should be lightened of their baggage except for ten days' provision, (and,) besides (this), only skins and other (utensils) suitable for carrying water. (4) Moreover, he scoured the fields for as many domestic animals as he could (find) and loaded them with vessels of every kind, but, chiefly, wooden (ones) gathered from the cottages of the Numidians. (5) Besides this, he ordered the neighbouring people, (those) who had surrendered to Metellus after the king's flight, to bring as much water as each man (could carry); (and) he named the day and the place where they should be in attendance. (6) He himself (then) loaded his beasts (with water) from the river, which was, as I have said above, the nearest (source of) water to the town; (and so,) supplied in this way, he set off for Thala.
(7) Then, when he came to the place, where he had previously told the Numidians (to meet him), and had pitched and fortified his camp, such a great quantity of water is said to have suddenly fallen from the sky that that alone would have been enough, and more than enough, for the army. (8) Furthermore, the supply (was) far beyond their expectation, because the Numidians, like most people in (the circumstances of) a recent surrender, had exceeded their requirements. (9) However, the soldiers, through religious conviction, enjoyed the rain more, and its supply greatly increased their courage, for they thought that they were in the care of the immortal gods. Then, on the next day, they arrived at Thala. The townspeople, who had thought themselves protected by the inaccessibility of their position, (were) alarmed by such an amazing and unexpected situation, (but) prepared for war nonetheless actively; our (men) did the same.
Chapter LXXVI. Jugurtha abandons Thala, and Metellus takes possession of it.
(1) But the king, believing that (there was) nothing that could not now be accomplished by Metellus, since, by his exertions, he had triumphed over every (obstacle in his path), arms, weapons, places, seasons, (and,) finally that very nature that rules over everything, fled from the town during the night with his children and a great portion of his treasure. And after that, he did not linger in any place for more than one day or one night; he pretended that he was hastening for the sake of business, but, in fact, he feared treachery, which he thought he could (only) avoid by speed (of movement); for such schemes occur through leisure and good opportunity.
(2) But Metellus, when he saw that the townsmen were intent on battle, (and,) at the same time, that the town (was) protected both by building works and by its situation, surrounded its walls with a rampart and a trench. (3) Then, he brought up penthouses to the two most suitable places to (achieve) access, and threw up a mound on top of them, and placed towers on top of the mound to protect the works and the workmen. (4) Against these (things) the townsmen hastened to make preparations; in short, nothing was left (undone) by either side. (5) At last, the Romans, exhausted by much previous labour and fighting, forty days after they had arrived there, took possession of the town only; (for) all the spoil (had been) destroyed by the deserters. (6) They, when they saw the wall being struck by battering-rams and their own desperate situation, conveyed the gold and silver and everything else which they considered valuable to the royal palace. There, gorged with food and wine, they destroyed those (things) and the palace, and (killed) themselves with fire, and they voluntarily paid the penalty which, (if) conquered, they had feared (they would pay) at (the hands of) the enemy.
SECTION III. CHAPTERS LXXVII - CXIV.
Chapter LXXVII. Metellus receives a deputation from Lepcis, and sends a detachment there.
(1) Now, at the same time as Thala (was) captured, envoys from the town of Lepcis (i.e. Lepcis Minor) had come to Metellus, begging that he send a garrison and a commandant there; (they announced) that a certain Hamilcar, a factious man of rank, was in favour of them changing their loyalties, and against him neither the orders of the magistrates nor the laws were effective; (and,) unless he hastened (to attend to) the (matter), their own safety (i.e. that of the people of Lepcis) (and the position of) their allies would be in the utmost danger. (2) For the people of Lepcis, at the very beginning of the war with Jugurtha, had sent (messengers) to the consul Bestia, and afterwards (directly) to Rome, asking (to be admitted into) friendship and alliance (with us). (3) Then, when this request (was) met, they continually remained our good and faithful (adherents), and diligently performed every (task) required (of them) by Bestia, Albinus, and Metellus. So, they readily obtained from the general (exactly) what they sought. Four cohorts of Ligurians (i.e. a region in the north-west of Italy) (were) sent there, and Gaius Annius (was appointed) commandant.
Chapter LXXVIII. The situation of Lepcis (Minor).
(1) This town was founded by (a party of) Sidonians, whom I understand had come to those parts in ships (as) fugitives on account of civil discord, and it lies between the two Syrtes (i.e. Sandbanks), the name of which is derived from their nature (i.e. the Greater Syrtis, now called the Gulf of Sidra, lies off the north coast of Libya; the Lesser Syrtis, or the Gulf of Gabes, lies off the eastern coast of Tunisia) (2) For there are two bays near to the very end of Africa (i.e. the border with Egypt), unequal in size (but) alike in nature; (the parts) of them next to the land are very deep, the other (parts), as chance has directed, (are) sometimes deep and sometimes shallow. (3) For, when the sea starts to swell and is whipped up by the winds, the waves sweep along mud, and sand and enormous rocks; so the appearance of these gulfs is altered at the same time as the winds change their direction. (4) The Syrtes have got their name from this sweep (i.e. from the Greek σύρειν, to sweep, draw, drag along). Of this city-state (i.e. Lepcis Minor), their language alone has been altered by intermarriage with the Numidians, most of their laws and customs (are) Sidonian, and these they kept the more easily because they were living so far in distance from the king's domain. (5) Between them and the well-populated (part of) Numidia there were many desert areas. [n.b. it is quite possible that in this and the previous chapter Sallust has confused Lepcis Minor with Lepcis Magna, for here he has failed to make the distinction between the two of them which he made above in Ch. XIX.]
Chapter LXXIX. The history of the Philaeni.
(1) Now, since I have come to these regions through the affairs of the people of Lepcis, it does not seem unworthy (of my subject) to recount the noble and marvellous deed of two Carthaginians; the place (i.e. Lepcis Magna - hence further reason to fear Sallust has confused the two cities of Lepcis) has reminded me of their story. (2) At the time (when) the Carthaginians were the rulers of most of Africa, the people of Cyrene were also strong and prosperous. (3) The land that lay between (them was) sandy (and) uniform in appearance; nor was there a river or a mountain to separate their territories. This situation involved them in a severe and protracted war between themselves.
(4) When armies and fleets had been regularly routed and put to flight on both sides, and each one had considerably weakened the other, fearing that a third (party) might shortly attack (both) victor and vanquished, exhausted (as they were), by means of a truce they reached an agreement that, on a fixed day, envoys (from both states) should set out from home; the place where they met should (then) be regarded (as) the common boundary between each people. (5) Accordingly, two brothers, whose name was Philaenus, (were) sent from Carthage, and they hastened to complete their journey. The Cyrenians went more slowly. (Whether) this happened through indolence or misfortune, I do not know. (6) But a storm in such places usually detains some (travellers), just like at sea. For, when a wind blasts over ground (which is) level and devoid of vegetation, it lifts the sand from the ground, (and) this is usually driven with such great force that it fills the mouth and the eyes; thus, one's journey is delayed by impaired vision. (7) When the Cyrenian (deputies) realised that they were somewhat behind and feared punishment back home on account of their mismanagement, they accused the Carthaginians of having left home before the time, they confused the situation, and, indeed, they preferred any (outcome) rather than to go back defeated. (8) But, when the Phoenicians (i.e. the Carthaginians) sought other terms, so long as (they were) fair, the Greeks (i.e. the Cyrenians) gave the Carthaginians the choice that they were either buried alive at the place which they claimed as their people's boundary, or, by the same terms, (to allow) them to advance to whatever place they wished. (9) The Philaeni accepted these terms, and abandoned themselves and their lives to their people's (welfare); so they were buried alive. (10) The Carthaginians consecrated altars to the Philaeni brothers on this spot, and other honours (were) arranged for them at home. Now I return to my subject.
Chapter LXXX. Jugurtha collects an army of Gaetulians, and seeks to win the support of Bocchus, King of Mauretania.
(1) After the loss of Thala, Jugurtha thought that no place (was) sufficiently secure against Metellus, and, having journeyed through great deserts with a few (followers), he came to the Gaetulians, a wild and uncivilised breed of men, and (one which was) at that time unaware (even) of the name of Rome. (2) He collected a multitude of them in one (place), and gradually trained (them) to keep their ranks, to follow standards, to obey an order, and to perform other military (duties). (3) Moreover, by lavish gifts and even more (lavish) promises, he won the support of (those) closest to king Bocchus, and, with them as helpers, he approached the king and induced (him) to make war upon the Romans. (4) This was easier and more practicable (to achieve) on account of the fact that at the outset of the war Bocchus had sent ambassadors to Rome to seek a treaty of alliance, (5) but a faction, blinded by avarice, whose habit it was to sell (their votes on) every (matter), honorable and dishonorable, had thwarted this arrangement so advantageous to the war (which had just) begun (i.e. they had been successfully bribed by Jugurtha to block an alliance with Bocchus). (6) Now, a daughter of Bocchus had previously been married to Jugurtha. Yet such a connection is lightly regarded among the Numidians and Moors, since each man has as many wives (as he pleases) in accordance with his means, some ten, others more, but kings the most. (7) So, (a man's) mind is distracted by such a multitude: none of them becomes a consort, all are equally neglected.
