APPIAN: EXTRACTS FROM "THE CIVIL WARS," BOOK II

Introduction.

Appian of Alexandria was born in 95 A.D. and died in 165 A.D. His main work was the "Historia Romana," in Greek, of which Books XIII-XVII have come down to us complete. These are usually renumbered as Books I-V of his "Civil Wars", and are an invaluable source of information. Although Appian makes a number of factual errors in his works, which have disconcerted his critics, these are rarely of any significance, and would not have greatly concerned Appian himself, whose purpose would have been to entertain as well as to inform, his readers. In this he is outstandingly successful, as his account of the civil wars is eminently readable and full of additional information not available in other sources.

From this work, Sabidius had selected three extracts from Book II, which covers the twenty years from 64 to 44. These extracts deal in turn with the following: 1) the period 64 to 49, which cover, often in a quite compressed fashion, the conspiracy of Catiline, the years of the First Triumvirate and the outbreak of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, 2) a detailed account of the decisive battle of Pharsalus in 48 B.C.; and 3) the comparison between Alexander the Great and Caesar, with which Book II concludes. Also included in Book II is a summary account of the other campaigns in the Civil War of 49-44 B.C., a very detailed consideration of the background and circumstances of Caesar's murder in 44, and the tense aftermath to this, including the speeches made by Brutus and Mark Antony.

The Greek text of Appian used by Sabidius is that edited by L.Mendelsson, Teubner of Leipzig, (1879), which is available on the Perseus website. In providing his own translation, Sabidius has had available the English translations of Horace White, Macmillan (1899) and of John Carter, Penguin Books (1996). The introduction and very detailed notes which accompany the latter are particularly recommended to the reader.

A.  FROM THE CATILINARIAN CONSPIRACY TO THE CROSSING OF THE RUBICON (Sections 1-35)

Chapter 1. (Sections 1-7). The Catilinarian conspiracy (64-62 B.C.) 

(1)  Pompey and Caesar are introduced. After the sole rule of (Lucius Cornelius) Sulla (Felix) and those (things) that (Quintus) Sertorius and (Marcus) Perperna (Vento) did in Spain, other such civil (disturbances) occurred among the Romans, until Gaius (Julius) Caesar and (Gnaeus) Pompeius Magnus waged war against each other, and Caesar destroyed Pompey and certain (men) killed Caesar in the senate-house, on the grounds that he was acting as a king. How these (things) happened and how Pompey and Gaius were killed this second (book) of the civil (wars) will show. 

Pompey, having recently cleared the sea of the bands of pirates, of whom there were everywhere more than enough, particularly at that time, had overthrown Mithridates, king of Pontus, after the pirates, and was regulating his kingdom and those other nations that he had subdued in the East. Caesar was still a young (man), (but) powerful both in speech and in action, daring in all (things) and having expectations above everyone else, and lavish beyond his means in pursuit of honours: when yet aedile and praetor, he was in debt, and was gratifying to the multitude, as the people are always approving of those who are generous in their expenditure.

(2)  The character and intentions of Catiline. Gaius (N.B. his praenomen was actually Lucius) (Sergius) Catilina, widely renowned due to the greatness of his reputation and the splendour of his birth, (but) a mad man, who was thought to have once killed his son on account of his love for Aurelia Orestilla, since Orestilla would not submit to be married to (someone) who had a son, and, having been a friend and also an especially zealous partisan of Sulla, and, having been reduced to poverty through his ambition, but still courted by the powerful, both men and women, he stood for the consulship in order to pass on to absolute power by means of it.  Confidently expecting to be elected, he was beaten because of this suspicion (of him), and (Marcus Tullius) Cicero, the most eloquent man (of his time) at speaking and oratory gained office instead of him, but Catiline mocked those who had voted for him by way of insult, calling (him) a 'new (man),' due to the obscurity of his birth, for so they call those (who are) well-known through their own (merits) and not through (those) of their ancestors, and, because (he was) a stranger to the city, (calling him) 'the tenant', by which term they designate those who dwell in houses belonging to others. From this (time) he turned away from politics completely, as not leading quickly and surely to sole rule, but (being) full of strife and contention; but, acquiring much money from many women who hoped that their husbands would be killed in the uprising, he conspired with certain (men) from the Senate and (from) those who were called knights, and he also gathered together plebeians, alien residents and slaves. And with him the leaders of all (these men) were (Publius) Cornelius Lentulus (Crus) and (Gaius Cornelius) Cethegus, who (were) then the city praetors, and he sent round (messengers) throughout Italy to those of Sulla's (soldiers), who had squandered the gains of their former life (of plunder) and who were longing for similar doings; (he sent) Gaius Manlius to Faesulae in Etruria, and others to Picenum and Apulia, who raised an army for him in secret.

(3)  Disclosure of the conspiracy to Cicero.  Fulvia, a distinguished woman, disclosed all these (facts) to Cicero while they were still unknown; her lover, Quintus Curius, a man who had been expelled from the Senate on account of many shameful deeds, and who was deemed suitable to be in this plot of Catiline's, proclaimed to his mistress in a very flippant and boastful manner (things) such as that he would shortly be in a position of power. Also, word of what was happening in Italy was now spreading abroad. Then, Cicero posted guards at intervals throughout the city, and sent out many distinguished (men) to suspect (places) to keep an eye on what was happening. Catiline, although nobody was yet venturing to lay hands on him on account of a lack of knowledge, as yet, of the exact (situation), but nevertheless fearing that delay would lead to suspicion and placing his hope in rapidity (of action), forwarded money to Faesulae, and, enjoining his fellow-conspirators to kill Cicero and set fire to the city at a number of separate places on the same night, he left to (join) Gaius Manlius, with the intention of gathering a second army to invade the city while it was burning. Lentulus and his fellow-conspirators decided (lit. It seemed good to Lentulus and his fellow-conspirators) that, when they learned that Catiline had arrived at Faesulae, that Lentulus himself and Cethegus should lie in wait at Cicero's door at dawn, with concealed daggers, and, having been admitted on account of their rank, and (while) talking about something or other, that they should extend the conversation in the courtyard, and, having drawn (him) away fro the others, they should kill (him); and that Lucius (Calpurnius) Bestia, the tribune, should immediately convene an assembly (of the people) by herald, and accuse Cicero of always (being) cowardly, and stirring up war, and throwing the the city into confusion when there was no danger at all, and that, immediately, on the night following Bestia's speech to the assembly, others should set fire to the city in twelve places, and loot (it) and kill the leading (citizens).

(4)  Arrest of the conspirators.  Thus it had been decided by Lentulus, Cethegus, (Lucius) Statilius and (Lucius) Cassius (Longinus), the leaders of the uprising, and they were awaiting the right moment; meanwhile, ambassadors of the Allobroges, who (were in Rome) making a complaint against their magistrates, were approached to (join) the conspiracy of Lentulus, in order to make a rebellion against the Romans in Gaul. Together with them, Lentulus sent to Catiline (Titus) Vulturcius, a man of Croton, who was carrying letters written without signatures (lit. without names); being in doubt, the Allobroges communicated (what had happened) to (Quintus) Fabius (?Maximus) Sanga, who was the Allobroges' patron, as indeed all cities have (lit. there is to all cities) a certain patron in Rome. Learning (this information) from Sanga, Cicero arrested the Allobroges and Vulturcius as they were leaving (the city), and immediately brought (them) before the Senate; they confessed those things which they had conspired (to do) with Lentulus and his associates, and, when they had been produced before (them), they testified that Cornelius Lentulus had often said that it was decreed by fate that three Cornelii should be sole rulers of the Romans, of whom (Lucius Cornelius) Cinna and Sulla had already been (this).  

(5)  The Senate debates the fate of the conspirators. When they had testified, the Senate stripped Lentulus of his office, and Cicero, having put each (conspirator) in the houses of the praetors, returned at once and took a vote concerning them. There was uproar at the senate-house, as the exact (situation) was still not known, and (there was) fear of the conspirators. Then, the slaves and freedmen of Lentulus himself and of Cethegus went around by back streets to (attack) the houses of the praetors in order to rescue their masters. (On) hearing this, Cicero rushed out of the senate-house, and, having stationed guards at the required (places), he came back and expedited the taking of the vote. (Decimus Junius) Silanus, who had been chosen to be the consul-elect, spoke first, for it is customary among the Romans for the (man) who is about to be consul to deliver his opinion first, I think, because he would have to carry out many of the decrees, and hence would give the most careful and cautious consideration to each (one). Many (senators) agreed with Silanus, who thought that the men should be served with the ultimate penalty, until (the debate came) to (Ti. Claudius) Nero, whose turn to speak had come around. Nero judged that it was right to keep them under guard, until they had destroyed Catiline in battle, and they might learn the most accurate (account of the facts).

(6)  Execution of the conspirators. Gaius Caesar, while not being free from suspicion of complicity with these men, although Cicero did not have the courage to challenge him in the assembly, because he was so popular with the people, proposed that Cicero should distribute these men among the cities of Italy which he himself should approve, until, after Catiline had been defeated in battle, they should be brought to court, and that he should not do anything irrevocable to these noblemen in advance of argument and trial. Since this opinion appeared just and acceptable, most (of the senators) changed their minds completely, until (Marcus Porcius) Cato, now clearly revealing his suspicion with regard to Caesar, and Cicero, with apprehensions concerning the coming night, lest the crowd, who were sympathetic to these men and who were still hanging around in the forum, fearful both for themselves and for those (men), might do something desperate, persuaded (the Senate) to sentence (them) without trial as (men) caught in the act. Cicero at once, while the Senate was still in session, leading each of them from the houses (where they were being held) to the prison, with the crowd unaware (of this), saw (them) put to death, and, as he journeyed back, he signified to the (people) in the forum that they were dead. They dispersed in alarm, pleased for themselves that they had escaped detection.

Thus the city was relieved from the great fear which had hung over it on that day.

(7)  Defeat and death of Catiline; and the adulation of Cicero. As for Catiline, who had gathered about twenty thousand (lit. two myriads of) (men) and had already armed a quarter of them, and who was in the process of withdrawing to Gaul to (obtain) further resources, (Gaius) Antonius (Hybrida), the other consul, having intercepted (him) at the foot of the Alps, defeated without much difficulty the strange venture of the man, who had madly conceived (it) in his mind, and who, still more madly, put it to the test without preparation. Indeed, neither Catiline nor any other of his noble associates thought to flee, but, charging at their enemies, they  perished.

Catiline's uprising, having brought the city almost to the extremity of danger, ended in this way. Cicero, being well-known to everyone for the power of his oratory alone, was now in (people's) mouths for his actions as well, and was unquestionably considered to be the saviour of his country as it was disintegrating. Also, there were thanks and praises of every kind (bestowed) upon him by the assembly. Then, when Cato had addressed him as father of his country, the people cheered. And this title, having begun with Cicero, seems to some to have now devolved upon those emperors who appear worthy (of it): for, although they are kings, this is not voted to them immediately from the beginning together with their other titles, but only in conjunction with time, as an ultimate testimonial to outstanding (achievements).


Chapter 2. (Sections 8-14).  The First Triumvirate and Caesar's first consulship (61-59 B.C.) 

(8)  Caesar's attempt to stand for the consulship in absentia is blocked. Caesar, after he had been chosen (as) praetor for Spain, was detained in Rome for some (time) by his creditors, as he owed much more than his assets on account of his political ambition: (this was) when he was reported to have said that he needed twenty-five million (lit. two thousand and fifty myriads of) (sesterces) in order to own nothing at all. Having settled with those who were hounding (him), when he arrived in Spain, he was able to neglect dealing with the cities, hearing cases in court or all such matters of a similar nature to those (things), but, having gathered an army, he attacked those Spaniards who still remained (independent) one by one, until he demonstrated that Spain (was) tributary to the Romans in its entirety, and he also sent  much money to the public treasury in Rome. For these (reasons) the Senate granted him a triumph, and he was making preparations for the most splendid procession during those days (when) there was canvassing going on for the office of consul, and it was necessary for a candidate to present himself (in person), and it was not lawful for one to have entered (the city) and still to go back again for the triumph. Then he, being eager, for many (reasons) to secure the office, and having a procession (which was) not (yet) ready, sent to the Senate, asking that they should permit his candidacy to be declared in his absence through his friends, for, although he knew it was against the law, yet it had happened already in the case of others. When Cato opposed him and used up the last day for the declaration of candidates with speeches, Caesar, abandoning his triumph, entered (the city), and, having made his declaration for the office, he awaited the election.

(9)  The establishment of the First Triumvirate. Meanwhile, Pompey, having acquired great glory and power from his Mithridatic campaigns, was requiring the Senate to ratify those many (concesssions) which he had granted to kings, rulers and cities. Through envy, many of the (senators) obstructed (him), and especially (Lucius Licinius) Lucullus, the (man) who had commanded the army against Mithridates before Pompey, (and) who was declaring that the victory over Mithridates (was) his own, because he had left him to Pompey in a very weak state. Moreover, (Marcus Licinius) Crassus was helping Lucullus. Accordingly, feeling violently irritated, Pompey made an alliance with Caesar, swearing an oath that he would support (him) for the consulship; then, he immediately reconciled Crassus to him. These three (men), having very great power over everything, then contributed jointly to the needs of one another. Varro, a certain writer of theirs (i.e. of the Romans), encompassing (this alliance) in a book, described (it as) "The Three-headed Monster".

Viewing them with suspicion, the Senate, to (provide) opposition to Caesar, voted for Lucius (N.B. his praenomen was actually Marcus) (Calpurnius) Bibulus to be his colleague:

(10)  Caesar tricks Bibulus. immediately there were disputes between them, and preparations of armed forces (were) secretly (made) against each other. Caesar, who was clever at acting, made speeches to Bibulus in the Senate about harmony, (saying) that they would damage the public interest if they fell out. As he was believed to be so minded, keeping Bibulus unprepared and unaware of what was already going on and still suspecting nothing, he secretly got ready a large band and proposed in the senate-chamber laws on behalf of the poor, and he distributed land among them, and, in particular, the very best of this (land) around Capua, which was leased in the public interest, to those who were fathers of three children, (thus) bringing to himself a large reward through the favour of the crowd; for twenty thousand (lit. two myriads) of those who were rearing at least three (children) appeared at once. When many (senators) opposed this motion, he pretended to be angry, (and, saying) that they were doing wrong, he rushed out of the Senate, and for the whole of the (rest of the) year convened (it) no more, but addressed the people from the rostra. He asked both Pompey and Crassus in public (for their opinion) on the laws; they commended them, and the people came to the voting (booths) with concealed daggers.

(11)  Caesar forces his land law through. The Senate - for no one had convened it, nor was it lawful to convene it by means of the other of the (two) consuls - assembled at the house of Bibulus, but did nothing equivalent to the force and preparation of Caesar. Nevertheless, they considered that Bibulus should oppose the laws and bear a reputation not for negligence but for defeat. Having been persuaded, Bibulus accordingly burst into the forum while Caesar was still speaking.With strife and tumult occurring, there had already been blows, and men with daggers had smashed Bibulus' rods and insignia  and wounded (a number) of the tribunes who were around him. But, not at all afraid, Bibulus bared his neck, and, with a shout, called upon Caesar's partisans to (do) the deed: "For if I cannot persuade Caesar to do what (is) right," he said, "I shall, (by) dying thus, lay upon him the guilt and stigma (of it)." But his friends led him away against his will to the adjacent temple of Jupiter Stator. Then, Cato, having been summoned, pushed (his way) into the midst (of the crowd) like a young (man), and began to make a speech, but was lifted up off the ground and carried out by Caesar's men. Secretly, he ran back again to the rostra by another route, but despaired of giving a speech, as no one would listen (to him). Then, he heckled Caesar rudely, until (he was) again (lifted up) off the ground and ejected, and Caesar ratified his laws.      

(12)  Vettius claims to have been induced to murder Caesar and Pompey. In addition to this, (Caesar) made the people swear to regard (these laws) as binding and ordered the Senate to swear an oath (to obey them). When many, including Cato, refused, Caesar proposed, and the Senate ratified, the death (penalty) for anyone not prepared to swear; then, becoming alarmed, they took the oath forthwith, and (all) the others, including the tribunes (did so as well). For it was no longer appropriate to speak against (it), when the law had been approved by the rest. Then, (Lucius) Vettius, a common citizen, ran into the forum with a drawn dagger and said that he had been sent by Bibulus and Cicero and Cato to kill Caesar and Pompey, and that Postumius, a lictor of Bibulus, had given him the dagger. This affair being open to suspicion from both (sides), Caesar stirred up the mob, and he deferred examining Vettius until the following (day). When conjecture with regard to something cunning occurred, Caesar did not let it go, saying that men who were afraid (of him) had done this, until the people agreed with him to protect those who were the objects of the plot. Bibulus, abandoning everything out of hand, as though (he were) a private person, did not leave his house for the whole of the rest of his term of office, while Caesar, himself, (now) having sole power over public affairs, no longer continued to make investigations concerning Vettius.

(13)  Caesar's programme during his consulship. He brought forward other laws to win the favour of the people, and he confirmed all Pompey's acts, as he had promised him, The so-called knights, who were in between the people and the Senate in rank, and (who were) extremely powerful in all other matters on account of undertaking the farming of the taxes, the collection of which from the subject peoples they had contracted for, and the large number of very trusty servants (which they had kept) for this (purpose), had, for a long (time), been asking the Senate that they should have (lit. there should be to them) some release from a part of these taxes. But the Senate kept deferring (the matter). As Caesar was then needing nothing from the Senate but was employing the people only, he excused them from a third (part) of their obligations. They, when had experienced this unexpected favour far beyond their deserts, extolled him to the skies, and this other body, more influential than the people, was attached to Caesar through this one political act. He gave spectacles and wild beast hunts beyond his means, borrowing money from all (sources) and surpassing all former (exhibitions) in preparation, cost, and splendid gifts; for these (reasons) (the people) chose him to govern Gaul, both on this side of the Alps and beyond the Alps, for five years, and they gave (him) four legions of an army to command.

(14)  Caesar's partisans are rewarded. Seeing that his absence (from Rome) would be prolonged and that resentment (towards him would be) greater because of the very great (favours) which he had granted, he married his daughter to Pompey, although she was betrothed to (Quintus Servilius) Caepio, as he feared that even though he was a friend, he might begrudge the extent of his good fortune, and he advanced the boldest of his partisans to the magistracies for the coming year. he declared his friend Aulus Gabinius consul; as Lucius (Calpurnius) Piso was about to be consul with him, he himself married his daughter Calpurnia, although Cato cried out that the supreme post was being bargained away by marriages. (As) tribunes he chose (Publius) Vatinius and (Gaius) Clodius, surnamed Pulcher, whom, although he had fallen under suspicion of something shameful with Julia (N.B. this is wrong; it was Pompeia), the wife of Caesar himself, he did not bring to trial, as he was very popular with the people, although he did divorce his wife, but others prosecuted (him) for sacrilege at the sacred rites, and Cicero supported his accusers. When he was summoned (as) a witness, Caesar did not testify against (him), but then even declared (him) a tribune in order to act as a foil against Cicero, who was already decrying the union of the three men as a monarchy. Thus, they turned a private grievance to good use and benefited (one) enemy in order to take revenge upon another. It seems, however, that Clodius had previously repaid Caesar and helped (him) to (secure) the governorship of Gaul.

