INTRODUCTION.
A. Plutarch's life (c. 46-c.120 A.D.)
Plutarch was born in Chaeronea in Boeotia, Central Greece, during the reign of the Emperor Claudius (41-54 A.D.). Although not a great place itself, Chaeronea was the scene of a number of important battles during the classical period, notably the one in 338 B.C., when Philip of Macedon defeated Athens and her allies. It was also close to the great religious centre of Delphi, where Plutarch himself held a priesthood from his middle age onwards. Although he was very attached to his own locality, he travelled throughout Greece and also went to Egypt. In 66 A.D. he was studying in Athens on the occasion of the visit there by the Emperor Nero, and at some stage after that he was made a Roman citizen, under the name of Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus. In the reign of Domitian (81-96 A.D.), he lectured in Rome itself. After that he returned to Chaeronea, which was the location for most of his literary works, which were written during the last two decades of his life, towards the end of which he was honoured by the Emperor Hadrian with a high official appointment in his native Greece.
B. His works.
Plutarch's name is immortalised in his 'Parallel Lives' of Greeks and Romans, in which the life of a famous Greek is followed by that of a famous Roman, and then a comparison between the two. Twenty-three pairs of lives, of which three pairs lack a comparison, and four lives which remain unpaired, survive. Plutarch is not really interested in history as such, that is in the recording of events as accurately as possible and a critique of such matters as the rise and fall of great powers, or the causes of revolutions. Indeed, these are matters which he tends to take for granted as the context within which he is writing. Rather, he concentrates on human character and behaviour, and the influence of these on the lives and destinies of the individuals under consideration. He is also interested in such factors as the consequences of birth and education, and on the drama surrounding an individual's successes or failures, and the opportunities for moral reflection which such events may offer. The rationale for his method is best explained in the opening chapter of his biography of Alexander, with which his life of Caesar is paired:
"In writing the Lives of Alexander the Great and of Caesar the conqueror of Pompeius, which are contained in this book, I have before me such an abundance of materials, that I shall make no other preface than to beg the reader, if he finds any of their famous exploits recorded imperfectly, and with large excisions, not to regard this as a fault. I am writing biography, not history; and often a man's most brilliant actions prove nothing as to his true character, while some trifling incident, some casual remark or jest, will throw more light on what manner of man he was, than the bloodiest battle, the most greatest array of armies, or the most important siege. Therefore, just as portrait painters pay most attention to those peculiarities of the face and eyes, in which the likeness consists, and care but little for the rest of the figure, so it is my duty to dwell upon those actions which reveal the workings of my heroes' minds, and from these to construct the portraits of their respective lives, leaving their battles and their great deeds to be recorded by others." (translated by Aubrey Stewart, 1892.)
As the above extract demonstrates, Plutarch's 'Lives' were written as moral biographies, and they should only be judged in this context. While they are written without bias or deliberate falsification, their historical value depends largely on the particular sources upon which Plutarch was relying at a given moment. Like the Roman historian Tacitus, whom he may perhaps have known, he wrote his histories towards the end of his life, and during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, when some kind of freedom of speech was actually being encouraged.
Apart from his 'Lives', Plutarch's other writings are placed under the general title 'Moralia', or ethical works, and consist of a number of essays on a variety of subjects which reflect his broad philosophical interests.
C. His Life of Caesar.
In his biography of Caesar, Plutarch covers the main events of Caesar's life, but often very briefly. While he clearly relies heavily upon Caesar's own commentaries, and indeed sometimes states this specifically, he adds certain selected anecdotes which he thinks well illustrate the character of his subject. Some of these episodes which come from the period of the Civil War, such as the crossing of the Rubicon, and Caesar's abortive attempt to sail in a boat from Epirus back to Italy to look for reinforcements, were not mentioned in Caesar's writings, which were of course designed to place him and his actions in the best possible light, and this additional material is both valuable and fascinating. The dramatic impact of some of these anecdotes, which are often recounted in considerable detail, are very considerable, and Shakespeare was able to draw heavily upon Plutarch's account of Caesar's death, its prelude and its aftermath, in his play 'Julius Caesar'.
D. Plutarch's language.
Plutarch's prose is relatively straightforward to translate, at least in comparison with Thucydides, although like most classical writers he is inclined to be concise and to leave out words on the basis that they can be understood as obvious or involve unnecessary repetition. However, it is worth remembering that he was writing some four to five hundred years after the classical period of Attic Greek associated with Thucydides, Plato, Xenophon and Demosthenes, and, although cultural imperatives would have required him to write within this tradition, he does employ a number of words, especially verbs, which rarely, if ever, appeared in that period. He also makes considerable use of the 'genitive absolute' construction, particularly at the beginning of sentences, as well as adopting a widespread reliance on 'participles', or 'verbal adjectives', the exact grammatical significance of which it is not always easy to determine.
In his translation below Sabidius has sought to translate Plutarch's Greek in a manner which keeps to the structure of the Greek sentence as closely as possible, even when this sometimes involves sentences of considerable length, although he has made use of both relative and adverbial clauses to render the plethora of Plutarch's participial phrases into accessible English. Sabidius has also highlighted within his own translation main verbs in Plutarch's prose by the use of italic script, and he has underlined the units of words which represent 'genitive absolutes' in the Greek.
The text which Sabidius has utilised for his translation is taken from Bernadotte Perrin's edition of Plutarch's Life of Caesar, Harvard University Press, Heinemann, 1919. Sabidius has also made use of Rex Warner's translation in the Penguin edition, 'The Fall of the Roman Republic: Six Lives', (1958).