Chapter LXXXI. The two kings proceed towards Cirta.
(1) So, their armies came together at a place agreeable to both (kings). Then, after pledges of good faith had been given and received, Jugurtha inflamed Bocchus' mind by a speech: (he said) that the Romans were an unjust (people), of a boundless greed, and that they were the common enemies of all (mankind); they had the same motive for a war with Bocchus as (they had) with him and with other nations, (namely,) a lust for power, and to them all monarchies were objects of hatred; at present himself, shortly before the Carthaginians and king Perses (i.e. the king of Macedon, dethroned by Lucius Aemilius Paullus in 168 B.C.), (and) in future whoever seemed the most powerful would be considered an enemy by the Romans. (2) Due to these and other such remarks, they resolved on a march to the town of Cirta, because (it was) there (that) Quintus Metellus had placed his plunder, his prisoners, and his baggage. (3) So, Jugurtha thought that, if he took the city, there would be a recompense for his efforts, or, that, if the Roman (general) came to the assistance of his (men), they would have the opportunity to engage in battle. (4) For the wily (king) was making haste, if only for this (reason), so as to lessen Bocchus' (chance of making) peace, lest by creating delays he might choose something other than war.
Chapter LXXXII. Metellus marches aginst the two kings. When he hears that Marius has been appointed to replace him in Numidia, he is deeply mortified.
(1) When the general learned of the kings' alliance, he did not rashly give them the opportunity of battle in every place, as he had (so) often been accustomed (to do) when defeating Jugurtha. But, fortifying his camp, he awaited the kings' (approach), thinking it would be better to learn something of the Moors, since he (i.e. Bocchus) had come as the new enemy, and (thus) to give battle from an advantageous (position). (2) Meanwhile, he was informed in a letter from Rome that the province of Numidia had been assigned to Marius; for he had heard that he had been made consul. Disturbed by these happenings beyond (what was) proper or decorous, he could neither hold back his tears nor restrain his tongue, (and though he was) an eminent man in other respects, he was much too feeble in bearing a sorrowful (mind). (3) Some ascribed this (vexation) to pride, others (said that) his spirit had been wounded by an insult; many (felt) that a victory, (which he had) already acquired, was being snatched from his hands. To me, it is well enough known that he (was) more tormented by the honour (given) to Marius than by the injury to himself, nor would he have shown such uneasiness if the province, (of which he had been) deprived, had been given to anyone other than Marius.
Chapter LXXXIII. Metellus contents himself with trying to alienate Bocchus from Jugurtha, and protracting the war, rather than prosecuting it.
Discouraged, therefore, by his mortification, and, because it seemed folly to promote another's interests at his own risk, he sent envoys to Bocchus to demand that he should not become an enemy of the Roman people; (he declared) that he had, at this time, a great opportunity to form a friendly alliance, which was preferable to war, and, that, however confident he was in his own resources, yet he ought not to exchange uncertain (things) for certain (ones). (He said) that every war was easily begun, but was ended with difficulty; that its commencement and conclusion were not under the control of the same man, (but it could only) be brought to an end when the victors willed (it); therefore, he ought to have regard for himself and his kingdom, and not combine his own flourishing circumstances with Jugurtha's desperate plight.
(2) To these (representations) the king made a conciliatory enough response; (he said) that he desired peace, but that he pitied Jugurtha's misfortunes; (but,) if the same opportunity were offered to him, all (things) could (easily) be arranged. (3) Again, the commander sent messengers (with arguments) contrary to Bocchus' demands; the latter heeded some, (and) rejected others. In this way, with messages continually being sent and sent back by both sides, time passed, and, in accordance with Metellus' wishes, the war dragged on indecisively.
Chapter LXXXIV. Marius' preparations for his departure. His feelings towards the nobility. His popularity.
(1) Now, Marius, as I have said earlier, (had been) chosen consul at the ardent wish of the populace, (and,) when the people had given him the province of Numidia, (although he had) already (been) hostile to the nobility, he now bore down on them frequently and boldly; sometimes he inveighed against (them) on an individual basis, at other times (as) a group; he asserted that he had snatched the consulship (as) spoils from those (who had been) defeated, and (added) other (things) besides (which were intended to) glorify himself and to exasperate them. (2) Meanwhile, he regarded (the things) which were necessary for the war (as) his chief (concern); he demanded reinforcements for the legions, he summoned auxiliaries from (foreign) peoples and kings, besides calling out all the bravest men from Latium and from our allies, the majority (of whom) he knew from military service and a few by reputation, and inducing by flattering words men who had completed their terms of service (i.e. veterans) to set out with him.
(3) Nor did the senate, although it was opposed (to him), dare to refuse any of his measures. But they even voted the reinforcements with eagerness, because they thought that military service did not accord with the wishes of the masses, and Marius seemed likely to lose either the means of warfare or the favour of the multitude. But such outcomes were hoped for in vain: so strong a desire had taken hold of most of them! (4) Each man imagined in his mind that he should return home (as) a victor, laden with spoil (and) other (things) of this kind, and Marius had aroused them to no small degree by his speech. (5) For, when all that he had asked for had been voted, (and) he wished to enlist soldiers, he called an assembly of the people in order to encourage (them to come forward), and, at the same time, to inveigh against the nobility, as he had been accustomed (to doing). Then, he spoke in the following manner:
Chapter LXXXV. Marius speech to the people.
(1) "I do realise, Quirites (i.e. my fellow-citizens), that most (men) do not seek power from you, and (then) exercise (it), once they have secured (it), by the same artifices; at first, they are diligent, humble, and modest, but then they lead their lives by means of indolence and arrogance. But it seems to me that the opposite (should be) the case: (2) for, as the whole state is of more (importance) than the consulship or praetorship, so the former ought to be managed with more care than the latter are sought. (3) Nor am I unaware of how great (a weight of) business I am, with the greatest thanks to you, called upon to sustain. To prepare for war, and, at the same time, to spare the treasury, to press into military service those whom you do not wish to offend, to take care of everything, and to discharge these (duties) amid the envious, the hostile, (and) the factious, is more difficult, Quirites, than (is commonly) believed. (4) In addition to this, if others should fail (in their endeavours), the ancient nobility, the brave deeds of their ancestors, the power of their kinsmen and family connections, their numerous dependants, are all on hand to support them, (but) in my case, all hopes are dependent on myself, and these it is necessary (for me) to protect by my virtue and integrity; for (all) other (props) are weak.
(5) "I understand this too, Quirites, that the faces of all (men) are turned towards me, that the just (and) the good favour (me) - as my actions benefit the state - (and) that the nobility are looking for an opportunity to attack (me). (6) For this (reason) I must exert myself the more vigorously, so that you may not be deceived (in me), and they may be disappointed. (7) I have (lived) in such a way, from my boyhood to the present time, that I am familiar with every kind of toil and danger. (8) (Those things) which I was doing before your gratuitous kindness, it is not my intention, Quirites, to abandon them (now) that I have received my reward. (9) For those who have pretended that they were (men) of worth as a means of canvassing for votes, it may be difficult to exercise self-control (when) in office; (but) for me, who has conducted my entire life according to the highest moral standards, to act properly comes naturally to me through (force of) habit.
(10) "You have commanded me to wage war on Jugurtha, a decision which the nobility has borne with the greatest difficulty. I beg (you), ponder within your minds whether it would be better to change (your plans) and (see) if you should send on this, and any other similar errand, someone from that cluster of nobles, a man of ancient lineage and of many ancestral portraits, and of no military experience, in order, no doubt, that in so important an office, (being) ignorant of everything (relating to it), he might hustle and bustle and appoint someone from the people (as) an adviser in his duties. (11) So it generally happens that the (man,) whom you have ordered to take command, seeks someone else (as) his director. (12) And I know, Quirites, that there are some, who, after they have been elected consuls, have begun to read about the actions of their ancestors and the military precepts of the Greeks; they are men who do things the wrong way round, for (though) to discharge the duties (of the consulship) comes later in time than being elected (consul), in actual practice it comes before (it).
(13) "Now, Quirites, compare me, a new man, with the haughtiness of those (nobles). What they are used to hearing or reading, I have witnessed some of these (things), (and) I have performed others myself; what they (have acquired) from books, I have learned these (things) by service in the field. (14) Now, (whether) deeds or words are of more (importance) is a matter for you to judge. They despise my humble birth, I their imbecility; my lot, their misdeeds, (these) are the causes of reproach. (15) Although I consider the nature of all (men to be) one and the same, yet (I believe) that he who is the bravest is the best born. (16) And, if (the question) could now be asked of the fathers of Albinus and Bestia whether that would prefer me or those (men) to be descended from them, what do you think they would reply, other than that they would wish (to have) the best possible children.