Chapter 3. (Sections 15-23).  The affairs of the First Triumvirate (58-52 B.C.)

(15) (58 B.C.)  Cicero is driven into exile. Such (things) Caesar did as consul, and, laying down his magistracy, he proceeded at once to his next (office). Then, Clodius indicted Cicero for breaking the law, in that he had put to death Lentulus, Cethegus (and) their associates instead of putting (them) on trial. Having shown most noble resolution in that affair, he became very feeble when facing trial, and putting on humble raiment and covered in squalour and dirt, he accosted (those) whom he met in the streets, not being ashamed to bother those who knew nothing about (the matter), so that his actions excited a change from compassion to laughter on account of his unseemly (appearance). Into such trepidation did he fall at this single trial of his own, (a man) who all his life had examined brilliantly in other (people's cases), and in a somewhat similar (manner) they say that Demosthenes the Athenian did not undertake his own case, but fled rather than (going) to trial. When Clodius interrupted his pleas in the streets with insults, Cicero abandoned all (hope), and he even fled into voluntary exile, and a multitude of his friends associated themselves with him, and the Senate recommended the man to cities and kings and potentates. Then, Clodius demolished his house and his country residences, and was so elated by this (business) that he was already comparing (himself) with Pompey, who possessed the greatest power in the city (of Rome).

(16)  (57 B.C.)    Cicero returns from exile. Then he (i.e. Pompey) encouraged (Titus Annius) Milo, who had been appointed to office together with Clodius, (and) who was bolder than Clodius, to (seek) the consulship and incited (him) against Clodius and directed (him) to vote for the return of Cicero, hoping that Cicero, when he returned, remembering what he had suffered, would no longer speak about the existing state of affairs, but would inflict court cases and (other) proceedings upon Clodius.

So Cicero, who had been exiled by means of Pompey, returned home by means of Pompey about sixteen months after his banishment: and (the Senate) rebuilt his house and his country residences by public expenditure. When everyone received him magnificently at the (city) gates, they say that a whole day was spent on these greetings, just as something similar happened in the case of Demosthenes, when he returned home.

(17)  (56 B.C.)   The First Triumvirate is renewed. Now Caesar, having performed many brilliant (exploits) among the Celts and the Britons (N.B. the conference of Luca, at which the First Triumvirate was renewed, occurred before either of Caesar's expeditions to Briton in 55 and 54 B.C.), such as have been described in my history of the Celts, had returned full of riches to the (part of) Gaul bordering upon Italy around the river Po, in order to give his army a break from continuous warfare for a short (time). While he sent large (sums of) money from there to many (persons) in Rome, the annual magistrates and those otherwise distinguished (men), who were going out to (be) governors of provinces or army camps, came to meet (him), such that there were a hundred and twenty lictors and more than two hundred senators around him at any one time, some returning thanks for what they had already had, and others seeking to enrich themselves, and others also seeking to achieve some other such (thing) for themselves. For now all (things) could be done by him on account of his large army, the strength of his finances and his readiness to oblige everyone. Pompey and Crassus, his partners in power, came to him also. They decided (lit. It seemed good to them) in their conference that Pompey and Crassus should be consuls again, and that another five year period should be voted to Caesar to (extend) the governorship of the provinces (lit. nations) which he (already) held.

Thus they separated from one another, and (Lucius) Domitius Ahenobarbus competed with Pompey for the consulship: on the appointed day they both went down to the Campus (Martius) for the election. There were scuffles between their followers (lit. those around them) and they were locked in a struggle, until someone smote Domitius' torch-bearer with a sword. After this there was a scattering, and Domitius himself (only) escaped to his house with difficulty, and some of Pompey's clothing was carried home stained with blood. Both of them came within so great (a nearness) of danger. (N.B. This incident actually occurred in another context during Pompey's second consulship in 55 B.C.)

(18)  (55 B.C.)  Crassus is defeated and killed by the Parthians. So, Crassus and Pompey having been chosen (as) consuls, voted Caesar another five year term, as they had promised, and, allotting the provinces and an army to (each of) them, Pompey chose Spain and Africa, but, sending friends to (take charge of) these, he himself remained in Rome, while Crassus (took) Syria and (the region) close to Syria, due to his desire for war with the Parthians, as (he thought it would be) straightforward, glorious and profitable. But on his departure from the city many strange ill-omens occurred, and the tribunes warned (him) not to go to war with the Parthians, because they had done nothing wrong, but, when he did not obey, they invoked public imprecations (upon him), and, as Crassus did not heed (them), he perished in Parthia together with his son of the same name and his army: for not quite (lit. a full) ten thousand (lit. myriad of) (men) out of a hundred thousand (lit. ten myriads) escaped to Syria. But my Parthian history will describe Crassus' disaster, and, as the Romans were suffering from a food shortage, they chose Pompey to be the overseer of the grain supply, and, just as (they had) against the pirates, they gave (him) twenty assistants from the Senate. Arranging them in a similar manner, he spread (them) out over the provinces and he immediately filled Rome with abundant supplies, by which means (lit. whence) he was exalted to (gain) still more great glory and power.

(19)  (54 B.C.)  The causes of the collapse of republican government. Also at this time Caesar's daughter, who was pregnant by Pompey, dies. Then, as this marriage had been terminated, fear fell upon everyone that Caesar and Pompey, with their great armies, would shortly be torn apart from each other, especially as the republic had been disorganised and unmanageable for some (time): for the magistrates were appointed by faction or bribery, and, with wrongful zeal, by the use of stones or swords, and corruption or the acceptance of bribes prevailed at that time in a most shameless manner, and the people themselves went to the elections (already) hired. Somewhere there was discovered a stake of eight hundred talents which had been deposited for the sake of the consulship (lit. the eponymous magistracy). The consuls (holding office) throughout each year despaired of leading armies and waging war anywhere, as they had been shut out by the power of these three men; instead of holding military commands, those among them who were more base prepared gain for themselves from the treasury of the state and from the election of their own successors. For these (reasons), good (men) forsook holding office altogether, so that at one time the city was without consuls for eight months because of the disorder of this kind, while Pompey deliberately overlooked all these (things) in order that the need for a dictator might come about as a result.

(20)  (53 B.C.)  Pompey schemes to become dictator. Many (citizens) were beginning to talk to each other about this, (saying) that the only remedy for the present evils was the power of a sole ruler, but that there was a need to choose (someone) powerful and mild (of temperament) at the same time, (thereby) intimating Pompey, who commanded a sufficient army, and who appeared to be a friend of the people and who led the Senate by virtue of his prestige, and (who was) self-controlled and temperate in his manner of life, and who either was, or was thought to be, easy of access with regard to meetings. In word, he bore this expectation with displeasure, but in fact (lit. in deed) he secretly did everything (he could) to (promote) it, and willingly overlooked the disorder of the state and the anarchy arising from the disorder. Although Milo, who had aided (him) in the (business) concerning Clodius, and who was popular with the people on account of the return of Cicero, considered that it was the right time (lit. in season) to stand for the consulship, he kept on delaying the elections, (52 B.C.) until Milo, indignant that Pompey was (being) disloyal towards him, went to his home town (of) Lanuvium, which they say was the first city in Italy that Diomedes founded during his wanderings from Troy, and there are a hundred and fifty stades (i.e. about nineteen miles) to (reach) it from Rome.


(21) Clodius is murdered by Milo. When Clodius was coming on horseback from his country estate, and met him at Bovillae, they merely looked at each other with hostility, and passed (each other) by, but a servant of Milo, attacking Clodius, either because he had been ordered (to do so), or because he was his master's enemy, stabbed (him) in the back with a dagger. Then, his groom carried him to a nearby inn, but Milo, following with his servants, finished him off, (whether he was) still alive or (was) dead, although he claimed that he neither advised nor ordered the killing: but, because he was likely (to be accused) by everyone, he considered that he should not leave the deed unfinished. When this event had been reported in Rome, the people, (being) thunderstruck, passed the night in the forum, and some (of them) displayed Clodius' body on the rostra: after some of the tribunes and the friends of Clodius, and all the rest of the crowd together with them, had seized it, they carried (it) away to the senate-house, either for the sake of honour, or to (provide) a reproach to the Senate for ignoring such (deeds). Then, the more reckless among those who were there, heaping up the benches and the ceremonial chairs of the senators, constructed a funeral-pyre for him, as a result of which the senate-house and many of the houses in the neighbourhood were consumed with fire together with (the body of) Clodius.

(22)  Further unrest in Rome as Milo tries to avoid prosecution. Milo had such fortitude (lit. There was such fortitude to Milo) that he was not more given to fear about the murder than (he was) indignant at the honour (paid to) Clodius by his funeral. So, collecting a mob of servants and countrymen, and (after) distributing money to the people and buying one of the tribunes, Marcus Caelius (Rufus), he very boldly came back. As soon as he entered (the city), Caelius dragged him to the forum to (face) those who had accepted (money) from him, as though (he were) in front of an assembly (of the people), but (while) pretending that he was very angry and not (willing) to grant any delay to justice, (actually) hoping that, if those present should let him go, he should escape a more real trial. Milo, saying that he had not planned the deed, for he would not have set out for this purpose with his luggage and his wife, directed the rest of his speech against Milo, as a desperado and a friend of desperadoes, who had burnt the senate-house to ashes over his body, but, while he was still speaking, the rest of the tribunes and (the) uncorrupted (section) of the people burst into the forum, armed with weapons. Caelius and Milo, having put on slaves' clothing, escaped, but there was much carnage among the others, yet they did not seek the associates of Milo, but slaughtered anyone they met, citizens and strangers alike, and especially those who were distinct due to their clothing or their sacrificial knives (made) from gold (i.e. knights). As the government (was) in a state of chaos, when this riot took place together with rage and motive, (those) who were, for the most part, servants and armed (men) against unarmed (ones) turned to pillage. They abstained from no crime (lit. No deed was absent from them), but they even plundered within houses, and, in fact (lit. in deed), while they were standing around, they searched for every kind of portable property for themselves, but, in theory (lit. in word), (for) the associates of Milo: Milo was, for several days, their excuse for fire, stones, and every kind of outrage (lit. deed).

(23)  Pompey is appointed sole consul. The Senate came together in fear and looked to Pompey in order that he should be their dictator at once: for the present (evils) seemed to them to need remedies of such a kind. But, at the instigation of Cato, they appointed (him) consul without a colleague, so that (by) ruling alone he might have the power of a dictator but the accountability of a consul. (Being) the first of the consuls who had two of the greatest provinces, an army, (public) money and monarchical power within the city through being sole consul, he decreed that Cato, in order that he should not cause trouble by being present, should annex Cyprus from King Ptolemy (N.B. The date is a mistake: Cato was sent to Cyprus in 58 B.C. not 52, and he returned in 56), although this law had already been exacted by Clodius, because once, when he had been captured by pirates, Ptolemy, through meanness, had sent (only) two talents towards his ransom. Cato settled the affairs of Cyprus, with Ptolemy having thrown his money into the sea and killing himself, when he learned of what had been decreed. Pompey proposed the prosecution of all those who had offended, and especially for the taking and giving of bribes, for he thought (lit. it seemed to him) that that the public malaise had started in this (area), and that he would effect a speedy remedy, and he laid down by law that anyone who wished (to do so) could call a magistrate to account (for any acts) from (the time of) his own first consulship (i.e. 70 B.C.) to the present. The period was a little less than twenty years, during which Caesar had also been consul (i.e. in 59 B.C.). So, when Caesar's friends suspected that he had gone back such a very long (time) in order to (cast) hurt or insult upon Caesar, and urged (him) to correct the present (situation) rather than rake up the past against so many distinguished men, and naming Caesar also among the others, Pompey was vexed concerning Caesar, (saying) that he was above suspicion, seeing that his own second consulship (i.e. in 55 B.C.) was included in the period, and that he had gone back a considerable (time) to (effect) a proper correction of the republic which had been afflicted for so long.

Chapter 4. (Sections 24-31).  Conflict between Pompey and Caesar begins to grow. (52-50 B.C.)


(24)  Pompey's prosecutions for bribery. (After) saying these (things), he passed the law, and immediately there was a multitude of prosecutions of various kinds. In order that the jurors might not be intimidated, he watched over them himself, having placed his army around (the court). The first (men) convicted in their absence (were) Milo for the murder of Clodius, Gabinius, both for violation of the law and impiety, because he had gone into Egypt with an army without legal authorisation, when the Sibylline (Books) had forbidden (it), (Publius Plautius) Hypsaeus, (Gaius) Memmius, Sextus (i.e. probably Publius Sestius) and many others for bribery or corruption of the populace. When the mob interceded for (Marcus Aemilius) Scaurus, Pompey annoiunced that they should await the verdict of the court: and, when the people again interrupted the accusers, some slaughter occurred, following a charge of Pompey's soldiers, and the people then kept quiet and Scaurus was convicted. Exile was the sentence of all (of them) and, in the case of Gabinius, there was a confiscation (of his property) as well. Then the Senate, applauding these (actions) very greatly, voted Pompey another two legions and another (period of) time for the rule of his provinces. As Pompey's law offered freedom from sentence to anyone who disclosed (the guilt of) another, Memmius, who had been convicted of bribery, summoned Lucius Scipio (i.e. Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio Nasica), the father-in-law of Pompey, (to court) to (face) a similar charge of bribery. When, for this (reason), Pompey assumed the clothing of those on trial, many of the jurors assumed (similar clothing). So, Memmius, taking pity on the republic, abandoned his prosecution.  

(25)  Caesar is warned to be on his guard against Pompey. When Pompey had completed the (reforms) which required one-man rule, he made Scipio his colleague for the rest of the year. After this, although others had been invested in the consulship, Pompey, nonetheless, oversaw (them) and held the power, and at that time was all-in-all in Rome: for the good-will of the Senate rested upon him, through their jealousy of Caesar who had made no use of it at all during his consulship, and because Pompey had so speedily restored the ailing republic, and had not been troublesome or oppressive to any of them during his (term of) office.

When crowds of those who had been exiled went to Caesar and advised (him) to be on his guard against Pompey, (saying) that his bribery law was especially instituted against him, Caesar sought to reassure them and spoke well of Pompey, and he persuaded the tribunes to introduce a law to make it possible for Caesar to stand for a second consulship in his absence. And this was ratified when Pompey was still consul, and he did not object (to it) in any way. (51 B.C.) Caesar, however, suspecting that the Senate would oppose (this), feared that he would become a private citizen through the action of his enemies, and schemed to be in power until he was elected consul, and he asked the Senate that he should keep possession, for a little more time, of his present governorship of Gaul, or of a part of it. When (Marcus Claudius) Marcellus, who was consul after Pompey, prevented (this), they say that Caesar, striking the hilt of his sword, replied to the person disclosing (this news): "This will give (it) to me." (N.B. According to Plutarch, it was actually one of Caesar's centurions who acted thus.)

(26)  Marcellus seeks to provoke Caesar. Caesar had established the city of Novum Comum at the foot of the Alps as a colony with Latin rights, by which those who were chief magistrates on an annual basis should become Roman citizens - for this was the effect of Latin rights.  As an insult to Caesar, Marcellus had one of the men of Novum Comum, who had been their chief magistrate, and on account of this was considered to be a Roman (citizen), flogged with rods for some (reason), although Romans did not suffer this (punishment); through his anger he revealed his intention that these stripes should be the mark of a foreigner. And he told (the man) to take them and show (them) to Caesar. In outrageous fashion, Marcellus had already proposed to send successors in his provinces, (thus) taking (them) away before his time (was up). Pompey, however, prevented (this) with plausibility of speech and the pretence of good-will, (saying) that they ought not to offer an affront to a distinguished man who had been useful to his country in so many (ways) (merely) in relation to a short interval of time, but he made (it) clear that Caesar must (lit. that it was necessary for Caesar to) give up his command immediately after his time (had expired).

(50 B.C.) For this (reason), the bitterest enemies of Caesar were chosen (as) consuls for the coming (year), (Lucius) Aemilius Paullus and (Gaius) Claudius Marcellus, cousin of the previous Marcellus, and (Gaius Scribonius) Curio (as) tribune, and he was also a bitter enemy of Caesar, but very agreeable towards the people and most accomplished at speaking. Of these, Caesar was not able to induce Claudius with money, but he bribed Paullus for fifteen hundred (lit. a thousand and five hundred) talents not to assist him in any way but not to cause (him) difficulty, and also Curio to join (him) for a still larger (sum), knowing that he was troubled by many debts.

From this money Paulus constructed the basilica named Paulli, a very beautiful building, for (the benefit of) the Roman (people):


(27) Curio seeks to put pressure on Pompey to give up his command.  in order that he might not be detected changing his allegiance so suddenly, Curio put forward a very heavy (programme of) repairing many roads, and himself to be the overseer of these for five years, knowing that none of this would happen, but hoping that the friends of Pompey would oppose (him), and that he himself would have this (as) some cause of offence against Pompey.  As things turned out as he had expected, he had a pretext for disagreement, and Claudius proposed to send successors to Caesar in his provinces: for his time was at an end. Paullus kept silent. Although Curio was thought to differ from both, he praised the motion of Claudius, but added to it that Pompey also should give up his provinces and his army like Caesar: for in this way (he said) that the republic would be free within the city and without fear from any direction. While many opposed (this) as unfair on account of the (fact) that, in the case of Pompey, his time had not yet expired, Curio now laid (it) bare more clearly and firmly that they ought not to send (out) successors to Caesar, unless they were to bring that about in the case of Pompey also: for, as they were suspicious of each other, (he argued) that there would be no firm peace in the city unless they were both (lit. all) private citizens. He said these (things) because he knew that Pompey would not give up his command, and (because) he saw that the people were somewhat angry with him on account of the bribery cases. As his opinion was plausible, the people praised Curio as (being) the only (man) willing to bear the enmity of both (of them) in a manner worthy of the city (of Rome), and, on one occasion, they escorted him (home) scattering flowers as though (he were) an athlete in some great and difficult contest: for it seemed then that nothing was more perilous than a disagreement with Pompey.

(28)  Curio denounces Pompey. While being tended for sickness somewhere in Italy, Pompey sent (a letter) to the Senate with some artfulness, praising Caesar's exploits and recounting his own from the beginning, (saying) that his third consulship, and the provinces and an army in addition to it, had been granted to him, not sought by him, but, with regard to (the powers) which he had received, he said, "I shall willingly give (them) back to those who want to take (them) back, not waiting for the time which has been laid down (for their expiration)." The artfulness of what he had written implied the fairness of Pompey and a stirring up (of prejudice) against Caesar, as not being prepared to give back his command, even at the allotted time. When he arrived (in the city) he said other such (things) to them, and also then promised to give up his command. As a friend and a connexion by marriage to Caesar, he said that the latter would be glad to lay down (his command): for he had had (lit. there had been to him) a long and painful campaign against very warlike peoples, and, having added much (land) to (Roman) territory, he would come back to honours and sacrifices, and take a rest. He said these (things) in order that successors should be appointed immediately, while he himself would merely be under a promise. Curio, exposing his artifice, said that he should not (lit. it was necessary [for him] not to) make promises but rather lay down (his command) at once, and that Caesar should not be deprived of his army, until he had become a private citizen: for, on account of their personal enmity, it would profit neither the latter nor the Romans that such great power should be (held) by one (man) but that each of them should hold (power) against the other, in case some (threat) should subdue the republic by force. Throwing off any disguise, he denounced Pompey unsparingly as (one) aiming at tyranny, and (he said) that, unless he were to lay down his command now, he would never let go of (it) at all. He thought that, if they were to refuse to comply, they should both be voted public enemies, and an army should be levied against them: and by this (means) he very effectively concealed that he had been bought by Caesar.