(N.B. It is believed by many scholars that the opening chapters of this 'Life', describing the birth and boyhood of Caesar, have been lost.)
A. Plutarch's life (c. 46-c.120 A.D.)
Plutarch was born in Chaeronea in Boeotia, Central Greece, during the reign of the Emperor Claudius (41-54 A.D.). Although not a great place itself, Chaeronea was the scene of a number of important battles during the classical period, notably the one in 338 B.C., when Philip of Macedon defeated Athens and her allies. It was also close to the great religious centre of Delphi, where Plutarch himself held a priesthood from his middle age onwards. Although he was very attached to his own locality, he travelled throughout Greece and also went to Egypt. In 66 A.D. he was studying in Athens on the occasion of the visit there by the Emperor Nero, and at some stage after that he was made a Roman citizen, under the name of Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus. In the reign of Domitian (81-96 A.D.), he lectured in Rome itself. After that he returned to Chaeronea, which was the location for most of his literary works, which were written during the last two decades of his life, towards the end of which he was honoured by the Emperor Hadrian with a high official appointment in his native Greece.
B. His works.
Plutarch's name is immortalised in his 'Parallel Lives' of Greeks and Romans, in which the life of a famous Greek is followed by that of a famous Roman, and then a comparison between the two. Twenty-three pairs of lives, of which three pairs lack a comparison, and four lives which remain unpaired, survive. Plutarch is not really interested in history as such, that is in the recording of events as accurately as possible and a critique of such matters as the rise and fall of great powers, or the causes of revolutions. Indeed, these are matters which he tends to take for granted as the context within which he is writing. Rather, he concentrates on human character and behaviour, and the influence of these on the lives and destinies of the individuals under consideration. He is also interested in such factors as the consequences of birth and education, and on the drama surrounding an individual's successes or failures, and the opportunities for moral reflection which such events may offer. The rationale for his method is best explained in the opening chapter of his biography of Alexander, with which his life of Caesar is paired:
"In writing the Lives of Alexander the Great and of Caesar the conqueror of Pompeius, which are contained in this book, I have before me such an abundance of materials, that I shall make no other preface than to beg the reader, if he finds any of their famous exploits recorded imperfectly, and with large excisions, not to regard this as a fault. I am writing biography, not history; and often a man's most brilliant actions prove nothing as to his true character, while some trifling incident, some casual remark or jest, will throw more light on what manner of man he was, than the bloodiest battle, the most greatest array of armies, or the most important siege. Therefore, just as portrait painters pay most attention to those peculiarities of the face and eyes, in which the likeness consists, and care but little for the rest of the figure, so it is my duty to dwell upon those actions which reveal the workings of my heroes' minds, and from these to construct the portraits of their respective lives, leaving their battles and their great deeds to be recorded by others." (translated by Aubrey Stewart, 1892.)
As the above extract demonstrates, Plutarch's 'Lives' were written as moral biographies, and they should only be judged in this context. While they are written without bias or deliberate falsification, their historical value depends largely on the particular sources upon which Plutarch was relying at a given moment. Like the Roman historian Tacitus, whom he may perhaps have known, he wrote his histories towards the end of his life, and during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian, when some kind of freedom of speech was actually being encouraged.
Apart from his 'Lives', Plutarch's other writings are placed under the general title 'Moralia', or ethical works, and consist of a number of essays on a variety of subjects which reflect his broad philosophical interests.
C. His Life of Caesar.
In his biography of Caesar, Plutarch covers the main events of Caesar's life, but often very briefly. While he clearly relies heavily upon Caesar's own commentaries, and indeed sometimes states this specifically, he adds certain selected anecdotes which he thinks well illustrate the character of his subject. Some of these episodes which come from the period of the Civil War, such as the crossing of the Rubicon, and Caesar's abortive attempt to sail in a boat from Epirus back to Italy to look for reinforcements, were not mentioned in Caesar's writings, which were of course designed to place him and his actions in the best possible light, and this additional material is both valuable and fascinating. The dramatic impact of some of these anecdotes, which are often recounted in considerable detail, are very considerable, and Shakespeare was able to draw heavily upon Plutarch's account of Caesar's death, its prelude and its aftermath, in his play 'Julius Caesar'.
D. Plutarch's language.
Plutarch's prose is relatively straightforward to translate, at least in comparison with Thucydides, although like most classical writers he is inclined to be concise and to leave out words on the basis that they can be understood as obvious or involve unnecessary repetition. However, it is worth remembering that he was writing some four to five hundred years after the classical period of Attic Greek associated with Thucydides, Plato, Xenophon and Demosthenes, and, although cultural imperatives would have required him to write within this tradition, he does employ a number of words, especially verbs, which rarely, if ever, appeared in that period. He also makes considerable use of the 'genitive absolute' construction, particularly at the beginning of sentences, as well as adopting a widespread reliance on 'participles', or 'verbal adjectives', the exact grammatical significance of which it is not always easy to determine.
In his translation below Sabidius has sought to translate Plutarch's Greek in a manner which keeps to the structure of the Greek sentence as closely as possible, even when this sometimes involves sentences of considerable length, although he has made use of both relative and adverbial clauses to render the plethora of Plutarch's participial phrases into accessible English. Sabidius has also highlighted within his own translation main verbs in Plutarch's prose by the use of italic script, and he has underlined the units of words which represent 'genitive absolutes' in the Greek.