(17) "But, if they justly look down on me, may they also look down on their own forefathers, whose nobility began, as (did) mine, in valour. (18) They envy my honour; so let them envy my toil, my abstinence (from all vicious indulgence), (and) also my perils, since I obtained it through them. (19) But these men, corrupted by pride, so live their lives as if they scorned your honours; yet they seek them as if they have lived honourably. (20) They are indeed deceived who hope (to enjoy) at the same time such very different things (as) the pleasures of indolence and the rewards of valour.
(21) "And even when they make a speech before you or in the senate, they extol their ancestors in a large part of their address; (for) they imagine that, by recounting the heroic deeds of their (forbears), (they will make) themselves more illustrious. (22) But the opposite is the case; for the more glorious (were) the lives of their (forefathers), so is their own inactivity the more shameful. (23) For the truth, itself, is plainly this: the glory of their ancestors is, as it were, a light (shining) upon their posterity, and it allows neither their virtues nor their faults (to be) hidden. (24) Of such a light as this I admit the lack, Quirites, but (I do have) something which confers much more distinction, I have the power to speak of the deeds of my own. (25) Now consider how unreasonable they are. What they claim for themselves from the merits of others, they do not concede to me on account of my own (merits), because, of course, I have no ancestral portrait busts, and because my distinction is newly(-acquired), but surely it is better to have created this than to have disgraced (what has been) inherited.
(26) "I, myself, am well aware that if they were now prepared to reply to me, their language would be abundantly eloquent and elaborate. But, since, in relation to your very great kindness (to me), they attack both you and me with abusive (words) at every opportunity, it does not seem right (for me) to be silent, lest someone should regard my reticence as awareness (of my unworthiness for office). As for myself, indeed, to the best of my knowledge and belief, nothing in a speech can injure me. (27) For (what is) true must speak in my favour, and my life and character shall overcome falsehoods. (28) But, since your judgment is being called into question, you, who have awarded me the highest office and the most important commission, should consider again and again whether you should regret those (decisions). (29) I cannot, for the sake of (winning) your confidence, boast of ancestral portrait busts, or triumphs, or the consulships of my forefathers, but if the circumstances should require (it), (I can show you) spears, a banner, horse-trappings (i.e. ornamented metal discs which could be attached to a belt or a horse's harness), and other military prizes (i.e. necklaces, bracelets, pins or brooches to fasten a cloak, and crowns), as well as the scars on the front of my body. (30) These are my portrait busts, this (is) my noble birth, not left (to me) through inheritance, as they (are) in their case, but which I have acquired through innumerable toils and dangers.
(31) "My words are not elaborate; I care little about that. Worth displays itself well enough. They have the need of artifice, to cover up their shameful deeds with oratory. (32) Nor have I studied any Greek letters: I did not care to learn them as they had not benefited their teachers at all with regard to their valour (i.e, the Greek states had not managed to protect themselves against kings, tyrants or foreign invaders). (33) But I have learned accomplishments of great value to the state: (how) to strike down the foe, to keep watch, to fear nothing save ill repute, to endure cold and heat alike, to sleep on the ground, to bear privation and toil at the same time. (34) With these precepts, I shall encourage my soldiers, nor shall I treat them stingily, and myself liberally, nor shall I win my own glory at the price of their toil. (35) Such a (style of) command is of value (and) it (is) becoming to a citizen. For to subject your army to rigorous discipline when you yourself live in luxury, that is to be a tyrant, not a commander. (36) (It was) by doing these (things), and other such (things), that your ancestors won renown for themselves and the republic. (37) Relying on them, our nobility, though so different themselves in character, censure us who emulate them, and demand from you all honours, not out of merit but as if (they were) due (to them).
(38) "But those most arrogant of men are greatly in error. Their ancestors left them everything they could: riches, ancestral portrait busts, (and) their own glorious memory; they did not leave (them) their valour, nor could they: (for) this alone can neither be given nor received as a gift. (39) They say I (am) vulgar and of uncultivated manners, because I cannot arrange a tasteful dinner, nor do I have any actor or a cook on a higher wage than my steward. (40) These (charges) it pleases me to confess, Quirites; for so I learned from my father and from other venerable men that elegance is proper to women and labour to men, and that all good (men) ought to have more glory than riches; (and) that arms, not furniture, confer honour.
(41) "Well then, indeed, what pleases (them), what they find dear, let them do it continually: let them make love, let them drink; let them pass their old age in the place where they spent their youth, at banquets, devoted to the belly and to the most shameful part of the body; sweat, dust, and other such (things), let them leave (these) to us, to whom they are sweeter than feasts. (42) But this is not what happens. For when these most shameless of men have disgraced themselves by their crimes, they proceed to wrest the rewards of the virtuous. (43) Thus, (it happens) most unjustly that luxury and indolence, the worst of vices, do not damage in any way those who cultivate them, (but) they are a source of ruin to the state.
(44) "As I have now replied to them, as far as my character requires, but not (as concerns) their own offences, I shall say a few (words) about the state of public affairs. (45) First of all, be of good cheer about Numidia, Quirites. For you have removed everything, which up to this time has protected Jugurtha: avarice, inexperience, haughtiness; then there is an army there that knows the terrain, but which is more vigorous, by heavens, than fortunate. (46) For a great part of it has been sacrificed by the greed or rashness of its leaders. (47) For this reason, you who are of military age exert yourselves together with me and support the republic, and do not let anyone feel fear (arising) from the misfortune of others or the arrogance of their commanders. I, myself, shall be with you on the march or in battle, (as) your guide and, at the same time, your companion in peril, and I shall treat you and myself alike on every occasion. (48) And, doubtless with the help of the gods, everything is ready to be plucked: victory, spoil, glory. (But even) if these (things) were in doubt or some distance away (in time), it would still be the duty of all good (citizens) to come to the aid of the republic. (49) But in fact, no man has become immortal through cowardice, and no parent has ever prayed for his children that they might live forever, (but) rather that they might live good and honest lives. (50) I would say more, Quirites, if words could impart courage to the faint-hearted; for to the brave I think I have said quite enough."
Chapter LXXXVI. Marius completes his levies, and arrives in Africa.
(1) After he had made a speech of this kind, Marius, when he found that the minds of the common people (had been) aroused, hastily loaded his ships with provisions, pay, arms, and other requirements, (and) ordered Aulus Manlius, his legate to set sail with them. (2) Meanwhile, he, himself, continued to enlist soldiers, not in accordance with the custom of their ancestors, nor from the (propertied) classes (i.e. the five property classes from which soldiers could be recruited), but according to whoever was willing, mostly those without property (i.e. the 'capite censi', so called because their names only were entered on the censors' lists, and who were exempt from military service because they had no property). (3) Some said this (was) done due to a shortage of good (men). others that it was due to the consul's desire to curry favour (with poor men). because he had been honoured and promoted by that class, and to a man seeking power the neediest man (is) the most helpful, as in his case his property is not a object of concern, since there is none, and all (things) which offer pay seem right and proper.
(4) Therefore, Marius set out for Africa with a somewhat larger contingent than had been authorised, and arrived at Utica within a few days. (5) The army was handed over to him by the legate Publius Rutilius; for Metellus had (managed to) avoid the sight of Marius, so as not to (have to) see things which his mind could not bear (even) to hear about.
Chapter LXXXVII. Marius opens the campaign.
(1) But, after bringing his legions and auxiliary cohorts up to full strength, the consul (i.e. Marius) advanced into a region (which was) fertile and laden with booty, and everything he took there he gave to his soldiers; then, he attacked such fortresses and towns (that were) ill-defended by nature and by men, (and) fought several engagements in various places, but some (were) slight (ones). (2) Meanwhile, the newly(-recruited) soldiers joined battle without fear, (and) saw that those who fled were captured or slain, (and) that the bravest man (was also) the safest, (and that it was) by arms that liberty, the fatherland, and parents, as well as everything else were protected, and that glory and riches were won. (3) Thus in a short space of time, new and old (troops) coalesced, and the courage of all became equal.
(4) But, the kings, when they heard of Marius' approach, retreated by separate routes into places that were difficult (to access). Thus it had seemed good to Jugurtha, who hoped that the enemy could soon be attacked, and that the Romans, like most (soldiers), would become more relaxed and less disciplined (when) fear (had been) removed.
Chapter LXXXVIII. The favourable reception of Metellus in Rome. The successes and plans of Marius. The continuing overtures of Bocchus.
(1) Meanwhile, Metellus, having returned to Rome, was received, contrary to his expectations, with feelings of the greatest joy and was welcomed by the people and by senators alike, after the prejudice (against him) had subsided.