(29)  Pompey is unwilling to lay aside his command. Pompey, being furious, and after threatening him, withdrew at once to the suburbs (i.e. to his house on the Campus Martius) in indignation. The Senate now had suspicions of both (of them), but they nevertheless considered Pompey (to be) the more republican, and they were displeased with Caesar because of his contempt for them during his consulship: some thought that (it would) really not (be) safe to take away power from Pompey until after he (i.e. Caesar) had laid down (his), since he was outside the city and (was a man) of greater ambition. Curio held the opposite opinion (lit. turned this [opinion] upside down), (namely) that Caesar should (lit. that it was necessary for them that Caesar should) be at hand against Pompey, or that they should disband both (armies) at the same time. As he did not persuade (them), he dismissed the Senate, with everything unfinished: a tribune had the power (to do) this: at this time it was a source of particular regret to Pompey that he had once more restored this office, which had been reduced by Sulla to (a state) of extreme feebleness, to its ancient (vigour). Nevertheless, as they were breaking up, this single (decree) was passed, (namely) that Caesar and Pompey should each send one legion of soldiers to Syria as a garrison on account of Crassus' disaster. Then, Pompey craftily demanded back the legion which he had recently lent to Caesar due to the disaster to Caesar's two generals, (Quintus)Titurius (Sabinus) and (Lucius Aurunculeus) Cotta, He sent it to Rome, having awarded each man two hundred and fifty drachmas, and he sent (it) together with another (legion) of his own.

(30)  The Senate votes that both Caesar and Pompey should lay down their commands. As no threat appeared concerning Syria, these (legions) went into winter quarters at Capua; those who had been sent by Pompey to Caesar spread many various reports derogatory to Caesar, and maintained (the view) to Pompey that Caesar's army, as they had been worn out by protracted service (lit. by service and time) and were longing for their homes, would come over to him whenever they were to cross the Alps. They spoke in this manner either through ignorance or because they had been corrupted, but (in fact) every man was strong in his enthusiasm and labour on Caesar's behalf, both due to military discipline (lit. the habit of warriors) and due to those gains which war (usually) brings to the victors, and which they had received from Caesar in addition: for he gave generously in order to mould (them) to (the things) which he was planning. Pompey, however, relying on what had been reported (to him), neither assembled the army nor (made) the preparations in accordance with so great a task. The Senate then asked the opinion of each (member): and Claudius unscrupulously divided (the question) and asked them successively whether successors to Caesar should be sent (lit. it seemed good [to them] to send successors to Caesar) and whether Pompey should be deprived of his command. The majority of them rejected the latter (proposition), but voted for the successors to Caesar. But when Curio repeated the question whether both (of them) should lay aside their powers (lit. what [was] in their hands), twenty-two voted against and three hundred and seventy turned back to the opinion of Curio, as the expedient (course) to avoid (lit. away from) (civil) conflict, whereupon Claudius dismissed the Senate, exclaiming, "Have your way (lit. May you prevail), (and) have Caesar (as) your master."

(31)  Pompey is given command of the republic's forces. When a false rumour burst upon (the scene) that Caesar, having crossed the Alps, was marching on the city, there was great tumult and panic among everyone, and Claudius moved that the army at Capua should go to meet Caesar as (he was) a (public) enemy. When Curio opposed (this) on the grounds (that the rumour was) false, he said: "If I am prevented by the vote of a public body from doing what is in the (public) interest, I shall conduct (affairs) in accordance with my own (power) as a consul." After saying these (words), he rushed out of the Senate to the suburbs with his colleague, and, proffering his sword to Pompey, he said, "I, and my fellow-leader here also, command you to march against Caesar on behalf of your country: and, for this purpose, we give you the army (that) is now around Capua or any other part of Italy, and any such other (force) as you may wish to levy." He complied as he had been ordered by the consuls, but yet he added, "Unless (there is) something better," (either) to deceive or to contrive (to give) the impression of fairness at that time. Curio had no authority (lit. There was no authority to Curio) outside the city - for the tribunes were not allowed (lit. it was not permitted to the tribunes) to go beyond the walls - but publicly (lit. amongst the people) he deplored what was happening and demanded that the consuls should proclaim that no one had to obey Pompey in any way when he was conscripting. Then, as he could achieve nothing, since his term of office (lit. time) as a tribune was then expiring, and, fearing on his own behalf and despairing that he could still be of assistance to Caesar, he went to him in haste.

Chapter 5. (Sections 32 -35). The outbreak of civil war. 

(32)  Caesar's negotiations with the Senate break down. He (i.e. Caesar) had recently sailed across the sea from Britain (N.B. The timing is incorrect here; Caesar actually left Britain in the autumn of 54 B.C.), and after (going through) the (lands) of the Gauls along the Rhine (and) traversing the Alpine mountains with five thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry, he arrived at Ravenna, which was bordering on Italy and (was) the last (place) in Caesar's province. (After) greeting Curio warmly and acknowledging his thanks for what had happened, he reviewed the current (circumstances). Curio thought (lit. It seemed good to Curio) that he should assemble his whole army now and lead (it) to Rome, but Caesar (thought) that he should still try to come to terms. So, he told his friends to make an agreement, (namely) that he would give up all his provinces and armies, except that he should keep only two legions and Illyria with Cisalpine Gaul (lit. Gaul within the Alps), until he should be elected consul. Pompey thought it was sufficient (lit. It seemed good enough to Pompey), but, when the consuls blocked (it), Caesar sent (a letter) to the Senate, and Curio, (after) travelling two thousand three hundred stades (i.e. about a hundred and fifty miles) in three days, delivered this letter to the new consuls as they entered the Senate-house on the Kalends of January (lit. on [the day of] the new moon of the year). (49 B.C.) The letter included a solemn catalogue of (the things) which Caesar had achieved from the beginning (of his career), and a proposal that he was willing to lay aside (his command) together with Pompey, but that, if the latter continued in office, he would not give up (his command) but would come at once in haste to provide in support of his country and himself. Whereupon they all shouted out loudly that, as this was considered a declaration of war, Lucius Domitius should be his successor. Then, Domitius set out at once with four thousand (men) from the draft.

(33)  The Senate expels Caesar's supporters. When (Marcus) Antonius (i.e. Mark Antony) and (Quintus) Cassius (Longinus), who were tribunes after Curio, agreed with Curio's opinion, the Senate, more obstinate than ever, considered Pompey's army to be their protector and Caesar's (to be) their enemy. Then, the consuls, (Gaius Claudius) Marcellus and (Lucius Cornelius) Lentulus (Crus), ordered Antony and his friends (lit. those around Antony) to leave the Senate. lest they should suffer something harmful despite being tribunes. Then Antony sprang from his chair in anger and called upon them in the name of the gods (to witness) that they were offering insults to the office (of tribune), although it was sacred and inviolable, and also to themselves, (saying) that while they were expressing an opinion which they considered in the public interest, they were being driven out with contumely, although they had not performed any murder or sacrilege. Having said these (words), he rushed out like (a man) possessed, prophesying that they were about to experience (lit. there was about to be to them) slaughter, proscription, exile, confiscation of property and other such (evils) of this kind, and invoking dire curses on those responsible. Curio and Cassius ran out together with him: for some soldiers of Pompey were already observed standing around the Senate-house. They made their way to Caesar that very night with the utmost speed in a hired vehicle, concealing themselves (by) wearing slaves' clothing. Caesar showed them, still dressed in this manner, to his army, and he aroused their anger (by) saying that, after they had performed such great (deeds), they were regarded (as public) enemies, and (that) they were expelling in disgrace men such as these who had dared to say a word (lit. something) on their behalf.

(34) The Civil War breaks out. The war had (now) opened up on both sides, and was already openly declared, and the Senate, thinking that Caesar's army would only arrive from (the land) of the Gauls after some time (lit. with time), and that he would never rush into so great an enterprise with so few (men), directed Pompey to assemble a hundred and thirty thousand (lit. thirteen myriads of) Italian (soldiers), and especially those of them who had served with experience of war, and to enlist as many stout-hearted foreigners as possible from the surrounding provinces. For the war they immediately voted him all the money in the public (treasury) and their own private (fortunes), if this should be needed to pay for the soldiers: they levied additional (contributions) on the cities with passion and party-spirit, which they collected (lit. omitting nothing) with the utmost urgency. Caesar had sent (messengers) to his own army, but, as he was always wont (to rely) upon the dismay caused by his speed of execution and the consternation caused by his daring rather than upon the strength of his preparations, he decided, with his five thousand (men), to be the first to attack in this great war, and to be the first to occupy the vital (positions) in Italy.

(35)  Caesar crosses the Rubicon and captures Ariminum. Accordingly. he he sent forward some of his centurions with a few of his very boldest (men), dressed in civilian garb, to enter Ariminum and suddenly seize the city. This was the first (city) in Italy, after (one leaves) Gaul. At around evening, he withdrew from dinner, on the grounds that he was unwell (lit. sick in respect of his body), leaving his friends, who were still eating, behind (him), and, mounting a horse-drawn carriage, he drove to Ariminum, with his cavalry following at a distance. Coming at a fast pace  to the river Rubicon, which marks the boundary of Italy, he halted his journey, and, (while) gazing at the stream, he revolved (matters) in his mind, as he thought of all the evils that would result if he crossed under (lit. with) arms. Recovering himself, he said to those who were present: "My friends, stopping this crossing will be the beginning of troubles for me, but crossing over (will be thus) for all mankind." Having said these (words) like a man inspired, he crossed with a rush, having uttered that common (phrase): "Let the die be cast!" Then resuming his fast journey, he captured Ariminum at around dawn and proceeded forwards, stationing guards at key positions, and subduing everything in his path (lit. at his feet) either by force or through generosity. There was flight and migration in panic from the whole countryside, and a disorganised rush with lamentation, because (people) did not know the exact (situation) but thought that Caesar with a boundless army was driving forward with all his might.


B.  THE BATTLE OF PHARSALUS (Sections 65-82) (48 B.C.)

Chapter 10. (Sections 65 -71)

(65) Pompey holds a council of war. After Caesar's withdrawal, Pompey set up a council (of war). (Lucius) Afranius thought (lit. It seemed good to Afranius) that he should send the fleet, in which they were far superior, after Caesar, and should harass (him), wandering and destitute (as he was), and that Pompey himself should lead his infantry in haste to Italy, which was well-disposed towards him and free of enemies, and, having made himself master of it, as well as of Gaul and Spain, he could then attack Caesar once more from their own home (territory) and the country which was (the seat of) imperial power. Overlooking these (words) which constituted very good (advice) to him, he was persuaded by those who said that Caesar's army would shortly desert to him, due to hunger, and that there would not be much left for them (to do) anyway after the victory which had occurred at Dyrrachium: (they said) that the opposite (course) would be disgraceful, (namely) to leave Caesar behind as he was fleeing and that the victor should flee like those who had been defeated. Siding with these (advisers), especially out of respect for the eastern nations, who were looking to him, and due to his concern for Lucius Scipio, who was still in Macedonia, lest anything harmful should happen (to him), but most of all because he intended to take advantage of his army being keen for battle, he advanced and pitched his camp opposite to Caesar's near Pharsalus, and they were separated from each other by a distance of thirty stades (i.e. about four miles).

(66)  Pompey prefers to reduce Caesar's army through want rather than risk a battle.  Pompey had (lit. There were to Pompey) supplies from every quarter: for the roads, harbours and strongholds had been so provided by him beforehand that (these supplies) were brought from the land at all times, and every wind brought him (supplies) by sea: Caesar, however, was suffering, (and) only had whatever he could, with some difficulty, find and seize. Even so, no one deserted him, but they (all) longed, through a (kind of) divine passion, to come to grips with the enemy, and they considered that, as they had been practised in war for ten years, they were much superior to those who were still raw recruits, but, with regard to digging ditches, building fortifications and laborious foraging for corn, they (were) weaker by reason of their advancing age: it seemed altogether better to them, tired (as they were), to do something (rather than) to perish through inaction and hunger. Perceiving these (things), Pompey considered that (it would be) dangerous to risk everything on a single engagement against their men, (who were) well-trained and desperate, and that (it would be) more effective and safer to exhaust them by want, as they controlled no land, nor could they make use of the sea, nor did they have any ships for the purpose of rapid flight.

So, on the basis of this excellent analysis, he decided to prolong the war and to move the enemy from famine to plague.

(67)  Pompey is forced to prepare for battle against his own better judgment. There were around him a great number of men from the Senate of equal rank to himself, very distinguished men called knights, and many kings and potentates; some through inexperience, others because they were unduly elated by their successes at Dyrrachium - there were (some) who (said) that he had more (men) (lit. there were more [men] to him) than the enemy - and some, who, being thoroughly tired of the war, were pressing for a swifter rather than a suitable outcome, they all urged him to (join) battle, pointing out that Caesar was always drawing up his men for battle, and challenging (him). But he, especially from that very (fact), explained to them that this was necessary for Caesar due to his want (of provisions), and for this (reason) (it was) a good time for them to remain quiet, because Caesar was compelled by necessity. Yet, harassed by the whole army, which was unduly elated by the (victories) at Dyrrachium and (by) those men of rank, who mocked him for his love of power, (saying) that he was willing to delay in order to retain his power over so many (men) of equal rank (to himself), and, for this (reason), calling him king of kings and Agamemnon, because the latter ruled over kings on account of the war, he abandoned his own analysis and gave in to them, with the god deceiving (him) now and on other (occasions) throughout the whole war. For, becoming sluggish and dilatory in everything, contrary to his nature, he prepared for battle against his will, to his own detriment and (to that) of those who had persuaded him (to do so).

(68)  Omens of disaster.  That night, three of Caesar's legions were going out for the purpose of foraging, for he, applauding Pompey for his dilatoriness, and not imagining that he would change his plan in any way, sent (them) out to (obtain) food, but he was delighted when he perceived his preparations for an armed engagement, which he guessed Pompey had been pressured into by his army, and he very quickly recalled all his own (forces) and made counter-preparations. (While) offering sacrifices in the middle of the night, he invoked Mars and his own ancestress Venus - forname, it was believed that the family of the Julians was descended by name from Aeneas and from Ilus, (the son) of Aeneas, (and) he vowed that he would build a temple in Rome to her as the bringer of victory, if he were successful. When a flame from heaven, having flown (through the air) from Caesar's camp to that of Pompey, was extinguished, Pompey and his associates (lit. those around Pompey) said that something splendid would accrue (lit. there would be something splendid) to them from the enemy, but Caesar (said) that he would fall upon and extinguish the (cause) of Pompey. That same night, some of Pompey's sacrificial animals escaped and were not recaptured, and a swarm of bees, a sluggish (form of) life, settled on the altar. Shortly before dawn, a panic befell his army, and going around it himself and quieting (it), he was relieved by a deep sleep: when his friends aroused him, he said that (in) a dream he was just dedicating a temple in Rome to Venus, the bringer of victory.

(69)  Contrast between the unrealistic expectations of Pompey's army and his own profound anxiety.
His friends and his whole army, in ignorance of Caesar's vow, were delighted when they heard of this, and, in other respects as well, they went into action in an unreasonable manner with eagerness and a contempt (for the enemy), as though (victory) had been achieved (already). Indeed, many of them had already decorated their tents with laurel branches, the symbol of victory: and their slaves were preparing a most splendid banquet; and there were (some) who were even already competing with one another over Caesar's high-priesthood. Pompey, (being) experienced in the (business) of war, turned away from such (squabbles), and, (although) feeling a just resentment against them, he concealed (it) and kept his silence through hesitation and dread, as though he were no longer commanding, but being commanded, and doing everything under compulsion and against his (better) judgment. So great a melancholy had come over (lit. befallen) this man of such great deeds and who had been most fortunate in every undertaking until that day, either because, having decided what was the best course of action, he had not convinced (his army), but was gambling (lit. casting the die) with regard to the security of so great a multitude of men and also of (what had been) until that day his own invincible reputation; or (because) some presentiment of approaching evil was already troubling him, as though he was about to be deprived, all at once on that very day, of (his position of) such great power. Then, (after) simply saying to his friends that, whichever one of them should be victorious, this day would be the beginning of great evils for the Romans for all time, he drew up (his forces) for the battle: indeed, in this (remark) some (people), thinking that his real intention slipped out in a (moment of) fear, considered that Pompey would not have given up the supreme power, even if he had prevailed.

(70) The number of troops engaged in the battle.  As (the size of the two) armies was disputed between the many (writers) reporting (on the battle), I think I should (lit. it seems good to me to) follow in particular those Roman (authorities) who give the most plausible (figures) concerning the troops (who came) from Italy, in whom they had especial confidence, (but) they do not enumerate or record (the names of) the allied (element), as they were foreigners and of small account in themselves in terms of additional support: on the one hand, Caesar had (lit. [there were] to Caesar) about twenty- two thousand (lit. about two thousand on top of two myriads of) (men), and around a thousand of these were cavalry, and. on the other hand, Pompey had (lit. [there were] to Pompey) more than double (that number), and of these about seven thousand (were) cavalry. Thus, it seems to those reporting the most reliable (details) that seventy thousand (lit. seven myriads of) Italian soldiers were engaged (lit. met one another) in the battle: others give the smaller (number) of sixty thousand (lit. six myriads), but then others still, grossly exaggerating, say that there were four hundred thousand (lit. forty myriads). Of these, some think that Pompey had (lit. there were to Pompey) one and a half times as many (as Caesar), and others about two parts out of three. So great are the doubts about the true (figure): however that may be, each of them relied especially on those from Italy. (As) allied (support) Caesar had (lit. there was to Caesar) cavalry from (Cisalpine) Gaul and another contingent from Transalpine Gaul (lit. from those Gauls [who live] beyond the Alps): from the Greeks, Dolopians, Acarnanians, and Aetolians served him as light infantry (i.e. peltasts). Such were those in alliance with Caesar, but Pompey had (lit. [there were] to Pompey) all the peoples of the East in great numbers, some (fighting) on horseback, others on foot, from Greece, Spartans, commanded by their own kings, and the rest of the Peloponnesus, and Boeotians with them.  The Athenians also took the field, although they had proclaimed that, (being) consecrated to the Thesmophorae (i.e. Demeter and Persephone), they would do no harm to the army of either, but yet they were attracted to the glory of the war, because they were contending for the prize of the leadership of the Romans.