The text which Sabidius has utilised for his translation is taken from Bernadotte Perrin's edition of Plutarch's Life of Caesar, Harvard University Press, Heinemann, 1919. Sabidius has also made use of Rex Warner's translation in the Penguin edition, 'The Fall of the Roman Republic: Six Lives', (1958).
(N.B. It is believed by many scholars that the opening chapters of this 'Life', describing the birth and boyhood of Caesar, have been lost.)
PART A. CAESAR'S EARLY LIFE AND POLITICAL CAREER (81-60 B.C.): Chapters 1-12.
Chapter 1. When Sulla was ruling (over Rome), being able neither by inducements nor by intimidation to separate Cornelia, the daughter of the Cinna who had been the sole ruler, from Caesar, he confiscated her dowry. Now, the cause of Caesar's hatred was his relationship to Marius. For the elder Marius was married to Julia, Caesar's father's sister, from whom was born Marius the younger, who was Caesar's cousin. When, having been overlooked by Sulla at the beginning, by reason of the multitude of his murders and on account of the (many) calls on his attention, he was not contented (with this), but came forward before the people as a candidate for the priesthood, (while) being yet scarcely a lad, Sulla, being covertly opposed to (him), arranged for him to fail in this, and, (while) deliberating about putting (him) to death, when some said that there was no point in killing so very young a boy, said that they had no sense if they did not see (that there were) many Mariuses in this boy.
Chapter 1. When Sulla was ruling (over Rome), being able neither by inducements nor by intimidation to separate Cornelia, the daughter of the Cinna who had been the sole ruler, from Caesar, he confiscated her dowry. Now, the cause of Caesar's hatred was his relationship to Marius. For the elder Marius was married to Julia, Caesar's father's sister, from whom was born Marius the younger, who was Caesar's cousin. When, having been overlooked by Sulla at the beginning, by reason of the multitude of his murders and on account of the (many) calls on his attention, he was not contented (with this), but came forward before the people as a candidate for the priesthood, (while) being yet scarcely a lad, Sulla, being covertly opposed to (him), arranged for him to fail in this, and, (while) deliberating about putting (him) to death, when some said that there was no point in killing so very young a boy, said that they had no sense if they did not see (that there were) many Mariuses in this boy.
When this speech had been reported to Caesar, he hid himself in (the land of) the Sabines, wandering about for some long time, then, (while) transporting (himself) by night to another abode, he fell into the hands of some soldiers of Sulla, (who were) scouring these districts and gathering up those lying hidden there. Having persuaded their leader Cornelius with (a bribe of) two talents, he was freed and, going down immediately to the sea, he sailed off to King Nicomedes in Bithynia, (and,) having tarried with him for a little time (lit. for not much time), he was captured, (as he was) sailing back, near the island of Pharmacusa by some pirates, who were even then controlling the sea with their large fleets and their innumerable skiffs.
Chapter 2. So firstly, having been asked by them for a ransom of twenty talents, he laughed (at them) for not knowing whom they had captured, and agreed that he would give (them) fifty of his own accord, then, having sent his followers (lit. those around him) to various cities for the raising of the money, (and), having been left with one friend and two attendants among the most murderous Cilician men, he treated (them) so contemptuously, that, sending (messages to them), whenever he was trying to sleep, he gave orders to them to keep silent. Then for thirty-eight (lit. forty lacking two) days, as though he were not being watched (by them) but was being attended by them as a body-guard, he played and trained together (with them) with great unconcern. Also writing poems and speeches, he read some of these to them as listeners, and he called those barbarians not admiring (these) illiterates and barbarians to their faces, and with laughter often threatened to hang them. Now they were delighted (by this), attributing this freedom of speech to a certain simplicity and boyishness. But when the ransom-money came from Miletus, and, having paid (it), he was set free, immediately manning some ships, he put to sea from the harbour of Miletus against the pirates, and, catching (them) still lying at anchor off the island, he seized most of them and made their property his booty and, putting the men into prison in Pergamum, he himself went to Junius, who was governing Asia, (thinking) that it was a matter for him, being the praetor, to punish the captives. But, when he cast longing eyes on the money, for it was no small (sum), and kept on saying that he would consider the case of the prisoners at his leisure, Caesar went to Pergamum and, taking the pirates out (of prison), he crucified (them) all, just as he had often said he would do, (when he was) on the island, (while) appearing to be in jest.
Chapter 3. After this, as Sulla's power was on the wane, and as those at home were calling him (to return), he sailed to Rhodes for the purpose of studying under Apollonius, the (son) of Molon, to whom Cicero also hearkened, (being a man) who gave remarkable lectures and who was also held to be decent in his way of life, and Caesar is said too to have produced the best (performances) with regard to political speeches, and to have cultivated this inborn ability most assiduously, so that he indisputably occupied the second (rank in this field) but let the first (rank) pass, as he was rather occupied (in being) first in power and arms, (thus) not attaining the effectiveness in speaking to which nature directed (him) by reason of his campaigns and political activity, through which he gained the supreme authority. And so, at a later time, in his reply to Cicero about Cato he begged that the speech of military man should not be measured against the accomplishment of a clever orator, who also brought plenty of leisure to this (gift).
Chapter 4. Returning to Rome, he prosecuted Dolabella for the maladministration of his province, and many of the cities of Greece gave evidence for him; Dolabella escaped justice, but Caesar, repaying Greece for its support, acted as its advocate in prosecuting Publius Antonius for corruption before Marcus Lucullus, the praetor of Macedonia, and he was so effective that Antonius appealed to the tribunes, alleging that he was not having a fair trial in Greece against Greeks.