(2) But Marius continued to attend with with equal energy and prudence to the affairs of his own (men) and of the enemy: he noted what would be advantageous or contrary to (the interests of) both (parties), he investigated the kings' movements, he forestalled their plans and their stratagems, (and) allowed no slackness in his own (army) and no respite in theirs. (3) Accordingly, on several occasions he attacked and dispersed (while they were) on their march. both the Gaetulians and Jugurtha, as they were driving spoil from our allies (i.e. mainly cattle), and obliged the king himself to lay aside his arms not far from the city of Cirta. (4) (But,) when he found that these (incidents) merely (brought him) glory, but did not help to bring the war to an end, he resolved to invest each one of those cities which, by means of their defenders and their position, were best suited to (support) the enemy and resist him: so (he thought) that Jugurtha would either be denuded of his garrisons, if he allowed this (to happen), or he would be forced into battle.
(5) As for Bocchus, he had frequently sent messengers to him (i.e. Marius): (he said) that he wished for the friendship of the Roman people; and that he should not fear any hostile (act) from him. (6) Whether he feigned this, in order that he might strike (us) unexpectedly with greater effect, or whether, from the fickleness of his disposition, he was accustomed to waver between peace and war, has not been ascertained.
Chapter LXXXIX. Marius contemplates the capture of Capsa.
(1) But the consul, as he had resolved, approached fortified strongholds and towns, (and) took (them) from the enemy. in some cases by force, (and) in others by threat or by offering rewards. (2) In the first place, his operations were minor ones, as he thought hat Jugurtha would engage in close combat in order to protect his (subjects). (3) But, when he realised that he was keeping his distance and that (he was) intent on other matters, it seemed (to be) time to undertake greater and more difficult (operations).
(4) Amid the vast deserts a great and strong town called Capsa (i.e. a town in the eastern part of Numidia, between the River Bagrades and lake Tritonis), of which the Libyan Hercules is said to be the founder. Under Jugurtha, its citizens (were) exempt from taxation (and) under light rule, and for these (reasons) they were regarded (as) his most faithful (subjects), (and they were) protected against their enemies, not just by walls and armed men, but still more too by the inaccessibility of their situation. (5) For, except for (the parts) adjoining the town, all other (areas were) desolate, uncultivated, in need of water, (and) infested with snakes, whose ferocity, like (that) of other wild beasts is (made) sharper by a shortage of food. Besides, the natural (venom) of these snakes, deadly in itself, is exacerbated by thirst more than anything else. (6) A strong desire to become master of this place seized hold of Marius, both on account of its importance to the war (effort), and also because (its capture) seemed a difficult thing (to achieve), and (because) Metellus had won great glory (by capturing) Thala, a town similarly situated and fortified, except for (the fact) that at Thala there were several fountains not far from the walls, (whereas) the inhabitants of Capsa (had) only one (source of) running water, and that (was) within the town, (and) otherwise they used rain(-water). (7) There, and in all of Africa, which was in an uncultivated state far from the sea, this (shortage) was endured the more easily, since the Numidians lived for the most part on milk and the flesh of wild animals, and sought neither salt nor any other means of whetting the palate; (8) (for) to them food was (but a means) to satisfy their hunger and thirst, not (to encourage) gluttony or excess.
Chapter XC. Marius prepares to invest Capsa.
(1) So, the consul, made a thorough reconnaissance, (and was) relying on the gods, I believe - for against such great difficulties he could not see far enough ahead in his planning, as he was also hindered by a shortage of grain, since the Numidians were more concerned with pasturage of cattle than with agriculture, and whatever (corn) had been produced had been conveyed, by order of the king, to fortified places, while the ground (was) parched and destitute of crops at this time (of the year), for it was the end of the summer - , yet in all the circumstances he conducted (the campaign) with sufficient foresight. (2) He assigned all the cattle, which had been (taken as) plunder during the previous days, to the auxiliary cavalry to drive, (and) directed his legate, Aulus Manlius, to go with the light-armed cohorts to the town of Lares, where he had deposited pay and provisions, and he said that, after a few days plundering (the countryside), he would come to the same (place). So, having concealed his (real) intention, he proceeded to the river Tanaïs.
Chapter XCI. Marius captures Capsa.
(1) Also, during the march he had distributed the cattle to the army, on a daily basis, by means of (infantry) centuries and equally by (cavalry) squadrons, and saw to it that water-bottles should be made from their hides; this mollified the scarcity of corn and and provided (utensils) which would soon be of use, (though) all (remained) unaware (of his intentions). Accordingly, when he came to the river, after six days, a large number of bottles (had been) made. (2) Having pitched camp there, with a slight fortification, he told his men to take refreshment, and, likewise, to be ready to march out at sunset, (and,) setting aside all their baggage, to load both themselves and their pack-animals with water only. (3) Then, as soon as the time seemed (right), he left camp, and, after marching the whole night, he halted; on the next (night) he did the same (thing); then, on the third (night), well before daybreak, he came to a hilly spot, not more than two miles distant from Capsa, and there he waited with all his forces as secretly as he could. (4) But, when daylight came, and the Numidians, not fearing any enemy (action), came out of the town in large numbers, he suddenly ordered his cavalry, and, with them, the swiftest of his infantry, to charge towards Capsa and secure the gates; then, he himself, eager (as he was), followed hastily, and did not permit his men to plunder.
(5) When the townsmen saw what (was happening), the alarming events, great panic, the unexpectedness of the disaster, (and,) in addition, (the fact) that a number of their fellow-citizens (were) in the power of the enemy outside the walls, compelled (them) to offer their surrender. (6) The town (was) burned, however, Numidian (men) of adult age were put to death, all the rest (were) sold, and the spoil was divided among the soldiers. (7) This deed, contrary to the usages of war (as it was), (was) not committed due to the greed or the wickedness of the consul, but because the place (was so) useful to Jugurtha and (so) difficult of access to us, (while its inhabitants were) a fickle and faithless race of men, nor, previously, could they be controlled either by kindness or by terror.
Chapter XCII. Marius' reputation, and the terror which he inspired in the enemy, are boosted still further by this success. After capturing still more places, he plans to take a fortress considered by the Numidians to be impregnable.
(1) After he had accomplished so great an achievement, without any loss of his men, Marius, great and famous (as he was) before, began to be regarded (as even) greater and more renowned. (2) Everything (he did, however) ill-conceived, was attributed to his virtue: his soldiers, kept under mild discipline and, at the same time, enriched, extolled (him) to the skies; the Numidians feared (him as) more than mortal; in short, everyone, allies and foes (alike), believed that he either possessed divine insight, or that everything (was) revealed (to him) by the command of the gods. (3) But, when this attempt had turned out well, the consul proceeded against other towns; a few he took when the Numidians resisted, (but) a greater number he destroyed by fire, (after they had been) abandoned on account of the wretched fate of the people of Capsa; all (places) were filled with mourning and slaughter. (4) Finally, after he had taken possession of several places, in most cases without his army suffering any bloodshed, he undertook another enterprise, not (involving) the same (degree) of hardship as the (capture of) the people of Capsa, but no less difficult (all the same).
(5) For not far from the river Muluccha, which separated the kingdom of Jugurtha from (the kingdom) of Bocchus, there stood in the midst of a plain a rocky hill, (which was) broad enough for a fortress of moderate (size), (and) immensely high, with one very narrow (point of) access; for on all sides (it was) as steep by nature (as could have been) deliberately (constructed) by building work. (6) Marius aimed to take this place with the utmost effort, because the king's treasures were there. But this event happened more by chance than by design. (7) For there were in the fortress a sufficiently large number of men and arms, as well as provisions and a fountain of water; the place was unsuitable for mounds, towers and other siege=works; the path to the fortifications was very narrow and there was a precipice on either side (of it). (8) The penthouses were brought up at great risk and to no effect, for, when they had gone forward a short distance, they were destroyed by fire or stones. (9) The soldiers could not keep their footing in front of the works, on account of the unevenness of the ground, nor could they operate within the penthouses without risk: all the best men were being killed or wounded, and in the rest fear was increasing.
Chapter XCIII. A bold plan to capture this fortress is developed by a Ligurian auxiliary.