(71)  Pompey's eastern supporters are listed.  In addition to the Greeks, (there were present) nearly all (the peoples) whom (one meets) as one goes around the circuit of the eastern sea: Thracians and Hellespontines, Bithynians and Phrygians and Ionians, Lydians and Pamphylians, Pisidians and Paphlagonians, and the people of Cilicia, Syria and Phoenicia, and Jews and their neighbours, the Arabs, Cypriots, Rhodians, and Cretan slingers and other such islanders. Kings and princes were there, leading their troops, (namely) Deiotarus, the tetrarch of the eastern Galatians, and Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians. The general Taxiles was leading the Armenians from the near side of the Euphrates, and Megabates, the deputy of King Artapates (i.e. Artavasdes), those Armenians from beyond the Euphrates; and some other minor potentates also took part with (Pompey) in the action. It is said that sixty ships came to him from the sovereigns of Egypt, Cleopatra and her brother, who was still a boy. But these did not fight with (him); nor did the rest of his fleet, but it remained inactive (lit. without employment) at Corcyra. It seems that Pompey acted foolishly in this respect by disregarding his ships, by which, as he was greatly superior in these, he could have deprived the enemy of supplies brought in from all points, and in engaging in an infantry battle with men who boasted of their deep endurance and who became like wild bears in battle. For, although he was on his guard against them at Dyrrachium, it seems that he was misled by some divinely sent recklessness, (and) this happened at a good time for Caesar in every respect: for this (reason) Pompey's army became most thoughtlessly aroused, and overrode its own commander and rushed into (lit. turned to) action without any previous experience of war.

Chapter 11.  (Sections 72-82)

(72)  Pompey's address to his army. However, God arranged this to (bring in) the beginning of that power that now commands everything: then each (man), assembling his soldiers, urged (them) on, with Pompey speaking as follows: "You, my soldiers, are the leaders in this action, rather than being led: for, although I still wished to wear our Caesar's (army), you, yourselves, have invited this contest. So like judges of the battle, you should act as those who are much superior to those who are inferior (in numbers). and despise (the enemy) as victors (do) the vanquished and  as  young (men) do old men and as fresh troops (do) (those who are) much wearied, and you have (lit. there is to you) all the strength and resources, and the consciousness of your (good) cause. For we are fighting for freedom and our country, with the laws and an honourable reputation (on our side), and with so many men, both from the Senate and knights, against one man who has seized the government by robbery. So, go (forward), as you have determined, with (every) good expectation, and keeping in your sight that flight of theirs which occurred at Dyrrachium, and all those standards which we took when we defeated them."

(73) Caesar reminds his troops of the reasons why there are fighting.  Pompey spoke thus. Caesar (addressed) his own men as follows: "This day will decide everything. Remember your promises to me at Dyrrachium and (the things) which you swore to one another while I was watching, (namely) that you would not return (from the field) except as conquerors. My men, these are (those to fight) against whom we have come from the Pillars of Hercules: they (are) those who have fled from Italy (to escape) us, (they are those) who, after we have fought such great wars for ten years and accomplished innumerable victories and have acquired four hundred nations of Spaniards and Gauls and Britons for our country, have sought to disband (us) unrecompensed, without a triumph and any rewards, and neither (by) inviting them to (do) the right (things), have I persuaded (them), nor have I won (them) over by favours. You know (those) whom I have released unharmed, hoping that we should obtain (lit. that there would be to us) some fairness from them. So, bear all these (words) of mine in your (minds) today, and, if you have experienced anything of me, my care (for you), my good faith and my generous gifts.

(74)  Caesar tells his troops why they will be victorious and how they should treat their defeated enemies. "It is not difficult for warriors hardened in war to overcome new recruits, who are still without experience of conflict, and especially when they have turned towards indiscipline and disobedience towards their commander, whom I have learned was afraid and unwilling to proceed to an engagement, and who has already passed the zenith of his luck, and has become sluggish and dilatory in everything (that he does), and no longer gives orders but rather receives them. These (words) of mine are only about his Italian (soldiers), since you should neither think about his allies nor should you pay them attention (lit. hold them in your mind) nor fight with them at all. They are slaves from Syria, Phrygia and Lydia, always ready to flee and be enslaved: I know well, and you will shortly see, that Pompey himself will not assign them (a place) in his battle-line. So, I say, hold fast only to the Italians, even if their allies come running among you and make a noise after the manner of dogs. When you have put them to flight, let us spare them, as they are our kindred, but, with regard to their allies, let us give them cause for consternation. Before all else, so that I may know that you are mindful of what you agreed, at all events to choose victory or death, as you go into battle on my behalf, pull down the walls of your (camp) and fill up its ditch with earth, so that we may have nothing, if we do not conquer, and the enemy may see that we are without a camp and may know that we must (lit. it is a necessity for us to) take up our quarters in theirs."

(75)  The battle-lines are drawn up.  After he had spoken these (words), he nevertheless sent down two thousand of his very old men to guard the tents; the rest, as they departed, demolished the earth-wall in total silence and threw it into the ditch. Seeing this, Pompey, although some (of his friends) thought they were preparing for flight, recognised their daring and groaned within himself that, although they had famine, the appropriate cure for wild beats, they were proceeding against these wild beasts in hand-to-hand (combat). But there was no drawing back now, as their affairs were on a razor's (edge). Wherefore, leaving four thousand of his Italian (troops) to guard his camp, he drew up the rest between the city of Pharsalus and the river Enipeus, (opposite) where Caesar was marshalling (his men), and each of them divided his Italian (troops) into three (lines) in the forefront (of his army), set apart a short (distance) from each other, and stationed his cavalry on the wings of each division. Thus was placed the Italian (contingent), upon which both of them especially relied: the allied (elements) were marshalled by themselves as if for show. There was much noise and many tongues among Pompey's allied (element): of these, Pompey stationed the Macedonians, the Peloponnesians, the Boeotians and the Athenians near the Italian contingent, and he ordered the rest, as Caesar had guessed, to lie in wait outside the line of battle, (and,) whenever the conflict should come close (to them), to surround the enemy and to pursue (them), doing whatever damage they could, and to ransack Caesar's camp itself, which was without fortifications.

(76) The commanders of the lines of each army are indicated.  In command of Pompey's formation were his father-in-law Scipio in the centre, and Domitius (Ahenobarbus) on the left, and Lentulus (Crus) on the right. Afranius and Pompey guarded the camp. (N.B. In the case of Pompey this is an error: he was actually in command of one of the wings.) In command on Caesar' (side) were (Publius Cornelius) Sulla, Antony, and (Gnaeus) Domitius (Calvinus), and he himself took up his place on the right wing, amongst the tenth legion, as was his custom. Seeing this, the enemy transferred the best of their cavalry against it, in order, as they were superior (in numbers), to surround (it), if they could. Realising (this), Caesar placed three thousand of his most daring infantrymen in an ambush, (and) ordered them, when they should perceive the enemy trying to outflank (him), to leap up and, raising their spears, to thrust (them) right into the faces of the men: for, as they were inexperienced and fresh, (and) still in the bloom of youth, they would not (be able to) endure the risk to their faces. So they constructed such (plans) against each other, and they went through (the ranks of) each (army), dealing with urgent matters and encouraging (their men) to be brave (lit. towards bravery), and also giving (them) the watchword, Caesar (choosing) Venus the Bringer of Victory, and Pompey Hercules the Invincible.  

(77)  The thoughts of both Caesar and Pompey as they await the beginning of the battle.  When everything was ready on both sides, they waited for a long time in profound silence, delaying still and hesitating, and looking steadfastly at each other (to see) which (of them) would start the battle. For they felt pity for the common soldiers (lit. the multitude), as no Italian forces had met in battle on a single field hitherto, and they had pity for the valour (of those men) who were the elite of both sides, and especially when they saw Italians engaging with Italians. When they were coming close to this disaster, the ambition which had blazed up and blinded (them) both was extinguished and quickly turned to fear, and (cool) reason purged their thirst for fame, and calculated the peril and the cause (of the war), (namely) that two men (who were) striving with one another for supremacy were running a risk around their own security, and were not far from being still less than everyone else, and that so great a number of noblemen (were doing the same) on their account. And it entered their minds that they, who had lately been friends and relatives by marriage and had cooperated with each other on many (occasions) to (gain) rank and power, were now drawing swords against each other, and (that) they were leading those who were under their command into the same impiety, and (that men) who were of the same nation, city, tribe and family, and, in some cases, even brothers (would fight) with one another: for not even these (circumstances) were wanting in this battle, but, when so many tens of thousands (lit. myriads) of men from one nation were attacking (lit. going against) each other, unexpected things happened. Pondering these (things), each (of them) was seized at that moment with an unavailing repentance (lit. a repentance that was no longer possible), and, since he would become on that day either the foremost or the least of those on earth, (each one) shrank from beginning such a battle. It is said (lit. They say) that both of them shed a tear.

(78)  The battle begins: Caesar's hidden infantry successfully ambush Pompey's cavalry.  While they were still hesitating and watching each other, the day was advancing.  All his Italian (troops) waited in complete stillness where they had been placed: but when Pompey saw that his allied (forces) had been thrown into confusion by the delay, and feared that they might initiate disorder, he gave the signal (for battle) first, and Caesar sounded (his signal) in reply, and, at once, the trumpets, of which there were many in the (different) divisions of so large a host, aroused the (men), and the officers, running about, urged (them) on. They advanced confidently towards each other, but with awe and in absolute silence, as they were used to war, (having taken part) in many such encounters. And now, as they approached one another, there was a first (discharge) of arrows and stones, and, as the cavalry were a little in front of the infantry, (there were) skirmishes and charges against each other. Then, as Pompey's (cavalry) prevailed, they began to outflank the tenth legion. Then, when Caesar gave the signal to the (men) lying in ambush, they sprang up (and) advanced against the cavalry, striking upwards with their spears in the faces of the riders (lit. at the riders in respect of their faces), and the latter, not being able to endure them or their savagery or the blows to their mouths and at their eyes, fled in a disorderly manner. Thereupon, Caesar's cavalry (N.B. It was not his cavalry, but the six cohorts of infantrymen he had kept in reserve to ambush Pompey's cavalry), who had been afraid of being surrounded themselves, at once began to encircle (Pompey's) infantry.

(79)  Pompey's left wing is overwhelmed.  Having learned (this), Pompey ordered his infantry not to advance any further, or to break the line of formation, or to hurl their javelins, but, standing in a defensive line, to ward off the advancing (enemy) with their spears in hand-to-hand combat. Some (people) praise this tactic of his as the best (step to take) during an encirclement, but Caesar criticises (it) in his letters: for (he says) that blows occur with more force by being thrown, and that the men (are made) more enthusiastic by charging: and those who are made to stand (still) lose heart, and that these are easily hit targets for those charging at (them) on account of their being stationary (lit. their inactivity). And so (he says) it then happened: for the tenth legion, with (Caesar) himself, surrounded Pompey's left (wing), which had become denuded of its cavalry, and threw javelins at their ribs from every quarter as it stood immobile, until falling upon their disordered (ranks) in force, they routed (them) and set the victory in train. Among the rest of their ranks there were yet many and various acts of injury and death: but no cry (came) from so gerat a legionary force as they were accomplishing such (deeds), nor any screams from those being killed or wounded but only groans and sighs from them as they fell in good order where they had been stationed. The allies, who were watching the battle, as though (it were) a contest (during games), were astounded at the good discipline (shown).and, not having the courage to (attack) Caesar's tents, although (only) a few of the older men were guarding them,nor did they accomplish anything else, but stood dumbfounded.

(80)  While the rout of Pompey's army proceeds, Caesar tells his men to spare the Italians soldiers and only slaughter the allied forces.   As Pompey's left (wing) gave way, even then (the legionaries) themselves retired step-by-step and at the same time they engaged in close combat, but the allies fled headlong without any resistance, crying out: "We are beaten!" Then, falling upon their own tents and fortifications as though (they were) the enemy's, they pulled down and plundered whatever they could carry off in their flight. Now, the rest of the heavily-armed (contingent) of Italians, perceiving the defeat on that (wing), withdrew gradually, at first in good order and still continuing to resist as strongly as they could, but, when the enemy pressed heavily upon them as if in victory, thy turned to flight. Then Caesar with especially great inventiveness, in order that they should not (have to) engage again, and the result should decide not a single battle but the whole war, sent heralds everywhere into the ranks, (and) they ordered the victors to leave their fellow-countrymen untouched, and proceed only against their allies. Then they came near to the defeated (troops), advising them to stand (still) without fear. As the message was closely examined man-to-man, they halted: and now this was the distinguishing mark among Pompey's soldiers, (namely) the phrase "Stand without fear!", as all the rest of the Italians were similarly clad and spoke the same language, and Caesar's troops, passing through them, began to kill the allies, who were unable to resist: and the most tremendous carnage then took place.

(81) Caesar leads his troops to assault Pompey's camp; and Pompey flees in despair.  When Pompey saw the fight (of his men), he became deranged (lit. beside himself) (and) retired to his camp on foot, and, on reaching his tent, he sat down speechless, in such a manner as they say Ajax, the (son) of Telamon, suffered at Troy in the midst of his enemies through a madness sent by the gods: for Caesar's message caused (them) to halt without fear of harm, and, when their enemies ran through (them), they began to disperse group by group. As the day was declining, Caesar, running frantically hither and thither through his army, implored (his men) to continue their exertions, until they should take Pompey's encampment, (and) telling (them) that, if the enemy were to rally once more, they would have been victorious on one day (only), but that, if they were to take their camp, they would have decided  the war successfully by this one exploit. So, he stretched out his hands to them in entreaty, and was the first to lead the charge. Although they were tired in body, his reasoning and their commander gathering (them) together, lightened their spirits. The success of what had occurred (so far), and the hope that they would capture the encampment and the many (contents) within it, buoyed (them) up: and men in the midst of hope and good fortune feel exhaustion least. So they falling upon it, set to work with great contempt for its defenders, and, when Pompey learned (of this), he broke off from his strange silence, (to say) simply: "So (they are) in our camp too, are they?" and, having spoken (thus), he changed his clothing, and mounting a horse, together with four friends, he did not halt his course until he came to Larissa at daybreak. Then Caesar established himself in Pompey's camp, as he had threatened (to do), when he was preparing (for the battle), and he himself feasted upon his food, and his whole army (upon) that of their enemies.

(82) The number of casualties in the battle, and the awards given for bravery.  (Of those) on both sides (who) died, at least of the Italians, for no calculation at all was made of the allies, due to their number and the contempt (in which they were held), from Caesar's army (there were) thirty centurions and two hundred legionaries, or, as it seems to others, one thousand two hundred, and from Pompey's men, (there were) ten senators, (one) of which was Lucius Domitius (Ahenobarbus), who had been sent to Gaul (as) the successor to Caesar himself, and (there were) around forty illustrious (men) of those called knights: and for the rest of his army, some (writers) exaggerating (the number) say twenty thousand five hundred, but Asinius Pollio, (who was) a general under Caesar in that battle, records that six thousand dead (bodies) were found among those in Pompey's (army).

This was the outcome of the famous battle of Pharsalus. Caesar himself carried off the palm for courage in the first and second (place) by (the consent) of all, as he had been acknowledged to be the bravest, and the tenth legion together with him. The third (place went to) the centurion Crassinius (i.e. Crastinus), whom Caesar, as he was leaving for the battle, asked what (result) he was expecting, and he had replied loudly in a proud voice: "We shall conquer, O Caesar, and today you will approve my (conduct), whether I am living or dead." The (whole) army testified that he darted through each rank like (a man) possessed, and that he performed many splendid (deeds). When sought for, he was found among the dead, (and) Caesar placed decorations of valour upon his (body) and buried (them) with (him), and he erected a special tomb (for him) near the (grave) of all the other men.


C.  A COMPARISON OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT AND CAESAR (Sections 149-154)

Chapter 21. (Sections 149-154)

(149) Caesar goes to his death, having ignored the warnings of the seer; an account of the deeds of Alexander.  So died Gaius Caesar on the day which they call the Ides of March, around the middle of Anthesterion (i.e. a month in the Ionic Greek calendar), that day which the seer prophesied that he would not survive; making fun of him, he said at dawn: "(Well,) the Ides have come." But the latter, nothing daunted, replied: "(Yes,) but they have not passed." But, disdaining such prophesies made to him with such confidence by the seer, and the other portents which I have mentioned earlier, he went his way and died, being in his fifty-sixth year (of age), a man most fortunate in all (things), possessing a divine spark, disposed to grand designs, and fittingly compared with Alexander. For both were extremely ambitious in all (things), most warlike, most rapid in progressing what they had decided, most reckless with regard to dangers, most unsparing of their bodies, and not trusting in strategy but rather in daring and good luck. One of them (i.e. Alexander) made a long journey through the desert to (the shrine) of Ammon during the season of burning heat, and crossed the Pamphylian gulf when the sea was marvellously held back, when a god kept back the deep from him until he had passed, and rain (fell upon him) while he was on the march. In India, he ventured upon an unnavigated sea, and he was the first to climb up a scaling-ladder and leap alone upon an enemy wall (where) he received thirteen wounds. Moreover, he was always undefeated (and) finished almost every war in one or two engagements, and he conquered many foreign (lands) in Europe, and subdued Greece, a race extremely difficult to govern and freedom loving, (who) believed that it had obeyed no one before him, except Philip (and that only) for a short (time) on the pretext of him being their leader in war. To sum up Alexander's good fortune and power in a word, he acquired as much of the earth as he saw, and he died both ready and keen on (conquering) the rest (of it).

(150) An enumeration of Caesar's exploits.  The Ionian (i.e. Adriatic) sea yielded to Caesar, becoming calm and navigable in the middle of winter, and he sailed across the western ocean to Britain, (something) which had not previously been done, (even) in an attempt, and he instructed the helmsmen to wreck their ships (by) running (them) ashore on the British rocks. He was also exposed to the force of another stormy sea, (when) alone in a small boat at night, and he ordered the helmsman to spread his sails and to have confidence in Caesar's good luck rather than in the sea. He often charged at the enemy all by himself, with all the others being afraid, and he himself fought thirty times in the (land of) the Gauls alone, until he had conquered four hundred of the tribes of those (people who had been) so menacing to the Romans that an exemption was inscribed in the law concerning priests and old men, "unless a Gallic war should be declared". Then, old men and priests were required to serve. (Once) during the Alexandrian war, when he was trapped on a bridge by himself and was in great peril, he ripped off his purple (cloak) and leapt into the sea, and, being sought by the enemy, he swam underwater for a long (distance), only drawing breath at intervals, until, approaching a friendly ship, he stretched out his hands and revealed himself and was rescued.

Engaging in these civil wars, either through fear, as he himself used to say, or from a desire for power, in his case he met in battle the best generals and many large armies, no longer barbarians but Romans at the very peak of success and good fortune: and he overcame (them) all in one or two engagements in each case, not that his troops were undefeated like Alexander's, since they were evidently worsted by the Gauls, when the great disaster overtook them under the generalship of Cotta and Titurius, and in Spain (Marcus) Petreius and Afranius hemmed them in like they were being besieged, and at Dyrrachium and in Africa they were manifestly put to flight, and in Spain they were struck with terror by the young Pompey. But Caesar, himself, was undaunted, and undefeated at the end of every war; he held, by force and by good-will, the power of the Romans, which already ruled the earth and sea from the farthest west (lit. from the setting of the sun) to the river Euphrates, (and he held it) much more firmly and with more authority than Sulla, and he showed himself (to be) a king against the wishes (of the people), even if he did not receive the title. And he died, planning other wars.

(151)  A number of their shared qualities.  It happened that their armies were equally devoted and favourably disposed to both of them, and in battle (they were) like wild animals, but they were often disobedient to both (of them) and mutinous on account of their hardships. Yet they mourned and yearned for (them) alike when they were dead, and paid (them) divine honours. They were both well-formed in body, and handsome. Both were descended from Jupiter (lit. They were both from Jupiter in descent), the one through Aeacus and Hercules, and the other from Anchises and Venus. Although they were very ready to fight determined (opponents), they were very quick to (make) peace and pardon their captives, and, in addition to a pardon, (to be) benefactors, and they desired nothing but simply to conquer.