In Rome, moreover, much favour shone on him for his eloquence with regard to his advocacy, and much good-will also came upon (him) from the people for his friendly dealings (with them) with regard to his salutations, as he was courteous beyond his years. He also had (lit. There was to him also) a kind of gradually increasing influence in political affairs, in consequence of his dinner-parties and hospitality and the splendour surrounding his whole lifestyle. His enemies, at first thinking that this (influence) would quickly fade when his financial resources dried up, watched (it) blossom among the common people; but, later on, when it had become great and hard to subvert, and as he was heading straight towards a total revolution (of the state), they perceived that no beginning of anything should be considered a small (matter) which a perpetual state will not quickly make important, if it acquired its lack of being checked from its being considered insignificant. At any rate, Cicero, the first man to have viewed him with suspicion and to have feared for the republic, like (one fears) the smiling (surface) of the sea, and who observed the sternness of character concealed beneath his kind and affable (exterior), said that he detected a tyrannical purpose in all the rest of his schemes and political actions, "But," he said, "whenever I see his hair so carefully arranged (and) him adjusting (it) with a single finger, it does not seem to me that such a man would ever conceive (lit. put into his mind) so great a crime (as) the overthrow of the Roman state." This then (belongs) to a later (period).
Chapter 5. He received the first proof of the people's good-will towards him, when, competing against Gaius Popilius for a military tribuneship, he was proclaimed ahead (of him), and (he received) a second and more conspicuous (proof), when, being the nephew of Julia, the deceased wife of Marius, he delivered a magnificent encomium of her in the forum, and, with regard to the funeral procession, he ventured to bring out the images of Marius, these being seen for the first time since the republic (came) into Sulla's hands, his followers having been branded as public enemies. When some cried out against Caesar for this reason, the people shouted (them) down decisively, welcoming him with applause for bringing back to the city the honours of Marius, as though from Hades, after such a long time.
Now it was the custom among the Romans to recite funeral orations over elderly women but, although this was not in vogue for young women, Caesar was the first to speak (thus) over his deceased wife; and this brought him considerable favour, and he captivated the multitude by his grief, so that they loved (him) as a man (who was) gentle and full of feeling.
Having buried his wife, he went out to Spain (as) quaestor to Vetus, one of the praetors, a man whom he always continued to honour and whose son he, in turn, made his quaestor when he himself was governing. When he had served in this office, he married Pompeia (as) his third wife, having a daughter by Cornelia who was afterwards married to Pompey the Great.
Now it was the custom among the Romans to recite funeral orations over elderly women but, although this was not in vogue for young women, Caesar was the first to speak (thus) over his deceased wife; and this brought him considerable favour, and he captivated the multitude by his grief, so that they loved (him) as a man (who was) gentle and full of feeling.
Having buried his wife, he went out to Spain (as) quaestor to Vetus, one of the praetors, a man whom he always continued to honour and whose son he, in turn, made his quaestor when he himself was governing. When he had served in this office, he married Pompeia (as) his third wife, having a daughter by Cornelia who was afterwards married to Pompey the Great.
Employing outlays of money unsparingly and appearing to exchange a transient and short-lived fame for a very great expense, but in truth purchasing the greatest things at a small (price), he is said (to have been) a debtor to the extent of one thousand and three hundred talents, and, after this, having been appointed curator of the Appian Way, he lavished very great sums of money (on it) from his own (resources), and then, when he was aedile, he provided three hundred and twenty pairs of gladiators, and, with his other expenditures and extravagances on theatrical shows and processions and (public) dinners, he washed away the ambitious efforts (of those who had come) before him, so that he disposed the people, each and every one of them, to seek new offices and fresh honours with which to repay him.
Chapter 6. There being two factions in the city, that of Sulla, which was very powerful, and that of Marius, which, at that time faring in an altogether low state, was cowed and scattered, he (i.e. Caesar), wanting to strengthen the latter and attach (it) to himself, during the ostentatious displays of his aedileship, which were at their height, had images of Marius and trophy-bearing Victory figures secretly made, which, having brought (them) to the Capitol by night, he set up (there). At daybreak, amazement at the daring of the man putting (them) up took hold of those beholding all these (figures) gleaming with gold and rendered with exquisite craftsmanship, and (Marius') successes over the Cimbri were clearly manifested by inscriptions - for it was not unclear (who had done it) - and word (of this) quickly spreading abroad brought all the people to this sight. But some cried out that Caesar, (by) re-establishing honours which had been buried by laws and decrees, was aiming at a tyranny, and that he was attempting this by means of the people, whom he had softened up beforehand (to see) whether they had been (sufficiently) tamed by him through his ostentatious displays to allow (him) both to amuse himself with such things and to make innovations. The followers of Marius, however, encouraging themselves, suddenly appeared in such amazing numbers, and filled the Capitol with their applause, and to the many gazing at the features of Marius tears came through joy, and Caesar was highly extolled with praises as being the man worthy above of all (others) of his kinship to Marius, but, when the Senate was convened to discuss these matters, Lutatius Catulus, a man of especially good repute among the Romans at that time, arising and denouncing Caesar, uttered this memorable (statement): "No longer by mining underground, but now, Caesar, by engines of war, you are capturing the republic." But, when Caesar, defending himself against this (charge), convinced the Senate, those admiring him were still more elated, and encouraged him not to lower his pretensions for anyone, for with the people being willing, (they said) he would surpass everyone and hold the first place (in the state).