(1) But Marius, having wasted much time and effort, began to ponder anxiously in his mind whether he should abandon the undertaking, because it was a mistake, or await (the aid of) fortune, which he had (so) often successfully enjoyed. (2) While he was revolving these (matters) in his mind in a state of perplexity for several days and nights, a certain Ligurian, a private soldier from the auxiliary cohorts, having gone out of the camp to fetch water not far from the side of the fortress which was furthest from (those who were) fighting, happened to catch sight of some snails crawling among the rocks, and, when he had picked up one (or) two, and then several, of these, he gradually proceeded to the top of the hill in his eagerness to gather (them). (3) Then, when he understood he was quite alone, the desire to accomplish difficult (things) took over his mind. (4) Now, in that place, a large holm-oak happened to have grown among the rocks, horizontally at first for a short distance, then turning and growing upwards, as nature directs all plants (to do). Supporting himself sometimes on its boughs, (and) sometimes on the projecting rocks, the Ligurian reached the plateau of the fortress (unobserved), as all the Numidians were intent on (watching) the combatants. (5) Having examined everything that he thought it would be useful (to know), he went back the same (way that he came), not without thought, as (when) he had climbed up, but trying out and scrutinising everything. (6) Then, he went hastily to Marius, told (him) about (what he had) done, (and) urged (him) to make an attack on the fortress from the place to which he himself had climbed, and he undertook that he would be their guide on this dangerous expedition.
(7) Marius sent (a number) of those at his side (to go) with the Ligurian to consider his proposals. (Each) of them, in accordance with his temperament, pronounced the proposed expedition as difficult or straightforward; however, the consul's hopes were raised a little. (8) So, from his band of horn-blowers and trumpeteers, he chose five in number of the most agile, and with them four centurions to act as a guard, and he told all (of them) to obey the Ligurian, and fixed the following day for the operation.
Chapter XCIV. As a result of this strategy, Marius takes the fortress and defeats the Numidians.
(1) When, in accordance with his orders, the time seemed (right), after preparing and arranging everything, he (i.e. the Ligurian) proceeded to the spot. Now, those who were going to ascend, having been previously instructed by their guide, had changed their arms and apparel: their heads and feet (were kept) bare, so that their forward view and their clambering among the rocks might be easier; their swords and shields (were placed) on their backs; indeed, the latter (were) Numidian (and made) of leather, (and were being used) for the sake of their (light) weight, and, at the same time, because they would make less noise, (when) struck. (2) So, the Ligurian led the way, and bound the rocks and the tree-roots, that were sticking out due to old age, with ropes, raised up on which the soldiers might climb more easily, (and) sometimes he pulled up by hand (those who were) alarmed by the unusual nature of the route; when the ascent proved somewhat more difficult, he sent them on ahead of him one by one without their arms, (and) then he himself followed, carrying their arms; (he was) the first to try out (those places) which appeared unsafe, and (by) ascending and descending the same (way) several times, and then at once stepping aside, he gave courage to the rest. (3) So, after a long time, and utterly exhausted, at last they reached the fortress, (which was) deserted on that side, because, as on all the other days, they were all face to face with the enemy.
Although Marius had kept the Numidians intent on the fighting throughout the day, when he learned from his messengers how the Ligurian had succeeded, then he really urged on his men, and, going outside the penthouses himself, (and,) having formed a 'tortoise', he advanced, and, at the same time, sought to deter the enemy from a distance, by catapults, archers and slingers. (4) But the Numidians, having often overturned and burned before the penthouses of the Romans, no longer sought to protect themselves by the walls of the fortress, but spent day and night outside the wall, reviling the Romans and reproaching Marius for his madness, and threatening our soldiers with slavery at the hands of Jugurtha, (so) emboldened were they at the favourable (outcome of) events.
(5) In the meantime, with all (of them, both) the Romans and their foes, engaged in the fighting, (and) both contending with the utmost vigour, the one side for glory and dominion, (and) the other side for their (very) survival, suddenly the trumpets sounded in their rear; then, the women and children, who had gone out to watch, were the first to flee, then each that was nearest to the wall, (and) finally all (of them), armed and unarmed (alike). (6) When this happened, the Romans pressed forward the more boldly, and scattered (their opponents), most of them being only wounded; then, they trampled on the bodies of the dead, (being) avid for glory (and) striving to reach the wall, and plundering did not detain any of them. (7) So, Marius' rashness, corrected by chance, brought (him) glory, instead of blame.
Chapter XCV. The arrival of Sulla in the camp; Sulla's character.
(1) Now, while this action was taking place, the quaestor Lucius (Cornelius) Sulla (i.e. the future dictator 82-79 B.C.) arrives in the camp with a large contingent of horsemen, which he had been left behind in Rome to muster from Latium and our allies. (2) But, since my subject (now) brings to our attention this most eminent man, it seems proper to say a few (words) about his character and his way of life. For I shall not speak of Sulla's affairs in any other place, and Lucius (Cornelius) Sisenna (i.e praetor 78 B.C.), who, of all (writers) has given the best and the most accurate account of these matters, seems to me, when describing (Sulla's character and way of life), to have spoken with insufficient frankness.
(3) Sulla, then, was a noble of patrician descent, but of a family sunk in obscurity through the degeneracy of his forbears; (he was) learned, and very well versed in Greek and Latin literature alike,of a powerful mind, fond of pleasures, but (even) fonder of glory; in his leisure he was (given) to extravagance, yet pleasure never held him back from (performing) his duties, except that he could have considered the interests of his wife more honourably; (he was) eloquent, shrewd, and quick to make friends; his depth of ingenuity in disguising his intentions (was) incredible, (and he was) liberal with regard to most things, and especially with money. (4) And, (although) he (was) the most fortunate of all (men) before his victory in the civil (war), his fortune was never beyond his deserts, and many have expressed doubt whether he was braver or more fortunate. As for (those things) which he did afterwards, I am uncertain (whether) to speak (of them) with shame, or rather with regret.
Chapter XCVI. Sulla secures the favour of both Marius and the army as a whole.
(1) So, Sulla, when he came with his cavalry to Africa and to Marius' camp, as has just been stated, (although he had) previously (been) unskilled in and ignorant of warfare, in a short time he became the most expert (of them) all. Furthermore, he addressed the soldiers in an affable manner, granted favours to many at their (own) request, and to others on his own account, (but was) unwilling to accept (them himself), but he repaid these more promptly than a monetary debt; he himself sought repayment from no one, but rather took the trouble (to ensure) that as many as possible should be indebted to him; he shared jokes and earnest (conversation) with the humblest (of men), (and) he was present (with them) in many places: at their work stations, on the march, and on watch; nor, in the meantime, did he seek to damage the reputation of the consul or of any other honest (man), as is usual (in the case of those with) a depraved ambition; (his) only (aim was) to allow no one else (to come) before (him) in counsel or in action, (and in fact) he surpassed almost all of them. (4) On account of these characteristics and qualities, he soon became a great favourite (both) of Marius and of the soldiers.
Chapter XCVII. Jugurtha and Bocchus join together to attack Marius.
(1) Now, Jugurtha, after he had lost the town of Capsa and other places (which were) fortified and valuable to his (cause), as well as a great (amount) of money, dispatched messengers to Bocchus, (urging him to) lead his forces into Numidia, (and stating) that the time for giving battle was at hand. (2) (But,) when he heard that he was hesitating, and, doubtful (as he was), was pondering in his mind the reasons for war and peace, he once again corrupted those closest to him with gifts, and he promised the Moor himself a third part of Numidia, if the Romans (could) either be expelled from Africa, or the war could be brought to an end with his territories undiminished. (3) Allured by this offer, Bocchus joined Jugurtha with a large throng (of men).
The armies of both (kings) being thus united, they attacked Marius just as he was marching to his winter quarters, (when) scarcely a tenth part of the day remained, thinking that night, which was now coming on would be a shelter for them, (if they were) beaten, and no impediment (to them), if they were victorious, as they were well acquainted with the countryside, (while,) on the other hand, either result would be more difficult for the Romans in the darkness. (4) So, at the same moment as the consul learned from several (sources) of his foe's approach, the enemy were upon (him), and, before the army could be drawn up or the baggage could be collected, in short before any signal or command could be given, the Moorish and Gaetulian horsemen rushed (furiously) upon our (men), not in line or with any plan of battle, but in swarms, just as chance had bundled them all up together.
(5) They (were) all filled with alarm at this unexpected danger, but yet being mindful of their valour, they either took up arms or protected the others as they were arming themselves; some mounted their horses and went to meet the foe, the fighting being more akin to highway robbery than a battle, their horsemen and foot-soldiers (being) intermingled with no standards and without formation; they cut down some, others they mutilated, (and) they beset many from the rear, as they were fighting with great determination against their adversaries; finally, the Roman veterans and new (recruits), (who were united in the various divisions of the army), and for this (reason they were) knowledgeable about warfare, if the ground or chance had brought them together, they formed squares, and thus secured on every side and, at the same time, drawn up (in regular fashion), they managed to withstand the enemy's vigorous attacks.
Chapter XCVIII. Marius vigorously opposes his enemies' attacks.