To this extent let these (things) be compared, although the two of them did not set out towards empire from (a position) of equal power, but one from a kingdom established by Philip, and the other from a private (station), well-born and illustrious indeed, but very short of money.

(152)  Both of them ignore bad omens.  Both (of them) were disdainful of the omens relating to themselves, but they did not deal harshly with the seers who prophesied their death, and, on more than one occasion, the very same omen occurred to (them) both, (pointing) to the same (end): for twice in each (case), a lobeless (liver) occurred, and, on the first occasion, it indicated a perilous risk: in (the case of) Alexander, (it happened when he was) among the Oxydracae, and he was scaling the enemy's wall at the head of his Macedonians, and, when his ladder broke, he was left isolated on top; leaping with (great) daring inwards towards the enemy, and, having been struck on the chest and on the neck by a very heavy club, and having then fallen, he was rescued with some difficulty by his Macedonians, who broke down the gates due to their concern (for him); and in (the case of) Caesar (it happened) in Spain, when, with this army being in great fear of the young Pompey and hesitating to go into battle, he charged ahead of everyone into the space between the two armies and received two hundred darts on his shield, until his army, (driven) by shame and fear (for his safety), rushed forward (and) rescued him. Thus, the first lobeless (victim) brought them (both) into danger, and the second (brought them) to death itself. For the seer Peithagoras told Apollodorus, who was afraid of both Alexander and Hephaistion, and who was sacrificing, not to be afraid, as both (of them) would soon be out of the way: when Hephaistion died at once, Apollodorus feared lest some conspiracy against the king might take place, and revealed the prophecy to him. He smiled and asked Peithagoras what the omen meant; when he said that it meant that his last (day was upon him), he smiled again, and commended Apollodorus for his good-will and the seer for his frankness.

(153)  The fatal consequences of their failure to heed bad omens.  As Caesar was entering the Senate for the last (time), as  has been related by me shortly before, the same omens were observed (lit. occurred): but he said in jest that such (a thing) had also happened to him in Spain. When the seer replied that he was in danger then too, but that the omen was now more deadly, he yielded somewhat to this honest (warning), and still went on sacrificing once more, until, becoming vexed with the priests for delaying him, he went in and was murdered. The same kind of (thing) also happened to Alexander. For, as he was returning from India to Babylon with his army, and was already coming close (to it), the Chaldeans called upon (him) to postpone his entry for the time being (lit. for the present [moment]). When he replied with the iambic (verse) that "He who guesses correctly (is) the best prophet," (i.e. this is a quotation from a lost play of Euripides) the Chaldeans urged (him) not to enter with his army, (while) looking towards the setting sun, but to go around and take the city (looking) towards the rising sun. He is said to have yielded to this (suggestion) and to have started to go around, but, becoming irritated by a lake and some marshy ground, he disregarded the second prophecy too, and made his entrance looking towards the setting sun. At all events, he sailed down the Euphrates to the river Pallacotta, which, taking (its water) from the Euphrates, carries (it) by means of marshes and ponds, and prevents the irrigation of the land of Assyria, (and), while he was considering the damming of this river and was sailing out for this (purpose), they say that he mocked the Chaldeans, because he had both entered Babylon and sailed out of it safely. But he was destined to die as soon as he returned to it. Caesar indulged in mockery of a similar kind. For, as the seer had predicted the day of his death, (saying) that he would not survive the Ides of March, when the day came, he said in mockery of the seer, that the Ides have come (lit. are here): and yet he died on that very (day). Thus, they made fun of the omens concerning themselves in a similar manner, and were not angry with the seers who prophesied these (things), and yet they were condemned by the letter of these prophecies.

(154)  Both Alexander and Caesar were lovers of learning.  They were also lovers of beauty with regard to the science of excellence (N.B. perhaps 'astronomy' is meant here), both of their own country, Greek and foreign, and, with regard to those of the Indians, Alexander carefully examined the Brahmins, who seemed to be the astronomers and the wise men among the Indians, as the Magi (are) among the Persians, and Caesar (interrogated) those of the Egyptians, when he was in Egypt, establishing Cleopatra (on the throne). So, as a result, he made many (improvements) for the Romans concerning the peaceful (arts), and, with regard to the calendar, which was still in disorder because of the intercalated months till then in use, for it was calculated by them in accordance with the moon, he changed (it) to the course of the sun, as the Egyptians reckoned (it). It happened in his (case) that not one of those who had conspired against his person escaped but received the punishment they deserved at the hands of his son (i.e. Octavian), just as those who killed Philip (were punished) by Allexander. How they received (this), the following books will show.

HORACE: "SATIRES BOOK I"

Introduction.

Horace's Satires Book I was his first published work, dated to the years 35-33 B.C., following his introduction to Maecenas and under his patronage. Despite their apparently harsh-sounding name, these "Saturae", written in hexameter verse, were half-serious, half-humorous criticisms of the people and the manners of his time, written in the form of loosely structured discursive verse essays. The main exponent of satires in Latin literature prior to Horace had been Lucilius (180-103/2 B.C.), but, despite that poet's popularity with literary enthusiasts of the time, Horace reacts against the violence of some of his personal attacks on individuals, which he thought was inappropriate to the genre, and to his metrical clumsiness and repetitiveness. In his critique of Lucilius, Horace transforms Roman satire, both by reducing sharply the level of personal attack and by refining its poetic style. Neatness, rapidity, elegance and ease are the stylistic qualities, affirmed by Horace in the tenth and final satire in this book, and these qualities are indeed evident throughout this work.

Of the ten poems contained in this book, each one has usually at least one main section devoted to a particular vice, which is the focus of Horace's attention. So he attacks greed (in 1), adultery (in 2), unfairness towards one's friends (in 3) and ambition (in 6). Poems 5,7, 8 and 9, while satirical in form, are largely entertainment pieces. The other two are concerned with Horace's critique of Lucilius, something which caused him a considerable degree of unpopularity at this early stage of his career. In 4 he defends himself against his critics, and in 10 he both amplifies his earlier criticisms of Lucilius and at the same time sets out his own theory of what satire should be (see vv. 7-15 in particular). Other highlights of content in Satires Book I include his tribute to his father and how much he owes to him (4.105-121 and 6.65-89), the circumstances of his introduction to Maecenas (6.52-64), the details of 'his daily round' (6.111-131), and his harassment by a 'bore' determined to batten on to him (9).

His moral ideas and the ethical content of these satires are straightforward and not in any way original. Horace was a social conservative, and mocked, albeit gently, deviation from accepted norms, while using traditional ideas as the basis for judging the faults of his own age; but his purpose was not didactic. He did not expect to change people's behaviour; rather, he wrote to amuse and to entertain. As he was later to write in his "Ars Poetica" (v. 343): "omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci," i.e. he who has blended the useful with the sweet has won every vote.


The text for this translation is taken from the Perseus website and features the 1837 translation of C. Smart. Sabidius has made use of the English translation of C.Smart and Alois Buckley, (1863), also available on the Perseus website, and of the much freer translation by Niall Rudd contained in the 1973 Penguin edtion of Horace's Satires and Epistles. He has also found useful the text and detailed notes in "Poemata Quinti Horatii Flacci," edited by J.Boyd and Charles Anthon, 1837.

At the end of this translation is a list of prominent quotations taken from "Satires Book I".


1.  Against the greedy. (A desire to amass enormous wealth was one of the prevalent passions of the time; and, amidst the struggles of civil warfare, the lowest of mankind had succeeded in accumulating fortunes. It is against this inordinate greed that this satire is directed. In a dialogue, supposed to be held between a poet and a miser, the former exposes the folly of those who occupy themselves solely in the acquisition of wealth, and refutes all the arguments which the miser adduces in favour of hoarding.) 

How does it happen, Maecenas, that no one lives contentedly, either with that lot which Reflection may have given him, or (which) Chance may have thrown (in his path), (but rather) commends (the condition of those) who follow different (pursuits)? "O (you) happy merchants," says the soldier, oppressed with years, now broken down in his limbs with much toil. On the other hand, the merchant, when the South Winds toss his ship, (cries out) that military service is preferable. For what reason? There is a charge: within a short space of time comes sudden death or joyous victory." The expert in justice and laws, when a client knocks at his door at cock-crow, commends the (life of the) farmer; the latter who, his recognisances having been given, is dragged from the country into the city, cries that only (those) who live in the city (are) happy. Other (instances) of this kind would weary that windbag Fabius. In order not to delay you, hear how I shall put the case. If some god were to say, "Behold, I shall now do what you want: you, who (were) just now a soldier, will be a merchant; you, (who were) just now a lawyer, (will be) a farmer; your roles (in life) having been exchanged, do you go away in one direction, (and) you in another. Come now, why are you standing (there)?" They will be unwilling (to accept the offer). And yet they have it in their power (lit. it is permitted [to them]) to be happy. What reason is there (for this), but that Jupiter should deservedly puff out both his cheeks in anger, and declare that he will not in the future be so ready to lend his ear to their prayers? Moreover, so that I may skip over (this) with a laugh, just like someone (telling) jokes - although what forbids one telling the truth with a smile? As good-natured teachers sometimes give their pupils pastries, so that they may be willing to learn their initial letters - but yet, joking having been set aside, let us examine serious (matters): he who turns the heavy earth with a hard plough-share, this fraudulent petty trader, the soldier and sailors who dash bravely across every sea profess that they endure their toil with this intention, that in old age they may retire into a safe haven, when they have gathered for themselves (sufficient) provisions.

Thus the little ant through her great labour - for she serves as an example - drags in her mouth whatever she can, and, not at all unaware and not careless of the future, she adds to the heap which she is piling up. As soon as Aquarius darkens the changed year, she never crawls around, but makes use of those (stores) which she has previously acquired, while neither can scorching heat turn (you) aside from gain, nor can winter, fire, sea (or) sword obstruct you in any way, while no one else can be richer than you. Why does it delight you nervously to bury an immense weight of silver and gold in the secretly dug up earth? "Because if you were to diminish (it), it would be reduced to a paltry penny."

But if that is not done, what charms does the accumulated hoard possess? Should your threshing-floor have yielded a hundred thousand (bushels) of grain, (yet) will your stomach, on that account, contain no more (of it) than mine; just as, if you should happen to carry on your burdened shoulder a bread-bag among slaves, you would receive no more than (he) who carried nothing. Or tell (me), what does it matter to (the man) who lives within the limits of nature, (whether) he ploughs a hundred or a thousand acres? "But it is (still) pleasing to take from a large heap."

While you leave us to draw the same amount out of our little (pile), why should you extol your granaries more than our grain-bins? (It is) as if you had a need for no more than a pitcher or a cup of water and you should say "I prefer to draw the same amount from a great river than from this little fountain." For this (reason), it happens that the raging Aufidus sweeps away and carries off, together with the bank, such men as an abundance more copious than what is fair delights. And yet he (who) is in want of no more than what is necessary neither drinks water fouled with mud nor loses his life in the waves.

Yet the greater part of mankind, deluded by false desires, says "Nothing is (ever) enough, because you will be esteemed in proportion to what you possess." What can you do with (a man) such as this? You may tell (him) to be miserable, since he gladly acts that (way): like a certain (person) is said (to have lived) at Athens, mean and rich, (and) accustomed to despise the remarks of the people in this manner: "The people hiss at me, but I applaud myself at home as soon as I contemplate the coins in my cash-box." The thirsty Tantalus tries to catch the waters escaping from his lips - why do you laugh? With a change of name, the story is told about you. Gaping sleeplessly at your money-bags, which have been heaped up on all sides, you are compelled to to refrain (from them) as though they are sacred (offerings) or as if they are painted tablets. Do you not realise what money is worth, (and) to what use it is put? Bread, vegetables and a bottle of wine may be bought, (and) add (such other things) which, if they were withheld, human nature would grieve for itself. To keep watch half-dead with terror, and to dread wicked thieves, fires and your slaves, lest they should plunder you, as they run away, does this delight (you)? For my part, I should always wish to be very poor in relation to possessions such as these.

But if your body, having been seized by a cold, should begin to ache, or any other misfortune should confine you to your bed, do you have someone who can attend (to you), prepare poultices (for you), (and) ask the doctor to get you to recover and restore (you) to your children and your dear relatives? Neither your wife nor your son wants you (to get) well; all your neighbours, and your acquaintances, (even) the boys and girls, hate (you). Since you put money before everything (else), are you surprised if no one gives (you) the affection which you do not deserve? But, if you wish to retain and to keep (as) friends the relations which nature gives you without (making) any effort, you will waste your time, (O you) unfortunate (fellow), just like someone who teaches an ass to obey the reins and to run in the Campus (Martius). Finally, let there be an end to your search, and, as you get more (wealth), you should fear poverty less, and you should begin to bring this struggle to an end, (now) that you have obtained what you used to desire, lest you do as (did) a certain Ummidius. The story is not a long (one): (he was so) rich that he measured his money, (and) so stingy that he never dressed himself better than a slave, (and) right up to his last moments he was afraid lest want of victuals should oppress him. But his freedwoman, the bravest of the daughters of Tyndarus, split him down the middle with an axe. So, what do you urge me (to do)? Should I live like Naevius or in the same manner as Nomentanus?

Are you going on to unite (things) that are self-contradictory (lit. that contend together with opposing fronts)? When I tell you not to be a miser, I do not order (you) to become a spendthrift and a wastrel: there is some (difference) between Tanais and the father-in-law of Visellus. There is a mean in (all) things, in short there are (certain) fixed limits, beyond and on either side of which what is right cannot exist. I return (now) to the place from which I digressed. (Is there) no one who, like the miser, approves of himself, but rather commends (those) who follow different (pursuits), and pines away (with envy) because someone else's she-goat bears a more distended udder, nor compares himself with the greater number of (those) who are poorer (than himself), (but) labours to outdo first this (man) and then that (man). Thus, the richer (man) is always an obstacle to (the man) who is striving to be rich, as, when a (flurry of) hooves hurries along the chariots which have been released from their starting-pens, the driver presses upon those horses that outstrip his own, despising that (chariot) which, having been overtaken, comes among the last. Thus it happens that we can rarely find (a man) who says that he has lived a happy (life), and contentedly departs from his life, when his time has expired, like a guest who has had his fill.

That is enough now. Lest you may think that I have pillaged the portfolio of the bleary-eyed Crispinus, I shall not add a word more.
                                  -            

2.  Against adulterers. (In the opening satire Horace had observed that there was a measure in things; that there were fixed and stated bounds, beyond which one would look in vain for what was right. Yet so it is with then greater part of mankind, that, instead of searching for virtue where reason directs, they always run from one extreme to another, and despise that middle way where alone they can have any hope of finding her. The intention of the poet in this satire, is to expose the folly of this course of conduct, and to show men that they therefore plunge themselves into a wider and more unfathomable sea of misery, increase their wants, and ruin both their reputation and their fortune; whereas, if men could be prevailed upon to live within the bounds prescribed by nature, they might avoid all these calamities, and have the wherewithal to provide for their real needs. He takes the opportunity occasioned by the death of Tigellinus, a well-known singer, to note the differing judgments which men pass upon actions and characters, according to their varying inclinations. Some commend a man as liberal and generous, whom others condemn as profligate and extravagant. From this difference of judgement stems a difference of behaviour, in which men seldom observe any degree of moderation, but always run from one extreme to another. One, disdaining to be thought a miser, profusely squanders away his estate; another, fearing to be considered negligent in his affairs, practices all the unacceptable methods of extortion, and seeks in every way to increase his fortune. This it happens that the middle course is neglected; for "Dum vitant stulti vitia, in contraria currunt." The poet then proceeds to show that the same observation hold good in all the other pursuits of life, including sexual relations, on which the poem concentrates from v. 28 onwards.)

The associations of female flute-players, the pedlars of quack medicines, holy beggars, mimics, jesters. this whole tribe, are dejected and anxious, because of the death of the singer, Tigellius. Of course, he was generous (towards them). On the other hand, this (man) here, fearing lest it should be said that he was profligate, would be unwilling to give a needy friend (anything) by which he could keep away the cold and pinching hunger. If you were  to enquire of another (man) why he is wickedly consuming the splendid the splendid estate of his grandfather and father in tasteless gluttony, buying up all sorts of dainties with borrowed cash, he replies (that is) because he does not wish to be regarded (as) mean and petty-minded. He is praised by some, condemned by others.

Fufidius, wealthy in land and wealthy in money put out at interest, fears the reputation of (being) a wastrel and a spendthrift, (but) this (fellow) deducts five percent interest from the capital (at the time of lending), and the more desperate anyone is, the more fiercely he presses (him). He hunts for the I.O.U.s of young men under rigid fathers who have just assumed the adult toga. Who does not cry out "(O) Almighty Jupiter," as soon as he has heard of (this)?  "But," (perhaps you will say) " this (man) arranges his expenditure in proportion to his money-making?" You can scarcely believe how unfriendly he is to himself, such that that father in Terence's play, whom he portrays as having lived (so) wretchedly after his son had been banished, did not torment himself any worse than he (did).

Now, if anyone should ask, "In what direction does this (matter) lead (us)?" (It is) thither: while fools shun vices (of one kind), they rush into opposite (ones). Maltinus walks with his garments trailing (upon the ground), there is (another) who (walks with his garments) hitched right up to his filthy crotch; the genteel Rufillus smells of aromatic lozenges, Gorgonius (of) goat: there is no (happy) medium. There are (some) who refuse to take any (women) by the hand, unless a flounce, sewn at the bottom of their dress, conceals their ankles. On the other hand, another (will touch) no (woman) unless she takes her place in a stinking brothel. When a certain well-known man came out of a whore-house, this splendid remark of Cato was addressed (to him): "Bravo! (lit. May you be honoured in respect of your virtue)"; for, as soon as foul lust has inflamed one's veins, it is right for young (fellows) to go down to this sort of (place), (and) not to grind other (men's) wives." "I do not wish that I should be praised in that way," says Cupiennius, (who is) an admirer of a pale cunt (i.e. one covered by a silken veil).

(You) who do not wish (things) to proceed smoothly in the case of adulterous (men), it is worth your while to hear that they are in trouble from every direction, and that their pleasure (is) spoiled by much pain, and that it seldom happens to them, (and then) often in the midst of atrocious perils. One has thrown himself headlong from a roof, another (has been) flogged to death with whips, a third has fallen into a violent gang of robbers, another has paid cash to save his life, (and) some drudges have raped a further (man); indeed, even this has happened, that (people) mowed someone's balls and randy prick with a sword. Everyone (said, "It was) justly (done)": Galba dissented.

But how much safer is the trade among (women of) the second class, I mean freed-women: (although) Sallust is no less crazy over them as (a man) who commits adultery. But if he wanted to be good and kind, in as far as his means and his reason allowed, and in as far as he can (lit. as it is permitted [to him] to) be liberal in moderation, he would pay what was sufficient, and not (what) would involve him in ruin and disgrace. But he hugs himself with regard to this one (consideration); he delights in this and extols (it): "I touch no married woman." Like Marsaeus, the lover of Origo, once (did), the man who gives his father's estate and his family home to an actress says, "I have never had (lit. There is never to me) anything (to do) with other (men's) wives."  But you have (lit. there is [to you]) with actresses, you have (lit. there is [to you]) with harlots, from which your reputation derives more serious damage than your estate. Is it enough or more than enough for you to avoid the person, not that (vice) which causes harm anywhere? To lose one's good name, to besmirch one's family estate is wrong everywhere. What does it matter whether you sin with regard to a married woman, a maid-servant (or) a prostitute?