Chapter 7. At this time, the chief priest Metellus having died, and with Isauricus and Catulus, most illustrious men and very influential in the Senate, being candidates for the priesthood, which was much desired, Caesar did not give way to them, but, going to the people, he put himself forward as a candidate. When the regard (of the electors) appeared about equal, Catulus, dreading the uncertainty the more, through being the more worthy (of the candidates), sent (messages) trying to persuade Caesar to withdraw from his ambitious design by (offering him) large sums of money. But he said that he would borrow (money) to keep in the contest.
When the day of the election arrived, and, as his mother was accompanying him to the door not without tears, he said to her, "Mother, today you will see your son either the chief priest or an exile, but when the vote was taken and the contest occurred, he prevailed, and caused the Senate and the nobles the fear that he would lead the people to every kind of recklessness. Therefore the associates of (lit. those around) Piso and Catulus found fault with Cicero for having spared Caesar in the affair concerning Catiline, when he gave (his enemies) a hold (over him). For Catiline, having planned not only to subvert the constitution but also to destroy the whole government and to throw all matters into confusion, was himself expelled (from the city) because he had stumbled into lesser investigations before his ultimate plans had been uncovered, but he left Lentulus and Cethegus behind him in the city (as) his successors in the conspiracy; whether Caesar gave any encouragement and assistance to these men is uncertain, but, after they had been overwhelmingly condemned in the Senate, and, when the consul Cicero had asked each (senator) for his opinion concerning their punishment, (all) the others down to Caesar urged that they be put to death, but Caesar, having stood up, delivered a speech which expressed concern that to put men of high rank and a brilliant lineage to death without trial did not seem (to him) in line with tradition or just, except in the case of extreme necessity, but, if, after they had been confined, they were kept under guard in the cities of Italy, which Cicero himself might select, until such time as Catiline was overcome, afterwards and and at their leisure the Senate should be allowed (lit. it should be permitted to the Senate) to decide upon what should be done with regard to each of them.
Chapter 8. As this opinion seemed so humane and because his speech in support of it had been (so) powerfully delivered, not only those who got up (to speak) after him, but also many of those who had spoken before him changed the opinions which they had expressed to his one, until the issue came round to Cato and Catulus, and, as they vigorously opposed (it) and as at the same time Cato even raised suspicion against him on account of his speech and violently attacked him, the men were handed over to be put to death, and many of the young men who were guarding Cicero at that time, running together, offered their drawn swords to Caesar as he was leaving the Senate. But Curio, throwing his toga around (him), is said to have drawn (him) out of danger, and Cicero himself, when the young men looked to him (for a sign), shook his head, (either) because he feared the people, or because he thought that the murder would be wholly unjust and outside the law. Now, if this is true, I do not understand why Cicero did not write about this in his (book) about his consulship, but he later got the blame for not having made use of the opportunity for getting rid of Caesar then, but shrinking from the people who were excessively attached to Caesar; and in fact when he came to the Senate after a few days and spoke in his defence concerning (the things) about which he was under suspicion and he had met with hostile noises, when the mob realised that the time during which the Senate had been sitting (was) beyond what was customary, they came up with shouts and surrounded the Senate-house, crying out for the man and demanding that he should be let go. For this reason too, Cato especially fearing a revolutionary uprising of the poor, who, fixing their hopes upon Caesar, were kindling fire among all, persuaded the Senate to distribute a monthly grain-ration to them, as a result of which expenditure seven million five hundred (lit. seven hundred and fifty myriads of) drachmas were added to the other expenses of the state. However, this measure manifestly extinguished the great fear at the time , and broke and scattered the greatest (part) of Caesar's power at the critical moment when he was about to become praetor and to be more formidable on account of this office.
Chapter 9. Indeed, nothing disturbing happened during his (period of office), but some unfavourable incident did affect Caesar with regard to his household. Publius Clodius was a man patrician by birth and conspicuous due to his wealth and eloquence, but in his insolence and audaciousness second to no one of those (who were) notorious for their evil-living. This man was in love with Pompeia, the wife of Caesar, and she was not unwilling, but the night-guarding of the women's quarters was strict, and Aurelia, the mother of Caesar (and) a wise woman, who was looking after the young woman, made a meeting always difficult and full of risk for them. Now, the Romans have (lit. there is to the Romans) a goddess, whom they call the Good (Goddess), just as the Greeks (have) the Woman's (Goddess). The Phrygians also, claiming (her) as their own, say that that she was the mother of King Midas, and the Romans (say that she was) a Dryad nymph (who was) wedded to Faunus, and the Greeks (that she was) the unnameable one of the mothers of Dionysus. For this reason those women celebrating her festival cover their tents with vine branches, and a sacred serpent is set beside the goddess in accordance with the myth. (It is) not lawful for a man to attend, nor to be in the house when the sacred (ceremonies) are being celebrated, but these women are said to perform by themselves many (rites) connected to the Orphics during the the sacred service. So, whenever the time for the festival comes round, (it being held at the house) of a consular or praetorian man, he gets out of the way himself, and every male (with him), then his wife, taking control of the house, arranges (everything), and the most important (ceremonies) are performed at night, with games being mixed up together during the night-long celebrations, and with much musical activity taking place at the same time.