(1) In so perilous a situation, Marius was not afraid or more disheartened than before, but he rode around in all directions with his troop (of cavalry), which he had formed from his bravest (men) rather than his closest (associates), sometimes assisting his (men, when they were) in difficulties, (and) sometimes charging the enemy where they had massed together most densely; he advised his men by gestures, since he could give no orders with everything in such a state of confusion. (2) And now the day was spent, but still the barbarians did not slacken (their efforts) in any way, and, they pressed forward with more vigour, thinking, as the kings had anticipated, that the night (would be) favourable to them. (3) Then, Marius adopted a plan in accordance with the measure of his circumstances, and, in order that there might be a place of retreat for his (men), he occupied two hills, (which were) close to one another, on one of which, (although it was) not spacious enough for a camp, there was a large spring of water, (and) the other (was) suitable to his purpose, because (it was) for the most part high and steep, (and) required little (in the way of) fortifications. (4) Then, he ordered Sulla to spend the night with his cavalry by the spring, (and) he himself gradually assembled his scattered troops into one (body) - nor (were) the enemy any less disordered - , (and) then led (them) all to the hill at the double. (5) So, compelled by the difficulty of their position, the kings were deterred from (continuing) the conflict; yet they did not allow their (men) to go very far away, but, surrounding both hills with their large throng (of men), they encamped in an irregular fashion.
(6) Then, having lit numerous fires, the barbarians, in accordance with their custom, spent most of the night rejoicing, exulting (and) making a loud noise with their voices; and their leaders, themselves full of pride because they had not fled, behaved as though they were conquerors. (7) But all these (scenes), (which were) easily seen by the Romans through the darkness and from their higher ground, were (the source) of great encouragement (to them).
Chapter XCIX. Marius surprises the Moors and Gaetulians in the night, and routs them amid great slaughter.
(1) Indeed, Marius, greatly heartened by the enemy's lack of training, ordered the strictest possible silence to be kept, not even (allowing) the trumpets to be sounded by the sentries, as was the custom (i.e. when there was a change of watch). Then, when daylight was approaching, and the enemy (were) exhausted and had fallen asleep just beforehand, all of a sudden he ordered the sentinels, together with the trumpeters of the (auxiliary) cohorts, the (cavalry) squadrons and the legions, to sound their instruments all at the same time, (and) the soldiers to raise a loud cry and burst forth from the gates (of the camp). (2) The Moors and the Gaetulians, suddenly awoken by this strange and terrible noise, could neither flee nor take up their arms, nor do anything or make any arrangements; (3) (for) fear, like a stupour, (arising) from the uproar and shouting, the lack of support, the charge of our (men), (and) the confusion (and) alarm, had so taken hold of (them) all. In short, (they were) routed and put to flight, their arms and most of their military standards (were) taken, and more (of their men) were killed in this battle than in all the previous (ones). For their escape was hindered by sleep and the sudden panic.
Chapter C. Marius prepares to go into winter quarters; his vigilance and maintenance of discipline.
(1) Then, Marius proceeded to go to his winter quarters, as he had started (to do): he had decided to settle in the coastal towns for the sake of provisions; his victory did not make (him) careless or over-confident, however, but he marched in a square formation, just as if (he were) in sight of the enemy. (2) Sulla with his cavalry (was) on the right, Aulus Manlius was in charge of the left (flank) with the slingers and archers, as well as the cohorts of the Ligurians. He had placed the tribunes in the front and the rear, with the light armed maniples. (3) The deserters, (whose lives were) of little concern (to him), and (who were) well acquainted with the area, explored the route of the enemy. At the same time, the consul looked after everything, as if he had not appointed any commanders, and he went among all (of the troops) and gave out praise and blame as they deserved. (4) Armed and on the alert himself, he required the same of his men. He fortified his camp in the same manner as he organised the march, he sent cohorts of the legions to keep watch at the gate, (and) the auxiliary cavalry in front of the camp, and in addition he stationed others on the defence-works on top of the ramparts; he went round the guard-posts in person, not so much through any doubt that what he had ordered would be (executed), but rather so that such exertion, if equally shared with their commander, would be willingly endured by the soldiers. (5) And, indeed, Marius, both on this and on other occasions during the war with Jugurtha, controlled the his army by (appealing to their sense of) shame than by punishment. Many said that this was done through (his desire for) popularity: (they said) that he took pleasure in hardship, to which (he had been) accustomed from his childhood, and other things which the rest (of us) call afflictions; but yet the public interest (was) served as well and as honourably as it could have been under the severest discipline.
Chapter CI. Marius fights a second battle with Jugurtha and Bocchus, and gains a second victory over them.
(1) Then, at length, on the fourth day (of his march, when he was) not far from the town of Cirta, his scouts suddenly appeared from all directions at the same moment, as a result of which it was understood that the enemy were at hand. (2) But, since they were returning from different locations, each one from a different direction, and they were all indicating the same (thing), the consul, being uncertain as to what form he should draw up his battle-line, made no change at all to his formation, (but) stayed in the same (place), being prepared (as he was) to meet all (eventualities). (3) By so doing, he frustrated the expectations of Jugurtha, who had divided his forces into four sections, thinking that, if they were to come from all (directions), some (of them would) surely take their enemy from the rear. (4) Meanwhile, Sulla, with whom the enemy had first come into contact, encouraged his men and charged the Moors, in person and with his officers, troop by troop, and with their horses in the closest possible order, (while) the rest (of his men), remaining in their position, protected their persons from darts thrown from a distance, and killed (any of the enemy), if they had come into their hands.
(5) While the cavalry were engaged in this manner, Bocchus, with some foot-soldiers, whom his son Volux had brought up, and (who) had not been present in the earlier battle because they had been delayed on the march, fell upon the rear of the Romans' battle-line. (6) At that moment, Marius was occupied at the front, as Jugurtha was there with most (of his men). Then, the Numidian, having heard of Bocchus' arrival, made his way secretly with a few (of his followers) to his infantry. There he cried out in Latin - for he had learned to speak (the language) at Numantia (i.e. when he was an ally of the Romans during the Numantine War in 134-133 B.C. see Ch. VII) - that our (men) were fighting in vain, (as he had) killed Marius by his own hand a short time before. At the same time, he displayed a sword smeared with blood, which he had made sufficiently gory by actively slaying one of our foot-soldiers in the battle. (7) When the soldiers heard this, they were alarmed more at the enormity of such an event than through any belief in the truth of the report, but, at the same time, the barbarians had their spirits lifted and charged at the disheartened Romans with more vigour. (8) And now they were (but) a short distance from (taking to) flight, when Sulla, who had routed those whom he had gone to meet, returned and rushed upon the flank of the Moors. Bocchus withdrew at once. (9) But Jugurtha, while he was anxious to support his men at once and to secure a victory now almost won, (was) surrounded by our cavalry, (but), while all on his right and left (were) slain, he alone burst out amid (a shower of) hostile weapons (which) he avoided. (10) And, in the meantime, Marius, having routed their cavalry, was hurrying to the support of his (men), whom he had heard were now being pushed back. (11) At last, the enemy was now being defeated in every quarter. Then, on the open plains (there was) a fearful spectacle: pursuing, fleeing, being killed, being captured; horses and men being dashed to (the ground), and many, having received wounds, could neither flee nor be permitted any rest; now they attempted to rise, and at once they fell back; in short, everywhere, as far as one could see, (was) strewn with weapons, armour, dead bodies, and between these the ground (was) saturated with blood.
Chapter CII. Marius arrives at Cirta. He receives a deputation from Bocchus, and sends Sulla and Manlius to confer with him.
(1) Afterwards, the consul, undoubtedly now the victor, arrived at the town of Cirta, where he had intended to go from the outset. (2) To this (place), five days after the barbarians had again suffered a defeat, came messengers from Bocchus, who, in the king's words, requested Marius to send him two (men) whom he trusted as much as possible, and that he wished to confer with them about his own interests and (those) of the Roman people. He immediately ordered Lucius Sulla and Aulus Manlius to go. (3) They, although they went at his invitation, decided, nevertheless, to address the king, in order to change his mind (if he were) opposed to peace, and to inspire him with greater enthusiasm (if he were) in favour (of it). (4) So, Sulla, to whose eloquence but not (whose) age Manlius gave precedence, spoke a few words of the following kind:
(5) "King Bocchus, it gives us great pleasure, now that the gods have induced such a man as you at long last to choose peace rather than war, nor to stain your excellent (character) by allying with Jugurtha, the most infamous of all (men), (and,) at the same time, to relieve us of the bitter necessity of having to visit your error and his great crimes with equal (severity). (6) Besides, (it has) seemed better to the Roman people, from the (very) beginning of their rule, to seek friends rather than slaves, and (they have) thought it safer to govern (those who are) willing rather than (those who have been) compelled. (7) But to you no friendship (can be) more suitable than ours, since, in the first place, we are some distance from you, for which (reason there will be) less (chance of) friction (between us), (while) our favour (will be) the same as if we were nearby; (and,) secondly, because, (although) we have subjects in abundance, neither we nor anyone else can ever have enough friends. (8) But, if only you had decided this from the beginning: for by this time you would certainly have received more benefits from the Roman people than the evils you have suffered. (9) but, since fortune rules most of human affairs, (and) it has certainly pleased her that you should experience both our force and our favour, make haste now when she allows (it), and proceed as you have begun. (10) (For) you have many suitable ways by which you can readily atone for your (past) errors by (future) services. (11) Impress this deeply into your mind, that the Roman people are never outdone in acts of kindness. For what they can do in war, you know (already)."