Villius, Sulla's son-in-law, having been deceived by this label alone, wretch (that he was), paid a penalty with regard to Fausta, which was enough and more than enough, when he was struck with fists and attacked with a sword, and was shut out when Longarenus was inside. If this (young man's) mind had addressed these (words) to him in the voice of his cock, as he gazed upon such great evils: "In your case, what do you want? When my ardour is aroused, do I ever demand from you a cunt, descended from a mighty consul and veiled by a robe?" What reply could he make? "The girl was born to an illustrious father." But how much better and (how) different from these (are the things which) nature, rich in her own resources, recommends, if only you are minded to spend (your money) properly and not confuse what should be avoided with what should be sought. Don't you think it matters if the difficulties in your affairs (are) your fault? So, stop chasing married women, lest you are sorry, as more serious trouble derives from this than any enjoyment you can get from it. Nor can she have, amidst her snowy pearls and emeralds, a softer thigh than this (one), or limbs (which are) straighter than yours, Cerinthus, and even prostitutes are frequently better. Add to this that she carries her wares without disguise, (and) openly shows what she has for sale, nor, if she has (lit. there is [to her]) anything good, does she boast (of it) and flaunt (it) openly, (while) she seeks to hide her blemishes. This is the habit of sheiks: when they are buying horses, they examine (them) covered, so that, if, as often (happens), a beautiful shape is supported by a tender hoof, it may not fool the buyer as he gapes, because its haunches (are) handsome, its head small, and its neck high. They (do) this wisely: you should not contemplate the perfections of the body with the eyes of Lynceus, (but) inspect those (parts) which are deformed (when you are) blinder than Hypsaea. "O  legs! O arms!" but she has (lit. there is [to her]) thin buttocks, a big nose, a small waist and a splay foot.

You cannot see anything of a married woman except her face, for, unless she is a Catia, she covers her other (charms) by a trailing cloak. (But), if you will seek forbidden (charms), surrounded (as they are) by a rampart - for this (is what) makes you mad - , many obstacles will stand in your way, chaperones, a sedan-chair, hair-curlers, hangers-on, a robe hanging down to the ankles and a wrap covering (it) on top, very many (things) which may prevent you from getting a clear view. The other (one) does not obstruct (you) at all. In her Coan (silks) it is almost possible for you to see her naked, so that you can check her body with your eye, lest she may have (lit. there may be to her) a bad leg or an ugly foot. Or would you prefer a trick to be played on you, and the price to be extracted (from you) before the goods are shown? (The poet tells) how the hunter tracks the hare through the deep snow; so he sings he will not touch (it) if it is lying (there), and adds "My love is like this; for it flies past what is placed before (it) and chases what flees (from it)." Do you hope that such pain can be expressed by you in these little verses and that passion and bitter anxieties can be expelled from your breast? Would it not be more profitable to ask what boundaries nature sets to desires, what privations will be borne by her and what will cause her pain, and to separate what is vain from what is solid? When thirst burns your throat, do you ask for a golden tankard? When you are famished, do you turn up your nose at everything except peacock and turbot? When your cock is stiff, if a servant-girl or a slave-boy is at hand, against whom an assault can be made at once, do you prefer to burst with lust? Not I; for I like sex (to be) accessible and easy (to get). Philodemus says that the kind of girl, (who says) "Not just yet," "But (I need) more (money)," "If my husband is away," is for the Gauls; for himself (he chooses) a girl, who does not cost a high price, and does not loiter when she is ordered to come. Let her be fair and upright of stature, so elegant that she does not wish to be taller or more pale than nature has allowed her to be (lit. to appear). When such a girl slips the left (side of) her body under my right (side), she is my Ilia and Egeria; I give her whatever name I like. Nor do I fear, while I am banging away, that her husband should rush back from the country, the door should crash open, the dog should bark, the house, shaken on all sides, should resound with an awful din, the woman, deathly pale, should jump out of bed, (and), conscious (of her guilt), should cry out that she (is) undone, the (maid-servant) should fear for her legs, the guilty (woman) for her dowry and I for myself. I must (lit. It is  necessary [for me] to) flee with my tunic undone, and with bare feet, (for fear) lest my money or my arse or, in short, my reputation, should be finished. It is dreadful to be caught: I could prove (that), even if Fabius were the judge.


3.  Against disparagers and the supercilious Stoic. (This satire is directed against the inclination which many people have to put a bad construction on the actions of others, and to exaggerate the faults which they may perceive in their character and disposition. This failing, which perhaps had not been very prevalent in republican Rome, when the citizens lived openly in each other's view, had increased under a monarchical government, in which secrecy produced mistrust and suspicion. The satirist concludes with refuting the absurd principle of the Stoic Portico - that all faults and vices have the same degree of enormity.) 

This a fault common to all singers), that among their friends, they are determined (lit. they incline their minds) never to sing (when) asked, (but, when) not asked, they can never stop. That Sardinian Tigellius had this (fault). If Caesar, who could have compelled (him), had asked (him to sing) for the sake of his father's friendship and of his own, he would have not have achieved anything. (But), if it pleased him, he would sing from the beginning of the meal right through to the end (lit, from the egg to the apples) "Ho there, (you) Bacchanals," at one moment in his deepest voice, at another with that (pitch), which resounds with the most acute (string) of the tetrachord (lyre) (i.e. in a treble voice). Often he would run along as one flying from an enemy; more frequently (he would walk as a man) who was bearing the sacred (vessels) of Juno; often he had two hundred slaves, (but) just as often ten; at one time, (when) talking of kings and potentates, everything (would be) magnificent; at another (he would say) "Let me have (lit. Let there be to me) a three-legged table and a shell of clean salt, and a toga, which, although coarse, is sufficient to keep out the cold." Should you have given a million (lit. ten hundred [thousand]) (sesterces) to that sparing (fellow) (who was) content with such small (amounts), in five days' time there would be nothing in his pockets; he would keep awake at nights to dawn itself, (and then) snore all day. Now someone may say to me, "What (are) you? Have you no faults?" Yes, of another kind, and perhaps less (disagreeable).

When Maenius criticises Novius in his absence, a certain (man) says "Hey, do you not know yourself, or do you think to impose upon us like (one who is) ignorant of his own feelings?" This is a foolish and perverse (self-)love, and (one which is) worthy to be stigmatised. When you survey your own weaknesses with eyes bleary with ointments, why, in relation to the foibles of your friends, do you see as acutely as an eagle or the Epidaurian serpent? But in your case on the other hand, it turns out that they are enquiring into your deficiencies in their turn. (That man) is a little too hot-tempered, and not quite suited to the sensitive nostrils of today's society (lit. of these men); he is liable to be laughed at for this (reason), because, his hair having been shorn in too rustic a manner, his toga droops down (awkwardly), and his wide shoe scarcely sticks to his foot; but he is a worthy (man), (so much so indeed) that no one else (is) a better man, and (he is) your friend, and a prodigious talent lurks beneath this uncouth exterior (lit. body). Finally, give yourself a good shaking down, (to see) whether nature, or even a bad habit, has ever sown in you (the seeds) of any vice, for the fern, fit (only) to be burned, appears in the neglected fields.

Let us turn first to those (well-known circumstances) that the disagreeable blemishes of a mistress escape the notice of a blind lover, or these very (things) even delight (him), like the wen in Hagna's (nose pleased) Balbinus. I wish we erred in this way with regard to friendship, and that virtue would give to this kind of weakness some honourable name. For, as a father (does not feel disgust) if there should be some defect in his son, so we ought not to feel disgust (if there should be some weakness) in a friend. A father calls his squinting (boy) pink-eyed and, if any (parent) has (lit. if there is to any [parent]) a son (who is) miserably diminutive (in size), such as the prematurely-born Sisyphus once was, (he calls him) his chicken; this child with knock-knees (lit. with distorted legs) (the father) obscurely calls a Varus, another with club-feet (lit. supported on badly deformed ankles) (he calls) one of the Scauri. (If) this (friend) of yours lives too sparingly, let him be styled (by you as) frugal; (if) that (one) is somewhat tactless and too boastful, he needs to appear entertaining to his friends; but (if) he is too rude and more free (in what he says) than is fitting, let him be regarded (as) forthright and fearless; (if) he is too passionate, let him be classed among (men) of spirit.

In my opinion, this approach both unites friends and preserves (them) in a state of union. We, however, turn upside down (lit. invert) the very virtues themselves, and are desperate to encrust a clean jar. Someone of probity lives among us, a man of very unassuming (character); we give him the nickname of (someone) slow and fat. Another avoids every trap and does not expose an open flank to any evil-doer, since we live our lives among such a race, where keen envy and slander flourish: instead of a very sensible and wary (man), we call (him) crafty and artful. Someone is rather uninhibited - I have often freely presented myself to you, Maecenas, (as) such (a man) - as perhaps to interrupt (someone) reading or (musing) quietly with some kind of chatter: "This troublesome (fellow)," we say, "actually lacks common sense." Alas, how rashly we endorse an unjust law against ourselves. For no one is born without faults; he is the best (man) who is burdened with the least. Let a kind friend, when he balances my good (qualities), as is just, incline, if he wishes to be beloved, to the former (as) the more (numerous), so long as there are more good (qualities) in me: by this principle he will be placed in the same balance. (He) who requires his friend not to be offended by his own boils should forgive that (friend's) warts; it is fair that he who entreats a pardon for his own faults should give (one) back in return.

Finally, since the vice of anger, as well as other (vices) attached to foolish (men), cannot be totally eradicated, why does (human) reason not make use of its own weights and measures, and thus curb offences according to the nature of each particular case (lit. according as each case is)? If any (man) should punish on the cross that slave who, when ordered to take away a dish, should feast on the half-eaten fish and lukewarm sauce, among sane (people) he would be called madder than Labeo. How much more insane and greater than this is your crime! A friend commits a trivial offence,and, if you do not overlook it, you would be regarded (as) unkind; (yet) you loathe (him) heartily, and avoid (him) like someone who owes money to Ruso, who, when the gloomy Kalends comes upon that unfortunate (man), unless he can clear up the interest and the principal somehow or other, (is compelled to) listen to his wretched stories  with his neck stretched like a prisoner of war. Should he, (while) drunk, have wet my couch, or have knocked off the table a small dish worn smooth by the hands of Evander, for this reason or, because in his hunger he has grabbed a chicken that had been placed before me in my part of the dish, shall this friend be less agreeable to me due to this? What would I do, if if he carries out a robbery, or if he betrays (secrets) committed (to him) in confidence or breaks a contract? (Those) who think (lit. to whom it is pleasing) that all offences should be (ranked) almost equal, are troubled when they come to real (life): common sense and (established) customs are against (them), as is expediency itself, the virtual mother of justice and equity.

When, (as) animals, (men) crawled forth from the earth in its early days, the speechless and ugly herd fought for their acorns and lairs with their nails and fists, then with clubs, and so, in turn, with weapons which experience had afterwards forged, until they discovered words, by which they marked their cries and feelings and names (for things); then, they began to avoid (lit. abstain from) war, to build towns and to enact laws, so that no one should be a thief or a brigand or an adulterer. For before Helen's (time), a cunt was the foulest cause of war, but those (men) perished by unknown deaths, and, while they were pursuing uncertain love in the manner of wild beasts, a stronger (rival) (lit. [someone] more elevated in strength), like the bull in a herd, did them to death. If you are willing to unroll the circumstances and annals of world (history), you must (lit. it is necessary to) acknowledge that laws were invented through fear of injustice. Nor can Nature separate what is unjust from what is just, as she distinguishes good (things) from their opposites, (and) what should be avoided from what should be sought, nor will reason convince (us) of this, that (a man) who breaks off the juicy cabbage-stalks from another man's garden, and (one) who makes off at night with the sacred (emblems) of the Gods, sin as greatly and in the same manner. Let there be a (fixed) standard, which imposes proportionate punishments for sins, lest you should pursue with the terrible lash (something which is [only]) worthy of the strap. For I do not fear that you should strike with the cane (someone) who deserves to meet with severer stripes, since you assert pilfering to be a crime equal to highway robbery and threaten that, if men were to entrust the supreme power to you, you would prune off with a similar hook small (offences equally) with great (ones). If (he) who is wise (is) rich, and a good cobbler is alone both handsome and a king, why do crave what you possess? "You do not understand," he says, "what Chrysippus, the father (of your sect) is saying: the wise (man) never made (either) sandals or slippers; nevertheless, the wise (man) is (still) a cobbler." How (can that be)? "In the same way as Hermogenes, although he may be silent, is still a fine singer and musician; in the same way as the subtle Alfenus, after he had thrown away every instrument of his trade and had shut up his shop, was (still) a cobbler. Thus the wise (man) is the best craftsman in every kind of trade, thus (he) alone (is) a king." Cheeky boys will pluck your beard, and, unless you restrain them with your staff, you will be jostled by the mob standing (all) round you, and you, (poor) wretch, may burst (with rage) and bark (at them), (O) greatest of great kings.

Let me not make a long (speech): while you, my king, shall go to the farthing bath (lit. to bathe for a farthing), and no guardsman shall attend you, except the ridiculous Crispinus, my kind friends will both forgive me, if I foolishly make any mistake, and I, in turn, shall readily put up with their faults, and, (though) a commoner, I shall live more happily than you, (who is) a king.


4.  Against his own detractors.  (It would appear that, during the lifetime of Horace, the public were divided in their judgment concerning his Satires - some blaming them as too severe while others thought them weak and trifling. In order to vindicate himself from the charge of undue asperity, Horace shows in a most prepossessing manner that he has been less harsh than many other poets, and pleads, as his excuse foe practising this form of composition at all, the education which he had received from his father, who, when he wished to deter him from any vice, showed its bad consequences in the example of others.)

The poets, Eupolis and Cratinus and Aristophanes and others of those men whose comedy is of the old (school), if anyone deserved to be exposed (lit. marked out), because he was a rascal or a thief, or because (he was) an adulterer or a cut-throat, they branded (him) an infamous (fellow). From this Lucilius derives (lit. hangs) entirely, having imitated them, only changing the feet and rhythms (of their verse), a witty (fellow), with a keen discernment (lit. nose), (but) harsh in the composition of his verses. For in this (respect) he was at fault: as if (it were) a great (feat), he would often dictate two hundred verses in an hour without effort (lit. standing on one foot); when he flowed muddily along, there was always (something) which you would wish to remove; (he was) verbose and unwilling to endure th effort of writing, of writing correctly; for with regard to the quantity (of his works), I do not care about that at all. See, Crispinus offers me long odds (lit. challenges me in the smallest [sum]) - "Take your tablets, if you wish, I shall take (mine);let a place, a time (and) umpires be granted to us; let us see which of us can write the most." The god have done well by me, because they have have fashioned me with a poor and humble mind, which speaks seldom and (then only) a very little; but you (go ahead and) , as you prefer (this), imitate the air in goat-skin bellows,puffing constantly until the fire softens the iron. Fannius (is) a happy (man), his writings (lit. his book-cases) and his bust having been presented (to the Palatine Apollo, i.e. the public library), since no one reads my writings, as I fear to give public recitals, because there are (certain people) whom this kind (of writing. i.e. satire) does not please, as there are very many who deserve to be censured. Pick anyone you like from the midst of the crowd: he labours either on account of avarice or wretched ambition. One is obsessed with the love of married (women), another (with the love) of boys:  a third is captivated by the glitter of silver; Albius is enraptured by bronze. Another exchanges his merchandise from (beneath) the rising sun (i.e. the east), (even) to that (sun) by which the evening quarter is made warm (i.e. the west), nay rather, like the dust gathered by a whirlwind he is borne headlong through (the midst of) dangers, dreading that he should lose any of his capital, or (hoping) that he should increase his profits. They are all afraid of verse, they hate poets. "He has hay on his horn, (i.e. he is a dangerous creature) (they cry), give him a wide berth (lit. avoid [him)] from a long off); if only he can raise a laugh for his own (amusement), he will not spare any friend, and whatever he has once scribbled on his paper, he will be eager that all the boys and old women should know (about it), as they return from the bakehouse and the basin." (But) come on, attend to a few (words) in reply.

In the first place, I shall exclude myself from the number of those whom I allow to be poets: for you would not consider it to be enough to complete a verse, nor, if any (person) writes like me (in a style) rather close to conversation would you consider him to be a poet. You should give the honour of this name (to him) who has (lit. to whom there is) genius, who has (lit. to whom [there is]) an inspired soul and (one which is) noble in respect of the expression of music. For this reason some have asked (whether) comedy is is poetry or not, because an animated spirit and force is neither in the style (lit. words) nor in the subject matter, (and,) except that it differs from prose by a certain fixed measure, it is mere prose. "But an inflamed father rages because his dissolute son, obsessed by his prostitute mistress, refuses a wife with a fat dowry, and, (something) which is a great scandal, he rambles about drunk  with torches before nightfall." But could Pomponius hear any less severe (lit. lighter) (reproofs) in these (matters) if his father were alive? Therefore, it is not sufficient to write verse in plain words, which, if you were to reassemble (it), any father would rage in the same manner as the (one) represented on the stage. If you were to take away from these (verses), which (I am writing) at this present moment (or) which Lucilius wrote formerly, the regular pauses (lit. times) and rhythms (lit. measures), and you were to make that word which was first in order last (by) placing the latter (words) before the earlier (ones), you will not find the limbs of a poet, even if dismembered in the same manner as if you were to release (these lines of Ennius): "when loathsome Discord shattered the iron-bound portals and gates of war".

(I have brought) these (things) thus far: at some other time (I shall discuss whether comedy is genuine poetry or not. Now I shall only ask this (question), whether this kind of writing (i.e. satire) should deservedly be an object of your suspicion. The zealous Sulgius and Caprius prowl around, hoarse in their malignancy and with their indictments, each of them (is) a terror to robbers; but, if a man lives honestly and with clean hands, he may despise (them) both. Although you may be like the highwaymen Caelius and Birrus, I am not (like) Caprius or Sulgius; why should you be afraid of me? No shop or stall keeps my books, over which the hand of the rabble and of Hermogenes Tigellus may sweat, nor do I recite (what I have written) to anyone, except my friends, and (I only do) that (when) pressed, not anywhere or before anyone you like. nor do I recite (what I have written) to anyone except my friends, and (I only do) that (when) pressed, not anywhere or before anyone you like.