Chapter 10. On this occasion, as Pompeia was celebrating the festival, Clodius, not yet bearded, and on account of this thinking that he would escape notice, assuming the attire of a lute-girl, came (to the house) as it seemed with the appearance of a young woman. Meeting with open doors, he was safely let in by a maidservant who was aware (of the secret), but, when she ran on ahead to inform Pompeia, and after some time had passed, with Clodius not being patient (enough) to remain where he had been left, and roaming about in the large house and avoiding the lights falling upon (him), an attendant of Aurelia called upon (him) to play (with her as one) woman with (another) woman. And, when he was not willing (to do so), she dragged (him) into the midst (of everyone) and asked (him) who he was and where he came from. When Clodius said he was waiting for Pompeia's (maid) Abra - this (was) the very (name) by which she was called - and as he had become conspicuous through his voice, the attendant immediately leapt away from (him) with a scream towards the lights and the throng, crying out that she had caught a man, and, as the women were startled, Aurelia put a stop to the sacred rites of the Goddess and covered up (the emblems), and then, ordering the doors to be closed, she went about the house with torches searching for Clodius. He was found seeking refuge in the room of the young girl through whom he had entered, and, having become visible, he was driven out of doors by the women, and the women, going home at once, told their husbands about (what had happened), and in the day word spread through the city that Clodius had committed a crime and that satisfaction was owing not only to those (who had been) affronted, but also to the city and the gods. And so one of the tribunes indicted Clodius for sacrilege, and the most influential men of the Senate combined against him, bearing witness to his other shocking abominations and to his adultery with his sister, who had been married to Lucullus. But against the eager efforts of these men, the people, having set themselves against (them), supported Clodius and were a great help with regard to the jurors, who were panic-stricken and afraid of the mob. Caesar divorced Pompeia at once, but, when he was called (as) a witness at the trial, he said that he knew nothing about the charges against Clodius. When, as his statement appeared incredible, the prosecutor asked (him), "Why then did you divorce your wife?" he said, "Because I considered that my (wife) should not even be under suspicion." Some say that Caesar said these things as he was thinking in this way, but others that he was showing favour to the people (who were) eager to save Clodius. And so he escaped the charge, as the majority of jurors gave in their verdicts in illegible writing, in order that they might neither risk their lives in relation to the people (by) condemning (him) nor be held in disrepute among the nobility (by) acquitting him
Chapter 11. Immediately after his praetorship, Caesar, having received Spain as his province, as it was very hard for him, as he was leaving (the city), to settle matters concerning the money-lenders (who were) harassing (him) and causing a commotion, had recourse to Crassus, who was the richest man among the Romans, and who was in need of Caesar's acuteness and energy for his political campaign against Pompey, and, when Crassus had met the demands of the most difficult and inexorable of his creditors and had given his surety for eight hundred talents, he thus left for his province. It is said that, as he was crossing the Alps and passing by some barbarian village inhabited by very few men and poor to look at, his companions said together both with laughter and playfulness, "Presumably there are here some rivalries over offices and conflicts about primacy and jealousies amongst the powerful towards each other, (are there not)?" and that then Caesar said to them most earnestly, "I would wish to be first among them rather than second among Romans." Similarly (it is said) again that in Spain, when (he) was at his leisure, reading some (part) of the histories of Alexander, he had become completely (lost) in his own (thoughts) for a long time and then burst into tears: as his friends were wondering at the reason (for this), he said "Does it not seem to you to be worthy of grief that, if Alexander being at the same age (as me) was already ruling over so many people, nothing remarkable has yet been achieved by me?"
Chapter 12. At any rate, when he reached Spain, he was active at once, such that within a few days he raised ten cohorts in addition to the twenty which were (there) beforehand, and, advancing against the Calaici and the Lusitani, he conquered (them) and went on as far as the outer sea, subduing the tribes which had not been previously obedient to the Romans. Having settled the affairs of war successfully, he managed the affairs of peace just as well (lit. no worse), establishing concord between the cities, and in particular healing the dissensions between debtors and creditors. For he ordered that the creditor should receive two thirds of the incomes of his debtors each year and the owner (of the property) should have use of the rest, and so on until the loan should be discharged. Highly regarded for these reasons, he retired from the province, having become wealthy himself, and having enriched his soldiers as a result of their campaigns, and having been saluted as 'imperator' by them.
PART B. THE FORMING OF THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE AND CAESAR'S FIRST CONSULSHIP (60-59 B.C.): Chapters 13-14.
Chapter 13. Now since it was necessary for those suing for a triumph to while away the time outside (the city) and those canvassing for the consulship to do (so while) being present in the city, as he was in such a conflict of laws and as he had arrived (home) at the time of the consular elections themselves, he sent (a message) to the Senate, requesting that he should be allowed (lit. it should be permitted to him while) being outside (the city) to put forward his candidature for the consulship through the agency of his friends. But, as Cato at first insisted upon the law (being applied) in opposition to Caesar's request, then, when he saw that many (senators) had been won over by Caesar's attentions, put the matter off by (wasting) time and exhausted the day in speaking, Caesar decided that, (by) forgoing his triumph, he would try for the consulship. So, coming forward, he immediately adopted a policy which somehow deceived everyone except Cato, and this was the reconciliation of Pompey and Crassus, the most powerful men in the city, whom Caesar (by) bringing (them) together into friendship from their quarrel, and (by) concentrating the strength of both (of them) upon himself, by an act which enabled a friendly greeting, escaped (people's) notice, (while) changing the constitution. For (it was) not, as most men supposed, the quarrel between Caesar and Pompey (which) brought on the civil wars, but rather their friendship, with (them) contriving in the first place the destruction of the aristocracy, and (only) then quarrelling thus between themselves. And with Cato, who was often foretelling what was to come, it came about that he got the reputation at that time of a peevish interfering man, but afterwards of a wise but unlucky counsellor.