(12) To these (words), Bocchus replied calmly and courteously, and, at the same time, he offered a short explanation for his misconduct: (he said) that he had taken up arms, not in a spirit of hostility, but in order to protect his kingdom. (13) For the part of Numidia from which he had expelled Jugurtha by force (had) become his by right of conquest (n.b. actually, this was a falsehood: Jugurtha had promised Bocchus a third part of Numidia as the price of his help against the Romans); he could not allow it to be laid waste by Marius. Moreover, he had previously sent ambassadors to Rome, (but he had been) expelled from any alliance. (14) But he would forget the past, and would now send envoys to the senate, if this were allowed by Marius. Then, after this permission had been obtained, the mind of the barbarian was altered by some friends, whom Jugurtha, having heard of the mission of Sulla and Manlius, and fearing what was being arranged, had corrupted by gifts.
Chapter CIII. Marius undertakes an expedition. Bocchus prepares to send ambassadors to Rome, but these, having been stripped by robbers, take refuge in the Roman camp, where they are entertained by Sulla during Marius' absence.
(1) Meanwhile, Marius, having settled his army in its winter quarters, set out with the light-armed cohorts and a section of the cavalry into a desert area to besiege a royal fortress, in which Jugurtha had placed a garrison entirely (composed) of deserters (i.e. from Rome). (2) Then again, Bocchus, either by reflecting on what had happened to him in those two battles, or because he had been advised by other friends, whom Jugurtha had left uncorrupted, chose five (men) from the whole band of his associates, whose integrity and pre-eminent abilities were known (to him). (3) These he ordered to go to Marius, and then, if he agreed, to Rome (as) ambassadors, (and) he granted them full power to negotiate (concerning) his affairs and to end the war on whatever (possible) terms. (4) They set out promptly for the Romans' winter quarters, (but) then on the way they were set on and stripped (of their possessions) by some Gaetulian robbers, (and) fled in terror and without dignity to Sulla, whom the consul had left in command, when he set out on his expedition. (5) He treated them, not as unreliable enemies, as they deserved, but sympathetically and generously. For this reason the barbarians considered that the Romans' reputation for avarice (was) a false (one), and that Sulla, on account of his liberality towards them (was) their friend. (6) For, even then, such (deliberate) largess was unbeknown to many; no one (who was) generous was suspected of not being sincere; all gifts were regarded as acts of kindness. (7) They, therefore, disclosed to the quaestor (i.e. Sulla), their commission from Bocchus, (and,) at the same time, they asked him to be their patron and counsellor; in their address they extolled the military power, the good faith and the greatness of their king, and (added) other (things) which they thought would either strengthen their case or promote goodwill (towards the king). Then, (after) Sulla had promised (them) everything (they asked for), (and) told (them) how they should address Marius, and the senate also, they waited there for about forty days.
Chapter CIV. Marius returns, Bocchus' ambassadors set out for Rome. The reply they receive from the senate.
(1) Marius, after completing the business (of his expedition) as he had intended, returned to Cirta, and was informed of the arrival of the envoys, and ordered that they and Sulla should come from Utica, and, likewise, the praetor Lucius Bellienus (i.e. the governor of the Roman province of Africa), as well as all members of the senatorial order throughout (the province), with whom he considered the instructions (given to the envoys) of Bocchus. (2) Leave to go to Rome was granted to the envoys, and, in the meantime, (agreement to) an armistice was sought from the consul. This (suggestion) met with the approval of Sulla and most (of the others); a few advocated a harsher response, (being) doubtless unaware (of the nature) of human affairs, which, unstable and fleeting (as they are), are always being altered in an adverse (direction).
(3) Then, having obtained everything (they asked for), three of the Moors set out for Rome under the guidance of Gnaeus Octavius Ruso, who, (as) quaestor had brought the (soldiers') pay to Africa, (while the other) two went back to the king. From the latter, Bocchus received with pleasure both (the news of) everything else, and especially the kindness and attention (shown to them) by Sulla. (4) And at Rome, after his ambassadors had acknowledged in a deprecating manner that their king had erred and (had been) led astray by the wickedness of Jugurtha, and (then) begged for an alliance of friendship, an answer in the following terms was received: (5) "The Senate and People of Rome are wont to be mindful of (both) kindness and injury. But, since Bocchus repents, they excuse his offence: their alliance and friendship will be granted when he has earned (them)."
Chapter CV. Bocchus asks that he might confer with Sulla. Sulla sets out to meet him, but then encounters an army of Moors led by Volux, the son of Bocchus.
(1) When he had learned of this response, Bocchus asked Marius by letter to send Sulla to him, at whose discretion there might be some consideration of their common interests. (2) He (was) dispatched with an escort of cavalry, and infantry, and Balearic slingers. In addition went some archers and a cohort of Paelignians (i.e. an Italian tribe that came from an area about 70-80 miles to the north-east of Rome), (who were equipped) with light armour for the sake of speedy marching, and they (were) protected just as well by this as by any other armour against the enemy's missiles, because they were light. But, then, on the fifth day of their march, Volux, the son of Bocchus, suddenly appeared on the open plain, with not more than a thousand cavalrymen, but, as they approached in a disorderly and widely scattered manner, they created in Sulla and all the others the fear that they were more numerous than in fact (they were), and that (they were) about to launch an attack. (4) Therefore, each man prepared himself for action, (and) checked his armour and weapons, (which) they directed (at the supposed enemy); (there was) some fear (among them), but hope to a greater extent, since (they were) meeting in the capacity of victors those whom they had frequently overcome. (5) In the meantime, some horsemen, (who had been) sent forward to reconnoitre, reported that the situation (was) peaceful, as was (in fact the case).
Chapter CVI. Sulla and his men suspect Volux of betraying them to Jugurtha.
(1) Volux, coming forward, addressed the quaestor (i.e. Sulla), and said that he (had been) sent by his father Bocchus to meet them, and, at the same time, to provide (them) with an escort. Then, they joined (forces) on that day and the next without (any cause for) alarm. (2) But, when (they had) pitched camp, and the evening of the day had (come), suddenly the Moor ran trembling to Sulla and said that he had learned from his scouts that Jugurtha was not far away. At the same time, he begged and implored (him) to flee with him secretly during the night. (3) He (i.e. Sulla) boldly denied that he was at all afraid of the Numidian (who had been) so often defeated: he had sufficient confidence in the valour of his (men); even if certain destruction was at hand, he would stand his ground rather than betray (those) whom he was leading in order to save, by a shameful flight, a life (which was) uncertain and perhaps soon to be lost through disease. (4) Advised, however, by the same (man) (i.e. Volux) to set out at night, he approved the plan; and he ordered his men to finish their dinner at once, and to light as many fires as possible throughout the camp, (and,) then, to set out in silence at the first watch.
(5) And now, when everyone (was) exhausted by the nocturnal march, Sulla was measuring out his camp just as the sun was rising, when the Moorish horsemen reported that Jugurtha was encamped at a distance of about two miles ahead of them). (6) When this (news) was heard, then indeed a great fear came upon our (men); (for) they believed that they (had been) betrayed by Volux and led into a trap. Now there were some who said that he ought to be put to death, and that, in his (case), so great a crime should not be left unavenged.
Chapter CVII. Sulla marches his men through the midst of Jugurtha's lines, and they reach Bocchus' camp unscathed.
(1) But Sulla, although he thought the same (thing), protected the Moor from violence nevertheless. He urged his (men) to keep their spirits up: in the past (he said) that battles had often been successfully fought by a handful of brave (men) against a multitude; and the less they tried to spare themselves in battle, the more secure they would be; nor should any (man), who had furnished his hands with weapons, seek the assistance of his unarmed feet, (and) turn towards the enemy the exposed and blind (parts of) his body (i.e. his back), (even) amid the greatest fear. (2) Then, since he was acting in a hostile manner, he called upon almighty Jupiter to be there as a witness to Bocchus' crime and treachery, and he ordered Volux to depart from the camp. (3) The latter tearfully begged (him) not to believe such (things): nothing had been done through treachery (on his part), but rather through the cunning of Jugurtha, to whom their route had evidently become known by (the use of) spies. (4) But, since he possessed no great force, and (all) his hopes and resources depended upon his father (i.e. Bocchus), he believed that he would try nothing publicly, when his son was present (as) a witness. (5) Therefore, it seemed that the best (thing) to do (was) to march quite openly through the middle of his camp; (as for) himself, (he said) that he would either send his Moors ahead, or they would be left where they were, (and that he) alone would go with Sulla.