There are many who recite their writings in the middle of the forum and (who do it while) bathing: being shut in (on every side), the place echoes with their voice. This pleases empty-headed (people), who do not (stop to) ask whether they do this to no purpose (lit. without sense) or at the wrong time. "(But) you," he says, "delight to to hurt (people), and, (being) wicked, you do this through inclination." From what (source) do you throw this charge upon me? So is anyone of those with whom I have lived its author? (He) who backbites an absent friend, who does not stand up for (him), when another is running (him) down, who keenly seeks the unrestrained laughter of those men (around him) and the reputation of a wit, who can invent (things) which he did not see, (but) who cannot keep secrets quiet: he is a black(-hearted man), beware of him, you Roman. You may often see four (men) dining on three couches, one of whom delights to besprinkle the others with every kind of (witticism), except him who provides the water (for the bath), (and) him too (when he is) drunk, and when truth-telling Liber opens up the secrets of his heart (lit. his concealed heart):this (man) seems affable and humourous and frank to you, (who are) hostile to the malignant: (but) do I, if I have laughed because that absurd Rufillus smells of perfume (and) Gargonius (of) goat, appear to you spiteful and vicious? If any mention is made of the thefts of Petillius Capitolinus, you would defend (him) as is your habit: "Capitolinus has had me as a companion and a friend from boyhood, and, at my request, has done very many favours on my (account), and I am glad that he lives safely in the city; but, nevertheless, I do wonder, by what means he avoided that sentence": this (is) the (very) essence of black malignity (lit. juice of the black cuttlefish), this is pure malignity; I promise that this crime shall be far away from my writings and, before (I turn to write) from my mind, if I can ever sincerely promise anything of myself. If I say anything too freely, if perhaps too jokingly, you will grant me this privilege with your indulgence: my excellent father accustomed me to this (practice), so that, by noting, by means of examples, each particular vice, I might avoid (them) . When he exhorted me to live thriftily, frugally, and content with what (lit. that which) he himself had provided for me: (he would say) "Don't you see how wretchedly the son of Albius lives, and how miserably Baius (lives)? A salutary warning, lest anyone wishes to squander away his patrimony!" When he sought to deter (me) from the shameful love of a prostitute, (he would say): "Don't be like (lit. You should be different from) Scetanus."

(He said) that I should not follow adulteresses, when I could enjoy a permitted love-affair: "Having been caught (in the act), the reputation of Trebonius is not good," he cried. "A philosopher will give you reasons (for what) it is better to avoid and what to pursue; for me it is sufficient, if (I can) preserve the customs handed down from our forefathers, and, while you stand in need of guardians, I can keep your life and reputation safe; as soon as age shall have strengthened your limbs and your mind, you shall swim without cork." So he formed me (when I was) a boy by such words, and whether he ordered me to do anything (in particular) (he would say), "You have an authority for doing this." (Then) he presented to my view one (person) out of those chosen magistrates, or if he forbade (me to do anything), (he would say), "Can you doubt whether this is a wrong and useless (thing) to do, or not, when this (person) and that (one) are the victims of an evil reputation? As the funeral of a neighbour terrifies the sick (who are) greedy (for food), and forces them to spare themselves through fear of death, so other (men's) disgraces often deter tender minds from vice. On account of this. I (am)free from such (things) as bring destruction (in their wake). And even perhaps from the number of these a maturer age, a candid friend (or) my own reflection may largely remove; for neither, when (I am) in bed or the public portico has welcomed me, am I failing myself. "This is a better (way to proceed); (by) doing this, I shall live better; thus I shall appear agreeable to my friends; a certain (person) did not do well. Shall I, imprudently, ever do anything like that? I revolve these (things) with compressed lips; when some leisure is granted (to me), I shall amuse myself with my writings. This is one of those foibles (I have mentioned); to this, if you do not grant (your indulgence), a numerous band of poets shall come, which will be of assistance to me - for we are many (in number), and, like the Jews, we shall force you to submit to this numerous party (of ours).


5.   A journey to Brundisium.  (This little poem contains the account of a journey from Rome to Brundisium, in 38 or 37 B.C., which Horace undertook in the company of Maecenas, Virgil, Plotius and Varius. Though travelling on affairs of state, resembled an excursion of pleasure, rather than a journey involving the dispatch of plenipotentiaries. They stayed at their own villas on the way, swhere they entertained each other in turn, and declined no amusement which they met with on the road. They must, indeed, have proceeded only one or two stages daily, for the distance was about 350 miles; and, according to those critics who have minutely traced their progress, and ascertained their resting places, the journey must have occupied twelve to fifteen days. The poet satirically and comically describes the inconveniences encountered on the road, and all the ludicrous incidents which occurred.)

Having left great Rome, Aricia received me in a middling inn; Heliodorus, the rhetorician, by far the most learned of the Greeks, (was) my companion; from there (we went) to Forum Appi, (which was) crammed with boatmen and surly innkeepers. This (stage of) our route, (though) one for more active travellers than ourselves, we, (being) lazy, divided (into two). Here, on account of the water, which was very bad, I declare war on my stomach (i.e. I ate nothing), waiting impatiently (lit. not with a patient mind) for my companions (while) they dine.

Now night was preparing to draw her shadows upon the earth and to spread constellations over the heavens: then our slaves began to hurl abuse at the boatmen, (and) the boatmen upon our slaves: "Bring (her) over here"; "You are letting in three hundred"; "Whoa! that is enough now."

While the fare is collected, (and) while the mule is being harnessed, a whole hour goes by. The troublesome gnats and the marsh frogs make sleep impossible (lit. avert sleep); a boatman, drenched with plenty of flat wine, sings of his absent mistress, and a traveller tries to vie (with him); at last, the weary traveller begins to fall asleep, and the lazy boatman fastens the halter of the mule, (which has been) turned out to graze, to a stone, and snores, (while) lying on his back. And now the day was at hand, when we see that the boat has made no progress at all, while one (of the travellers), an irritable (fellow), leaps out (of the boat) and wallops the head and the sides of the mule and the boatman with a stick of willow. At last we are set ashore at almost the fourth hour (i.e. ten o'clock). We wash our faces and hands in the water of your (spring), (O) Ferronia. Then, having breakfasted, we  crawl three miles and come up to Anxur, perched on its rocks (which look) white from afar. The excellent Maecenas was due to come here, along with Cocceius, both (being) ambassadors sent on matters of great (importance), having been accustomed to reconciling friends (who had) quarrelled. Here, having sore eyes, I smeared black ointment on my eyes. Meanwhile, Maecenas arrives, and also Cocceius, and likewise Fonteius Capito, a man of the most polished manners (lit. a man made to the nail), (and) an intimate of Antony, no one more so.

Gladly we leave Fundi, (where) Aufidius Luscus (was) praetor, laughing at the insignia of that outrageous official, his (toga) praetexta, his broad-striped (tunic) and his pan of incense. Next, (being) weary, we stop in the city of the Mamurrae (i.e. Formiae), where Murena gives (us) his house and Capito his kitchen.

The next day arises, much the most agreeable (to us all); for Plotius, Varius and Virgil meet (us) at Sinuessa, no souls more sincere than these has the world (ever) produced, nor is there anyone more strongly attached to them than myself. O what embraces and what joys there were! So long as I am in my right mind, I cannot compare anything to a smiling friend. A small house, which (is) next to the Campanian bridge, provided (us) with lodgings, and the official purveyors (with) fuel and salt. From here, the mules laid down their saddle-packs at Capua in good time. Maecenas goes to play (ball), Virgil and I (go) to sleep; for to play ball (is) harmful to sore eyes and dyspeptic (stomachs).

Hence, the most plentiful villa of Cocceius, which overlooks (lit. is [situated] above) the inns of Caudium, receives us. Now, my Muse, I beg (you to) recall in a few (words) the clash between the clown Sarmentus and Messius Cicirrus, and descended from what ancestry (lit. born to which father) each engaged in the conflict.  The Oscans (are) the illustrious stock of Messius; Sarmentus' mistress is still alive: sprung from such ancestors, they came to the combat. Sarmentus (spoke) first: "I declare that you are like a wild horse." We laugh, and Messius, himself, accepts (the challenge), and tosses his head. "O (what) a forehead you would have (lit. there would be to you), if your horn had not been cut off!" he said. "What would you do, since, mutilated (as you are), you threaten us thus?" For an ugly scar had disfigured his hairy brow on the left (side) of his face. After having made numerous jokes about his Campanian disease and about his face, he asked (him) to dance (the part of) the Cyclopean shepherd (i.e. Polyphemus). (He said) that he had (lit. there was to him) no need for a mask or for tragic buskins. Cicirrus (said) many (things in response) to these (questions): he asked whether he had already offered his chain to the household gods in accordance with his vow. Although he was a clerk, his mistress's claim (on him) was no less. Finally, he asked, why had he ever run away, (a man) so meagre and so insignificant, for whom one pound of meal (a day) would be ample. We happily extend that dinner forwards (into the night).

From here we proceed straight to Beneventum, where our bustling host almost burned down (his house), while turning skinny thrushes on the fire. For, when the fire fell through the old kitchen (floor), the flickering flame hastened to lick the top of the roof. Then, you could have seen the hungry guests and the frightened slaves snatch up their dinner, and everyone trying to extinguish (the flames).

From that (point onwards), Apulia displayed to me her familiar mountains, which the Atabulus (wind) (i.e. the Scirocco) scorches, and over which we should never have crawled, if the neighbouring villa of Trivicus had not received (us), (although) not without smoke that brought tears to our eyes, (coming) from a furnace burning green boughs with the leaves (still on them). Here I, utter fool (that I was), wait for a deceitful girl right up to midnight; sleep, however, overtakes (me), (while) thinking about love; then dreams, caused by a dirty vision, stain my night-gown and stomach as I lie on my back.

From here we are whirled along in carriages for twenty-four miles, intending to stop at a little town, which it is not possible to name in verse (i.e. Equotuticum), (but which) is very easily (recognised) by its features: here water is sold, (though) the most vile of (all) commodities, but their bread (is) so exceedingly fine that the prudent traveller is accustomed to carry (it) further (on the journey) upon his shoulders. For (the bread) of Canusium (is) gritty, (though) your pitcher is no better off for water (than it is here). This place was once founded by the valiant Diomedes. Here, a sad Varius departs from his weeping friends.

Thence, we arrived at Rubi, exhausted, because we were travelling on a long journey, and it was rendered worse (than usual) by rain. On the next (day) the weather (was) better, (but) the road as far as the walls of Bari, renowned for its fish, (was) worse (than before). Then, Gnatia, (which had been) built by the angry water-nymphs, gave (us occasion) for laughter and jokes, while it tries to persuade (us) that, at this sacred portal, incense melts without a flame. The Jew Apella may believe (this), not I; for I have learned that the gods pass their time in a carefree (state), and that, if nature performs anything wonderful, the gods have not, in their anxiety (about us), sent it down from their lofty canopy in the sky.


6.  Against snobbery. (In this poem Horace expresses his deep gratitude both to Maecenas, for his patronage to himself, a man of humble origin, and to his father, a freedman, to whom he attributes, in the most sincere and touching manner, the credit for any good qualities he himself may possess. Although he has no ambitions to pursue a political career of his own, he makes clear that he thinks positions of power should be open to all men of ability, not just to those of the upper class. This satire is also valuable for the information it contains about Horace's early education, and the circumstances surrounding the first introduction to Maecenas. He also heralds the virtue and frugality of his own life, and mentions candidly some of his foibles, and describes his table, equipage and amusements. Here very detail is of interest. We behold him, though a courtier, simple in his pleasures, and honest, warm and candid, in his temper and his manners.) 

Maecenas, you do not, as most are wont (to do), regard with a sneer (lit. a curled nose) obscure (people) like me, born to a freedman father, because no one of the Lydians whoever settled in the territories of the Etruscans is nobler than you, nor because you had an ancestor on (both) your mother's and on your father's side who in the past commanded mighty armies. Since you say that it does not matter to what parent any (man) is born, provided that (he is a man) of worth, you rightly persuade yourself of this, that before the sway of (Servius) Tullius, and his ignoble reign many men, sprung from no (long line of) ancestors, both lived the lives (of men) of merit, and were blessed with splendid honours; on the other hand, Laevinus, a descendant of that Valerius, by means of whom Tarquinius Superbus (was) expelled from his kingdom (and) fled into exile, was never rated more highly than the value of a single penny by the verdict of the people, that judge whom you know (so well), (the people) who often foolishly bestow offices on unworthy (candidates) and who are, in their stupidity, lost in admiration amongst inscriptions and busts. What ought we (lit. does it behove us) to do, far, far removed from the masses (as we are)? For suppose (this) (lit. let [this] be [the case]): the people would prefer to entrust office to a Laevinus than to a new (man like) Decius, and a censor (like) Appius would remove (me from the roll of the Senate), if I were not born to a freeborn father: deservedly perhaps, since I was not resting content in my proper sphere (lit. in my own skin). But glory drags the obscure no less than the high-born chained to her gleaming chariot: of what (advantage has it been) to you, Tillius, to resume the the broad-striped (tunic) which you had laid aside and to become a tribune (once more)? Resentment increased, which would have been less (if you had been) a private (citizen). For, when any mad (fellow) has bound the middle of his legs with those black buskins, and has let the broad stripe flow down from his chest, he hears at once: "Who is this man? Whose son is he (lit. To what father [is he] born)?" Just as if someone suffers from the illness that Barrus (does), and wants to be thought handsome, let him go wherever (he wishes), he incites a concern in girls to enquire about particular (personal details), as to what sort of face (and) leg, (and) what sort of feet, teeth and hair he has (lit. there is [to him]). Thus, (he) who promises that the citizen body, the city, the empire, Italy and the temples of the gods will be his charge, forces every mortal to show interest (in him) and to ask whose son he is (lit. to what father is he born), (or) whether (he is) dishonoured by virtue of an unknown mother. "Do you, the son of a Syrus, a Dama or a Dionysius (i.e. a slave), presume to throw (Roman) citizens down from the (Tarpeian) rock or hand (them) over to Cadmus (i.e. the executioner)? "But," (you may say), "Novius sits one row behind me; for he is what my father was." Do you think (lit. Does it seem to you) that you are a Paulus or a Messalla? But, if two hundred waggons and three enormous funerals were to meet together in the forum, he would speak out loudly enough to drown the (sound of) the horns and trumpets: at least this (ability) holds our (attention)."

Now, I revert to myself, the son of a freedman (lit. born to a freedman father), (and) at whom everyone carps as being the son of a freedman (lit. as having been born to a freedman father), (and) now, Maecenas, (they do so) because I am your companion and because once a Roman legion obeyed me when I was its military tribune. The latter (point) is different from the former, in that, although any (person) might perhaps justly envy me this (post of) honour, (he can)not in the same way also (envy me getting) you (as) a friend, especially as you are careful to take up (only persons) worthy (of your friendship), (and those) far removed from any base currying of favour. I cannot say that  I (was) lucky on this account, in that I obtained you (as) a friend by chance. For indeed it was no chance that brought you into my (life): a long time ago, that best (of men), Virgil, (and), after him, Varius, told (you) what (sort of a man) I was. When I came into your presence, speaking a few (words) in a halting voice - for childish shyness prevented (me) from speaking more - I do not tell (you) that I am the son of (lit. I was born to) an illustrious father, I (do) not (tell you) that I rode around the country on my Tarentine horse. You, as is your custom, answer in a few (words); I depart, and you invite (me) back nine months (lit. in the ninth month) afterwards, and bid me be in the ranks (lit. number) of your friends. I consider it a great (thing) that I pleased you, who can distinguish decency from baseness, not by means of a noble father but by a (clean) life-style and a pure heart.

Now, if my character is flawed by a few moderate blemishes but (is) otherwise perfect, just as if you might find fault with some moles scattered over a fine body, if no one can truthfully accuse me of greed or meanness or wicked debauchery, if, although I am praising myself very highly, I live a clean and innocent (life), and I am dear to my friends, the cause of all these (things) was my father, who, (though) a poor (man) on a lean little farm, was unwilling to send me to Flavius' school, to which great boys sprung from great centurions used to go, hanging their satchels and writing-tablets over their left arms, bearing eight bronze asses each on the Ides, but he ventured to take his boy to Rome to be taught the accomplishments which any knight or senator causes their progeny (lit. [those] sprung from themselves) to be taught. If anyone had noticed my dress and the slaves accompanying (me), as (he might have done ) amidst such a large (throng of) people, he would have been thinking that those expenses were supplied to me from some hereditary estate. Why (should I say) much (more)? He kept (me) chaste, which is the first ornament of virtue, not only from every (shameful) deed, but also from (every) shameful allegation, nor was he afraid lest anyone should assign (it) to him (as) a fault, if some day I should follow a humble trade (lit. small rewards) (as) an auctioneer or (as) a tax-collector, as he was himself. Nor should I have complained (if I had). On this (account) praise is now due to him, and a greater gratitude from me. (So long as I am in) my right mind, I cannot be ashamed of (lit. it cannot repent me in respect of) such a father in any way at all, and, for this (reason), I shall not seek to excuse myself in such a manner as when a great number state that it did not happen through any fault of theirs that they do not have freeborn and illustrious parents. My language and sentiments are far different from (those of) such (people). For, if nature ordered (us) to go over past time for a fixed (period of) years and to choose (other) parents to (suit) our pride, each one might choose for himself whatever parents he pleased, (but,) content with mine, I would not wish to take to myself (those who might be) honoured by the rods and (curule) chairs, (being) a madman in the judgment of the people, but in yours, I hope, (a man) of sense, because I should not be willing to bear a troublesome burden (to which I had) never been accustomed. For it would be necessary for me immediately to seek a larger fortune and to greet more (people), and this and that companion must be taken along, so that I could not go out, either into the country or away from home on my own, and more servants and horses must be fed, and carriages must be drawn. Now, if it pleases (me), I can (lit. it is permitted [to me] to) go even as far as Tarentum on my gelded mule, whose flanks my portmanteau might chafe with its weight, as the rider (does) its withers. No one will charge me with such stinginess, as (they do) you, Tillius, when five slaves follow you, a praetor, along the road to Tibur, carrying a cooking-pot and a casket of wine. In this, and in a thousand other (ways), I live more comfortably than you (do), (O) illustrious senator. Wherever I have the fancy (there is the fancy [to me]), I stroll by myself, I ask how much (is the price of) cabbage and bread, and  wander around the tricking circus and the forum frequently in the evening, I stand (listening) among the fortune-tellers, thence I return home (betake myself homewards) to a plate of leaks and lentils and pancakes; my supper is served by three slaves, and a white stone (slab) supports two cups with a ladle, (and) a salt-cellar stands nearby, a cruet with a little bowl, of Campanian ware. Then, I go to sleep, not concerned that tomorrow I must rise in the morning, to meet (the statue of) Marsyas, who says that he cannot bear the face of the younger Novius. I lie (in bed) till (lit. to) the fourth hour (i.e. ten o'clock); after this I go for a walk or, after reading or writing what pleases (me) in my quiet moments, I am anointed with oil, (but) not such as that filthy Natta (uses), when he has robbed the lamps.

But when the warmer sun reminds me, tired (as I am), to go to bathe, I avoid the Campus (Martius) and the (ball) game for three. After lunching, not greedily (but) just enough to prevent (me) from having to endure the day on an empty stomach, I idle around at home. This is the life of those who are freed from wretched and burdensome ambition; in such (circumstances) I reassure myself that I am destined to live more pleasantly than if my grandfather and father and uncle had been a quaestor.


7.  Against the scurrilous and the uncivil. (In this satire a law-suit is featured for the purpose of introducing a somewhat indifferent witticism on the part of one of the litigants. The case was pleaded before Marcus Brutus, one of the principal assassins of Julius Caesar, when he was Governor of Asia in 43 B.C. and making progress through the province for the sake of dispensing justice. The parties being named Persius and Rupilius Rex, the former asked Brutus, during the hearing of the case, why, as it was the practice of his family, to destroy kings, he did not cut the throat of his adversary. At this distance of time, the pun has lost its impact, but the faces and gestures of the parties, and the impudence of addressing this piece of folly to such a man as Brutus may have diverted the audience, and made an impression on Horace, who was perhaps present, as he was at that time following the fortunes of the conspirator.)