Chapter 14. Nevertheless Caesar, protected in the midst of the friendship of Crassus and Pompey pressed on towards the consulship; and, after he had been triumphantly elected along with Calpurnius Bibulus, and had entered into this office, he immediately proposed measures appropriate not to a consul but to some most radical tribune, introducing, with a view to the gratification of the multitude, certain allotments and distributions of land. When the great and the good (elements) in the Senate opposed (these measures), (as he had been) standing in need of a pretext for a long time, crying out and bearing witness that he had been driven to the (assembly of the) people against his will, and that he would be paying court (to it) out of necessity due to the arrogance and obstinacy of the Senate, he hastened before it, and, stationing Crassus on one side (of him) and Pompey on the other, he asked whether they approved his laws. Then, when they declared that they did approve (them), he urged (them) to assist (him) against those who had threatened to resist (him) with swords. They promised (to do so), and Pompey even added that he would come against swords with swords, bringing a buckler (with him) too, and for this reason he distressed the nobles who had heard this remark, (which was) not worthy of their regard for him nor appropriate to the respect due to the Senate, but manic and juvenile, but the people were delighted (by it).
Then Caesar, trying to avail himself of the power of Pompey still more, for he had (lit. there was to him) a daughter (who had been) betrothed to Servilius Caepio, but he betrothed her to Pompey and said that he would give the (daughter) of Pompey to Servilius, although she was not unbetrothed but had been promised to Faustus, the son of Sulla. Then, shortly afterwards Caesar married Calpurnia, daughter of Piso, and he got Piso elected to the forthcoming consulship, although here too Cato protested vehemently and exclaimed that it was intolerable that the chief magistracy was being prostituted and that (men) were introducing one another into provinces and military commands by means of women.
And so, Caesar's colleague, Bibulus, since he was accomplishing nothing (by) obstructing his laws, but often ran the risk, (together) with Cato, of being killed in the forum, completed his term of office having shut himself up in his house. But Pompey, having got married, immediately filled the forum with armed men, and joined in ratifying these laws with the people, giving to Caesar the whole of Gaul, this side of the Alps and beyond, together with Illyricum and four legions for five years. Caesar led off to prison Cato, who had tried to speak against these (measures), supposing that he would appeal to the tribunes; but, when he walked off without speaking, Caesar, seeing that not only the most influential men were displeased but also that the populace, out of respect for Cato's virtue, were following (him) in silence and with downcast (looks), secretly begged one of the tribunes himself to get Cato released.
Only a very few of the other senators used to go to the Senate with him, and the rest, being displeased, were not to be seen. When a certain Considius, one of the very old (senators) told (him) that they were not coming to meetings because they were afraid of the weapons and the soldiers, Caesar said, "Why then do you not stay at home too in fear of these things?" Then Considius said, "Because my old age makes me fearless; for, as the life which is still left to me is short, it does not require much consideration."
But it was thought that the most disgraceful of the public actions at that time (was) to elect as tribune, during the consulship of Caesar, that Clodius, by whom the (law) concerning his marriage and the forbidden all-night vigils had been broken. He was elected, however, for the removal of Cicero. But Caesar did not go forth on his campaign until he had formed a faction, together with Clodius, against Cicero, and had assisted in casting (him) out of Italy.
PART C. THE GALLIC WAR (58-51 B.C): Chapters 15-27.
Chapter 15. Such, then, are said to be the (events of his life) prior to his Gallic campaigns. But the period of the wars which he fought after this, and of the campaigns by which he subjugated Gaul, as though he had made another beginning and had entered into some different way of life and (one) of fresh circumstances, showed him not to be inferior (as) a soldier and (as) a commander to any of those who have been most admired for their leadership and who have proved themselves the greatest (in these respects). But, if one compares (him) with men such as Fabius and Scipio and Metellus, and (with) the men of his own time or a little before him, (like) Sulla and Marius and both Luculli, or even Pompey himself, whose fame for every kind of excellence concerning war was then in full bloom right up to the sky, the achievements of Caesar surpass (them all), one in the difficulty of the places in which he fought, another in the extent of the country which he acquired, another in the numbers and strength of the enemies whom he defeated, another in the savage and treacherous (dispositions) of the enemies whom he won over, another in his reasonableness and mildness towards those whom he had captured, another in his gifts and favours towards those who served alongside (him), and, above all, in the fact that he fought the most battles and killed the greatest number of adversaries. For, although he waged war in Gaul for not even ten years, he took by storm more than eight hundred cities, subdued three hundred tribes, and, (while) successively meeting in pitched battle three million (lit. three hundred myriads of) men, he killed a million (lit. a hundred [myriads]) in hand-to-hand fighting, and took as many others captive.