(6) As (they were) in such circumstances, this plan (was) adopted; and they set out at once, (and,) since they had come upon (him) unexpectedly, Jugurtha (was) in two minds and hesitant, (and) they passed through unscathed. (7) Then, after a few days, they arrived (at the place) where they had intended to go.
Chapter CVIII. Sulla and Bocchus begin to negotiate; Bocchus' intentions are highly questionable.
(1) At this place, a certain Numidian, Aspar by name, was spending much (time) in the company of Bocchus; he had been sent forth by Jugurtha as soon as he heard that Sulla (had been) summoned, (to act as) his spokesman and secretly to keep an eye on Bocchus' designs; (with him) also (was) Dabar, the son of Massugrada, from the family of Masinissa, but of inferior birth on his mother's (side) - for her father was the son of a concubine; (yet he was) liked and esteemed by the Moor on account of his many good qualities. (2) Having found him to be loyal to the Romans on many previous occasions, Bocchus sent (him) at once to Sulla to tell (him) that he would do whatever the Roman people desired; that he himself should choose the day, the place, (and) the time for a conference; that he was keeping intact everything he had (previously) agreed with him; and, in order that their common business might be conducted more freely, that he should not be concerned at (the presence of) Jugurtha's ambassador; for otherwise he could not be protected from his snares. (3) But I suspect that it was more due to his Punic faith (i.e. his deceitful treachery), than because of the (motives) he professed, that Bocchus detained both the Romans and the Numidians with the hope of peace, and that on many (occasions) he was wont to ponder in his mind (whether) he should deliver Jugurtha to the Romans or Sulla to him; his inclination urged (him to go) against us, (but) his fears (to act) on our behalf.
Chapter CIX. Sulla and Bocchus continue to negotiate.
(1) So, Sulla replied that he would say (very) little in the presence of Aspar, and anything else (would be said) in private, with no one, or as few (people) as possible, being present. He also told (him) what (things) he should say to him in reply. (2) When they met as he had wished, he said that he had come on a mission from the consul to ask him (whether) he would be pursuing peace or war. (3) Then, the king, as he had been instructed, bade (him) return after ten days, as he had not even then come to a decision, but that he would give his answer on that day. Then, they both retired to their (respective) camps. (4) But, when the night was far gone, Sulla was secretly summoned by Bocchus. Only trustworthy interpreters were present on both sides, besides Dabar (as) an intermediary, an honourable man and acceptable to both (of them). And at once the king began to speak as follows:
Chapter CX. Bocchus' address to Sulla.
(1) " 'I never thought it would be the case that I, the greatest king in this (part of) the world and of all whom I know of, should ever owe a favour to a private person. (2) And, in god's name, Sulla, before I knew you, I have brought assistance to many at their request and to others of my own accord, (while I have been) in need of no one's (help). (3) At this loss of independence, which most people would be likely to regret, I rejoice. It will be (a pleasure) to me that to be in need for once (is) the price (I have to pay) for your friendship, compared with which nothing is dearer to my heart. Indeed, you may put this to the test. (4) Arms, men, money, in short, whatever is pleasing to your spirit, take and make use (of them), and never suppose, as long as you live, that my (debt of) gratitude (has been) requited: to me it will always be undischarged; and henceforth, while I know (of it), you will wish for nothing in vain. (5) For, as I see (it), it is less shameful for a king to be conquered in battle than (to be surpassed) in generosity.
(6) " 'But, with regard to the interests of your state, which you have been sent here to protect, hear in a few (words) what I have to say. I have not made war on the Roman people, nor have I wished (it should) happen, but I have protected my borders with arms against armed (men). (7) This I (now) cease (to do), since it is thus pleasing to you. Wage war with Jugurtha as you wish. (8) I shall not cross the river Muluccha, which was (the boundary) between Micipsa and me, nor shall I allow Jugurtha to go across it. Furthermore, if you ask anything proper of me and yourself, you will not depart, having been refused.'
Chapter CXI. Sulla's reply to Bocchus: he presses the king to hand over Jugurtha to the Romans.
(1) (In reply) to these (words), Sulla spoke briefly and modestly on his own behalf, (but) at some length on the subject of peace and their common interests. Finally, he made it clear to the king that the senate and the people of Rome, since they had shown themselves (to be) much the stronger in arms, would not feel any gratitude because he made promises; he must do something that seemed to be more in their interests than his own. (Now,) just such an (opportunity) was at hand, since he had (ready) access to Jugurtha. If he were to deliver him to the Romans, it would be the case that they would be greatly indebted to him; their friendship, an alliance, (and) the part of Numidia which he was claiming would then readily come to him. (2) At first, the king refused; kinship, affinity (i.e. relationship by marriage), (and a formal) treaty in addition, (all these) intervened; added to this, he was afraid that, by such disloyalty, he might forfeit the respect (which he) enjoyed among his people, by whom Jugurtha (was) beloved and the Romans were hated.(3) But at last, under constant pressure, he gave way, and promised that he would do everything in accordance with Sulla's wishes. (4) Then, they made arrangements which seemed expedient for the pretence of making peace, for which the Numidian (i.e. Jugurtha) was most eager. Their plot having been so constructed, they went their separate ways.
Chapter CXII. Jugurtha agrees to attend a peace conference, but asks Bocchus to deliver Sulla into his hands.
(1) On the following day, the king summoned Jugurtha's envoy, Aspar, and told (him) that he had learned from Sulla, by means of Dabar, that the war could be ended on (certain) conditions; therefore, he must ascertain his king's view (of the matter). Full of delight, he set out for Jugurtha's camp. (2) Then, after receiving full instructions from him, he returned to Bocchus after eight days by a hasty journey, and reported to him that Jugurtha was eager to do everything that might be required, but that he had little confidence in Marius; (for) on previous occasions a peace concluded with Roman generals had often been repudiated. (3) But, if Bocchus wished to have regard for (them) both (i.e, Jugurtha and Bocchus), and (to have) an established peace, let him arrange that all (parties) should come together at a conference, ostensibly about peace, and there he should deliver Sulla into his (hands). (For) when he had such a man in his power, then it would be the case that a treaty would be concluded by order of the senate or of the people; for no distinguished man (who had fallen) into the hands of the enemy, not through any fault of his own but on account of the public interest, would (ever) be abandoned.
Chapter CXIII. After constant vacillation, Bocchus betrays Jugurtha to the Romans.
(1) At last the Moor, after he had deliberated for a long time, undertook to do these things (i.e. what Jugurtha wanted); but whether he hesitated for tactical reasons or in reality, I have not discovered. Generally, however, the inclinations of kings, as strongly expressed (as they are, are) so fickle that they often contradict one another. (2) After a time and a place had been fixed for coming to a conference about peace, Bocchus addressed Sulla at one moment and Jugurtha's envoy at another, treating (them) with (equal) kindness, and making the same promises to both. They were similarly delighted and full of high hopes.
(3) But on the night that immediately preceded the day appointed for the conference, the Moor, having summoned his friends, and at once changing his mind and dismissing them, is said to have been greatly agitated within himself, and his changes of mind were accompanied by bodily gestures; (despite) his being so silent, these undoubtedly revealed (what was) hidden in his mind. (4) At last, however, he ordered that Sulla be summoned, and, in accordance with the wishes of the latter, set a trap for the Numidian. (5) Then, when day came, and he was informed that Jugurtha was not far distant, he proceeded with a few friends and our quaestor, as if to meet (him) for the sake of honour, to a small hillock, (which was) clearly visible to (those who were) lying in wait. (6) To the same (spot) came the Numidian with most of his adherents, unarmed, as had been agreed, and immediately, at a given signal, he was assailed from all sides simultaneously in an ambush. (7) The others (were) slaughtered, (and) Jugurtha (was) bound and delivered to Sulla, and was conducted by him to Marius.
Chapter CXIV. The triumph of Marius.
(1) But, at about the same time (as this), war was being conducted unsuccessfully against the Gauls by our generals, Quintus (Servilius) Caepio (i.e. consul 106 B.C.) and Gnaeus Mallius (Maximus) (i.e. consul 105 B.C.) (These two generals were defeated by the Cimbri and Teutones at the battle of Arausio on the River Rhone in 105 B.C.). (2) For this (reason), the whole of Italy had been trembling with terror. Those Romans, (then living,) and then those right down to our own time, were of this opinion, that all other (peoples) were subject to our valour, (but) that to contend with the Gauls was a matter of our security, not a matter of glory. (3) But, when the news came that the war in Numidia (was) over, and that Jugurtha was being brought to Rome in chains, Marius was elected consul in his absence, and the province of Gaul was assigned to him, and, on the first day of January (i.e. 104 B.C.) he, (as) consul, triumphed with great glory. (4) And, at that time, the hopes and resources of the state (were) dependent on him.