In what manner the half-breed Persius took vengeance upon the malice and venom of the outlawed King Rupilius, is, I think, known to all (men) with sore-eyes and barbers. This Persius, a wealthy (man), had a very great business at Clazomenae, and then a troublesome lawsuit with King, a hard (man) and (one) who was able to surpass King in rudeness, confident and blustering, (and) so bitter in his speech that he far excelled men like Sisenna and Barrus (lit. he surpassed the Sisennae and Barri on their white horses).

I revert to King. After nothing is agreed upon between the two (of them) - for all (those) between whom face-to-face war breaks out are by this law as stubborn as (they are) valiant: the feud (lit. wrath) between Hector, the son of Priam and the furious Achilles was so murderous that in the end (only) death could separate (them), for no other reason than that there was the highest (degree of) courage in both (of them); if strife troubles two faint-hearted (men) or if a clash breaks out between (men) of unequal (strength), such as Diomedes and the Lycian Glaucus, the weaker (of the two) should withdraw, sending gifts on a voluntary basis: when Brutus was holding rich Asia as praetor, the pair Rupilius and Persius fight in such a manner as Bacchius was no better matched with Bithus. They rush eagerly into court, each (of them) a fine sight.

Persius sets out his case; he is laughed at by the whole assembly; he praises Brutus, and he praises his retinue, he calls Brutus "the sun of Asia", and he calls his companions "healthy stars", with the exception of King; (he says) that he has come upon (them like) that Dog, the star so hateful to farmers; he rushes on like a wintry torrent (in places) where an axe is seldom wielded.

Then the man from Praeneste, that tough and unconquered vine-dresser, to whom the traveller often has to yield, (after) calling (him) "Cuckoo" in a loud voice, hurls back abuse squeezed from the vineyard (upon him) a she flows along so wittily and copiously.

But the Greek Persius, after he has been drenched in Italian vinegar, exclaims: "By the mighty gods, Brutus, I beg you, who are accustomed to getting rid of kings, why do you not kill this King? Believe me, this is (one) of your tasks."


8.  Against the superstitious and sorceresses. (The purpose of this satire is to ridicule the superstitions of the Romans. Priapus is introduced describing the incantations performed by Canidia, in a garden of the Esquile Hill, which he was protecting from thieves. But he could not guard it from the intrusion of Canidia and a sister hag, who resorted to it for the celebration of their unhallowed rites.) 

Once I was the trunk of a fig-tree, a useless lump of wood (N.B. because of its brittleness), when the carpenter, uncertain whether (to) make a stool (or) a Priapus, preferred that I should be a god. Then I (was) a god, the great terror of thieves and birds; for (the club in) my right hand checked the thieves as did the red stake which stretched from my obscene crotch, and  also the (crown of) reeds fixed on the top (of my head) frightens off the birds, and stops (them) settling in these new gardens. Before this, a slave had deposited into a cheap coffin corpses which had been tossed out of their narrow cells; this stood (as) the common burial-ground of the wretched mob; here a tombstone assigned a thousand feet in breadth (lit. in front, i.e. along the road) and three hundred (feet) in depth (lit. [extending] into the field), (with the added injunction) that this monument (i.e. the land denoted by it) should not go to any heirs. Now it is possible to live on the Esquiline (Hill) and its healthy (surroundings), and to walk on an open terrace, where a short time ago melancholy (passers-by) beheld the ground hideous with whitened bones, although both the thieves and the birds of prey that are accustomed to worry this place are not as great a concern and (source of ) trouble to me as (those hags) who turn men's minds by their incantation and drug potions: these I cannot by any means eradicate, or prevent, as soon as the fleeting moon has brought forward her beautiful face (i.e. when it is full), from gathering bones and harmful herbs.

I, myself, saw Canidia, with her black robe tucked up (lit. tucked up in respect of her black robe), walk with bare feet and dishevelled hair, shrieking together with the elder Sagana: their pallor had rendered both (of them) horrible to behold. They began to scrape away the earth with their nails and to tear a black ewe into pieces with their teeth; the blood (was) poured into a ditch, so that by these means they might entice the shades (of the dead) (as) the ghosts that would give (them) answers. There was also a woollen effigy, and another (one) of wax: the woollen (one) was the larger, in order to keep the smaller in check; the waxen (one) stood in a suppliant posture, seeing that (it was) now expecting to perish like (lit. in the manner of) a slave. One (of the hags) invokes Hecate, the other the savage Tisiphone: (then) you might have seen serpents and infernal bitches wandering about, and the blushing moon, hiding behind the lofty tombstones, lest she serve (as) an eye-witness to these (horrors). But, if I lie in any way, may my head (lit. may I in respect of my head) be defiled with the white droppings of crows, and may Julius and the mincing Pediatia and the thief Voranus come to piss and shit upon me. Why should I recall every single (detail), (that is) in what manner the shades, speaking in turn with Sagana, uttered plaintive and shrill (sounds), and how, in stealth, they buried a wolf's beard, together with a spotted snake, and (how) a great (flame) of fire blazed forth from the waxen image, and (how) I (as) a not (to be) unavenged witness, shuddered at the voices and the actions of these two furies? For, I, (being made of (the wood of) a fig-tree, with my buttocks split asunder, farted as loudly as a burst bladder sounds; but these two (hags) ran into the city. With great laughter and jocularity, you might have seen Canidia's (false) teeth and Sagana's towering wig fall down, as well as the herbs and the enchanted bands from their arms.


9.  Against impudent and useless parasites.  (In this well-known satire, Horace describes the unavailing efforts which he employs to rid himself of the persistent attentions of an importunate bore, who tires and overwhelms him with his loquacity, while he is walking through the centre of Rome. Sometimes he stops short, at other times he walks fast, but all his endeavours to shake off this pest are unavailing. A few of the touches of this finished portrait, which is unsurpassed in terms if its delicacy of colouring and accuracy of delineation, have been taken from the characters of Theophrastus.) 

By chance I was going along the Via Sacra, meditating on some (lit. I know not what) trifling (matters), as is my habit, (and being) totally (absorbed) in them: a certain (person) known to me only by name runs up (to me), and, seizing me by the hand, (says) "How are you doing, my very dearest of fellows?"

"Very well (lit. Pleasantly), at present (lit. as it now is)," say I, "and I wish (you) everything that you desire." When he continued to follow me, I interject, "(There's) nothing you want, is there?

But he says, "(I wish) you would become acquainted with me (lit. get to know me), for I am a man of letters (lit. a learned [man])."

Hereupon I say, "You will be of more (esteem) to me on this (account)." Seeking sadly to get away (from him), at one moment I went more quickly, then I stopped (and) spoke something (lit. I know not what) to my slave, into his ear, while the sweat trickled into my ankles. "O Bolanus, how lucky you (are) with your temper!" said I quietly, while that (man) prattled away, (saying) anything that came into his head (lit. whatever he liked), (and) he praised the streets (and) the city.

When I did not reply to him at all, he said, "You desperately desire to get away (from me): I saw (that) some time ago; but it's no use (lit. you are getting nowhere): I shall stick close (to you); from here I shall follow (you to the place) to which your journey is now (directed)."

"There is absolutely no need for you to be dragged out of your way (lit. dragged around): I want to visit someone who is not known to you; he is (ill) in bed some distance away across the Tiber near Caesar's gardens."

"I have nothing to do, and I am not lazy: I shall follow you right up (to your destination)." I dropped my ears, like a young ass with a surly disposition, when he suffers a heavier load (than usual) on his back. He begins (again): "If I know myself (at all) well, you will not regard Viscus or Varius (as) a friend more (than me); for who can write more verses, or (write them) more quickly, than me? Who can dance (lit move his limbs) more gracefully (than me)? I sing in such a way that even Hermogenes would envy (me)."

Here there was an opportunity of interrupting (him): "Do you have a mother (Is there a mother to you), or any relations, who are interested in your welfare (lit. for whom there is a need for you [to be] safe)?"

" I have no one (lit. There is not anyone to me). I have laid (them) all to rest."

"How lucky (they are)! Now I am left. Finish (me) off! For my dismal fate is at hand, which an old Sabine woman, after shaking her fortune-teller's urn, prophesied (when I was) a boy: 'That (boy) neither cruel poison nor an enemy's sword, nor pleurisy (lit. pain of the lungs) or a cough, nor crippling gout shall carry off: (but) some day or other a babbler shall destroy him: if he is wise, let him avoid talkative (people), as soon he has come of age (lit. his age has increased).' "

When a quarter (lit. a fourth part) of the day had passed, we had come (lit. there was a coming [on our part]) to Vesta's (temple), and, as it happened, he was due to put in an appearance in court for (a man) who had been bound over on bail, (and) unless he did this he would lose his lawsuit. "If you love me," he says, "(support) me a little."

"May I perish, if I have the strength  to stand (throughout the case), or (if) I know the civil laws; and I am hastening (to the place) to which you are aware."

"I am in doubt (as to) what I should do," he says, "whether I should abandon you or the case."

"Me, I beg of you."

"I will not do (it)," he (says), and he begins to go ahead of me. As it is hard to contend with one's conqueror, I follow. "How (does) Maecenas (get on) with you?" At this point he resumes (his prattle).

"(He is a man) of few acquaintances and of a very sound mind."

"No one has made use of fortune more skilfully (than I). You should have a powerful assistant who could undertake secondary (roles), if you were willing to introduce your truly (lit. this man, i.e. himself); may I perish, if you would not have supplanted every (rival)."

"We do not live there in that fashion which you imagine; there is not any house (which is) freer (lit. cleaner) or more  remote from such evils; it does not prejudice me in any way, " I say, "that any particular (person) is richer or more learned (than I am); every single  (person) has (lit. there is to every single [person]) his own place."

"You inflame (me) all the more as to why I should desire to be very close to him."

"You have only to wish (it): your merit (is such) that you will take (him) by storm: and yet he is (someone) who can be won over, and, for that (reason), he keeps initial approaches (to him) difficult."

"I shall not be (found) wanting on my own behalf: I shall bribe his servants with gifts; if today I am excluded, I shall not desist; I shall seek the right moments; I shall meet (him) in the street (lit. at the crossroads, I shall escort (him) home. Life gives nothing to mortals without great labour."

While he blathers on (lit. pushes forth these [words]), behold, Aristius Fuscus meets (us), (a man) very dear to me, and who knew that man very well. We stop.

"Where are you coming from and to where are you going to?" he asks, and replies (to the same question). I begin to pluck (at his cloak), and press his sluggish (lit. very slow) arms with my hand, nodding and winking (lit. distorting my eyes) (at him) in order that he should rescue me. Cruelly arch and laughing, he pretended (not to understand me); bile burned in my liver.

"To be sure, (Fuscus)," (said I), "you said that you wanted to discuss something (lit. I know not what) with me in private."

"I remember (it) well, but I shall speak (with you) at a better time; today (is) the thirtieth sabbath: do you wish to affront the circumcised Jews?

"I have (lit. There are to me) no scruples at all (on that account)," say I.

"But I have (lit. there are to me). I am somewhat weaker (than you), one of the multitude. May you forgive (me); I shall speak (with you) at another time." (To think that this day (lit. sun) should have arisen so unluckily (lit. black) for me! The wicked (rogue) runs off, and leaves me under the knife.

(But,) as luck would have it (lit. by chance), his opponent meets him (lit. comes in his way), and shouts (at him) in a loud voice, "Where are you going to, (you) blackguard (lit. most shameful [man])?", and (to me), "Will you (lit. It is permitted [to you] to) be a witness (to the arrest)? Assuredly, I offer my ear (to him). He hurries (that man) into court; there is a clamour on both sides, (and) a throng on all sides. Thus Apollo saved me.


10.  Against the foolish promoters of Lucilius. (In this piece, which is entirely critical, Horace supports, and, where necessary modifies, an opinion which he had previously pronounced - see Satire I. 4. above - concerning the stylistic shortcomings of Lucilius, which had given offence to the numerous admirers of that ancient satirist.)

To be sure, I did say that Lucilius' verses ran (along) in an irregular metre. Who is so foolish an admirer of Lucilius that he would not confess this? But the same (writer) is applauded in the same piece because he lashed the city with abundant wit. But while I grant (him) this, I will not yet give up the other (considerations), for by so doing I might even (have to) admire the mimes of Laberius as fine poems. So it is not enough to open up your listener's jaw in a grin  - and yet there is a certain kind of merit here also. There is a need for terseness, in order to let the thought run, and not entangle itself with verbiage that overloads the tired ears, and sometimes there is a need for a grave, (or) frequently a playful, style, which now assumes the function of an orator or a poet, (and) at times (that) of a refined (speaker), who spares the strength (of his rhetoric) and purposely weakens it. Ridicule generally decides important matters more effectively and in a better manner than severity (of satire). That strength with which ancient comedy was written depended (lit. stood) upon this (foundation); and in this they are worthy of imitation; (they were writers) whom neither pretty Hermogenes nor that ape,(who is) skilled in nothing except to sing (the compositions of) Calvus and Catullus, have ever read.

"But Lucilius did a great (thing) in that he intermingled Greek with Latin words." O (you) late learners, how can you think (it) difficult and wonderful because Pitholeon of Rhodes happened (to write it)? "But an elegant style in both tongues (is) more pleasant, as if Falernian (wine) is blended with Chian." When you write verses, I ask you this very (question): (do you only do it then) or also when you have (lit. it is necessary for you) to undertake the difficult cause of the accused Petillius? Doubtless forgetful of your country and your father, while Pedius Poplicola and Corvinus sweat through their cases, would you prefer to intermingle words sought from abroad with (those) of your father, in the manner of the two-tongued Canusian? And I, who was born on this side of the sea, when I tried to write some Greek verses, Quirinus, appearing after midnight, when dreams (are) true, forbade me (to do so) in a voice of this kind: "It is not madder for you to carry (logs of) timber into a wood than if you were to make up the mighty ranks of the Greeks."

While the bombastic Alpinus murders Memnon, and while he deforms the head of the Rhine with mud, I play at these competitive emulations which cannot ring out in the temple (of the Muses), with Tarpa as the judge, nor can they be rerun (lit. return) again and again to be watched in theatres. You (O) Fundanius, the one man of those alive, are able to prattle forth delightful tales of how an artful courtesan and Davus cheat on an old Chremes, (and) Pollio sings of the actions of kings in iambic trimeters (lit. with a three foot metre being struck); the spirited Varius marshals manly epics as no one (else can do), and the Muses that delight in rural (scenes) have granted a soft and charming (touch) to Virgil: After the Atacinian Varro, and certain others, had attempted (it) in vain, this was what I was able to write with better (results), (though) inferior to the inventor. Nor would I presume to pull off the (laurel) crown, attached to his head with great applause.

But I did say that he flowed muddily (along), frequently indeed bearing more things which ought to be removed than left. Well now, I pray, do you, a learned (critic), find no fault at all in mighty Homer? Does the courtly Lucilius make no changes to the tragic Accius? Does he not laugh at those lines of Ennius (which are) inferior to the gravity (of the subject), and when he speaks of himself (does he) not (do so) as in a superior (position) to (those) with whom he has found fault? So what stops us, when we read Lucilius' writings from enquiring whether (it is) his (genius) or the difficult nature of his subjects (which) has denied his verses from being more finished and from running more smoothly than if someone (who is) satisfied merely with this, (namely) to confine anything whatever to hexameters (lit. to a six feet metre), should be fond of writing two hundred lines before eating (lit. food) (and) as many after having dined; such was the genius of the Etruscan Cassius, more impetuous than a rapid river, whom, the story goes (lit. is), that he was burned (on the funeral-pyre) with his own book-cases and books. Let it be (granted), I say, that Lucilius (was) a courtly and witty (writer), (and) that he (was) more polished than the author of a crude (kind of) verse untouched by the Greeks, and (more polished) than the crowd of our older poets; but if he had been brought down by fate to this age of ours, he would have reduced his (writings) a great deal, have pruned everything which had been drawn beyond (the limits of) perfection, and, in having to polish his verse, he would often have scratched his head and bitten his finger-nails to the quick.

If you intend to write (things) that are worthy to be read a second time, you must often make corrections (lit. turn your pen), and not trouble (yourself) that the multitude should admire you, (but be) content with a few readers. Would you be so mad as to want your poems to be taught in shabby schools? Not I; for it is enough (for me) that a knight applauds me, as that courageous (actress) Arbuscula said, in contempt of the rest (of the audience), after she had been hissed (off the stage). Should that louse Pantilius (i.e. the Carper) worry me, or should it torment (me) that Demetrius taunts (me) in my absence, or that the foolish Fannius, who sponges on (lit. the guest of) Hermogenes Tigellius, slanders (me)? May Plotius and Varius, Maecenas and Virgil, Valgius and Octavius, approve these (satires), and the excellent Fuscus as well, and would that both of the Visci praise them! Flattery apart (lit. having been banished), I can mention you, Pollio, (and) you, Messalla, together with your brother, and at the same time you, Bibulus and Servius, and along with them, you, (O) candid Furnius, (and) several others, whom, (although) men of letters and my friends, I purposely omit, to (all of) whom I wish that these (satires of mine) should bring pleasure, and I should be mortified if they please (them) less than my expectation. Demetrius and Tigellius, I bid you (go and) moan (elsewhere) among the armchairs of your female pupils. Go, boy, and add these (words) at once to my little production..


APPENDIX A:  FAMOUS QUOTATIONS FROM "SATIRES BOOK I"

1.  Quid rides? Mutato nomine de te /  fabula narratur.  Why do you laugh? Change the name and the story is about you. (1.69-70.)

2.  Est modus in rebus.  There is a measure in things. (1.106.)

3.  Hoc genus omne.  All this tribe. (2.2.)

4.  Dum vitant stulti vitia, in contraria currunt.  While fools shun faults of one kind, they rush into opposite ones. (2.24.)

5. Cur in amicorum vitiis tam cernis acutum?  Why do you see so acutely in relation to the foibles of your friends? (3.26.)

6.  Stans pede in uno.  Without effort (lit. Standing on one foot). (4.10.)

7.  Faenum habet in cornu.  He is dangerous (lit. He has hay on his horn, viz. from the Roman practice of tying hay to the horn of difficult cattle). (4.34.)

8.  Eripias si /  tempora certa modosque, et quod prius ordine verbum est / posterius facias, praepones ultima primis / ...... invenias etiam disiecta membra poetae. If you take away the regular pauses (lit. times) and rhythms (lit. measures) and put the first word last and the last word first (lit. make that word which was first in order last by placing the latter words before the earlier ones) ...... you will find the limbs of a poet, even if they are dismembered. (4.57-59 and 62.)

9.  Ad unguem / factus homo.  A highly accomplished man (lit. a man made to the nail (viz. from the testing of marble work by drawing the finger-nail over it). (5.32-33.)

10.  Credat Iudaeus Apella, / non ego.  Apella the Jew may believe this, not I. (5.100-101.)

11.  Sic me servavit Apollo.  Thus Apollo saved me. (9.78.)


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