Chapter 16. The zeal of his soldiers expressed itself in such good-will with regard to himself that those who had in no way surpassed others in their earlier campaigns became invincible and irresistible in the face of every danger on behalf of Caesar's reputation. For instance, such a man was Acilius, who in the naval battle off Massilia, had his right hand cut off with a sword after he had boarded an enemy vessel, but did not give up the shield (held) by his left hand, but, dashing (it) into the faces of his foes, forced (them) all back and took possession of the ship; then there (was) Cassius Scaeva, who in the battle at Dyrrachium, having had his eye struck by an arrow, and his shoulder having been pierced by one javelin and his thigh by another (one), and, having received on his shield a hundred and thirty strikes by a javelin, called the enemy to him as though he was about to surrender. Then, when two (of them) came up, he lopped off the shoulder of one with his sword, and, smiting the other in the face, he forced (him) back, and got way safely himself, with the support of his companions. And again, in Britain, when the enemy had set upon his foremost centurions, who had fallen into a place (which was) marshy and full of water, a soldier, when Caesar himself was observing the battle, thrusting himself into the midst (of the fighting) and displaying many conspicuous deeds of daring, rescued the centurions, after the barbarians had been routed, then he himself, making his way back with difficulty after all (the others), threw himself into the marshy stream, and, without his shield, sometimes swimming, and sometimes wading, just got across. Although those around Caesar came to meet (him) with cries of joy, he himself fell at the feet of Caesar, very greatly downcast and with tears in his eyes, begging his pardon for having let go of his shield. And again, in Libya, the comrades of Scipio having captured a ship of Caesar's, in which Granius Petro, who had been appointed quaestor, made the other soldiers into booty, but told the quaestor that they would spare his life, but he, however, saying that with Caesar's soldiers it was the custom, not to receive, but to give mercy, took his own life, (by) stabbing himself with his sword.
Chapter 17. Such ambitions and passions for distinction Caesar himself cultivated and nurtured, in the first place (by) making it clear, through his unstinting distribution of honours, that he was not amassing wealth from the wars for his own luxury or for any self-indulgence, but that he was setting this aside as common prizes treasured by him for valour, and that he was offering as much of the wealth to the deserving among his soldiers as he was keeping for himself; and, in the second place by willingly undergoing every danger and not refusing any forms of hard work. (His men) were not surprised at his love of danger on account of his love of honour, but his acceptance of toils beyond his body's apparent power of endurance did astound (them), because he was slight in respect of his physical stature, white and soft in respect of his skin, and ailing in respect of his head and subject to epileptic fits, this malady first attacking him in Corduba, it is said; (yet) he did not make this weakness an excuse for easy living, but (made) his military service a cure for his poor health, fighting off his illness and keeping his body tough by wearisome journeys, a simple diet, camping continuously in the open air and enduring hardship. In fact, he got most of his sleep in carriages or litters, (while) devoting his rest-time to business, and in the day-time he was conveyed to fortresses, cities and fortified camps, with one slave, who had been trained to write at the same time as travelling, sitting beside him, and with one soldier standing at his back holding a sword, and he drove so intensely that, (while) making his first journey from Rome he reached the Rhone in seven days (lit. on the eighth day).
It had been easy for him to ride from boyhood, for he had been accustomed, (while) placing his hands behind his back and keeping them clasped (there), to ride his horse at full gallop. And in that campaign he trained (himself) to dictate letters on horseback, and to keep two scribes busy at the same time, or, as Oppius says, even more (than that), and it is said, moreover, that Caesar was the first to arrange to converse with his friends by means of letters, as he was unable to wait for face-to-face meetings in relation to matters where he was pressed for time, on account of the number of his engagements and the size of the city. They consider the proof of his indifference to his diet (to be) as follows, that, when his host Valerius Leo, (who was) entertaining him to dinner at Milan, served asparagus dressed with myrrh instead of olive-oil, he ate (it) quite calmly himself, and rebuked his friends, when they were unable to endure (it). "Surely," he said, "it was enough not to partake of things which were disagreeable, but the man finding fault with such boorishness is boorish himself. Once, too, on a journey, having been forced by a storm into a poor man's hut, when he found nothing more than one room (which was) scarcely able to accommodate one man, saying to his friends that it was necessary for the honours to go to the strongest but for necessities (to go) to the weakest, he told Oppius to stop there; and he himself together with the others lay down to sleep under the projecting roof of the doorway.
Chapter 18. The first of his wars among the Gauls was arranged against the Helvetii and the Tigurini, who, having destroyed their twelve cities and four hundred villages, were advancing forwards through (that part) of Gaul (which was) under the Romans, just like the Cimbri and the Teutones (had done) in the past, and being thought to be in no way inferior to them in bravery and equal (to them) in number, as they were three hundred thousand (lit. thirty myriads) in all and one hundred and ninety thousand (lit. twenty myriads less one) (were) fighting men. Of these he did not crush the Tigurini himself, but Labienus, who had been sent by him, (did) at the River Arar, but, when the Helvetii attacked him unexpectedly on the march, as he was leading his army towards some friendly city, he first took refuge in a strong position, and, gathering his forces together there, and drawing (them) up in order of order of battle, when a horse was brought to him, he said, "When I am victorious, I shall use this horse for the pursuit, but let us now go against the enemy," and, having encouraged them (thus), he charged on foot. Pushing back their battle-line (only) after a (long) time and with much difficulty, he had the most trouble at the rampart around their wagons, where not only themselves the men themselves stood their ground there and fought, but also their wives and children, defending themselves to the death, were cut to pieces together (with the men), so that the battle was scarcely over at mid-night. To the noble act of victory, he applied himself to a (still) greater (one), the settlement of those of the barbarians who had survived, having escaped from the battlefield, their being more than one hundred thousand (lit. above ten myriads) (of them), and forcing (them) to resume the territory which they had abandoned and the cities which they had destroyed, and he did this because he feared that the Germans, having crossed (the Rhine), would occupy the land which had become deserted.
Chapter 19. Secondly, he made war upon the Germans, directly on behalf of the Gauls, although previously having made their king, Ariovistus, an ally in Rome, but they proved intolerable neighbours to those (people) under his control, and, if the chance were granted, they were not thought likely to remain quietly in their existing circumstances, but to encroach upon, and occupy, Gaul. Seeing that his officers were fearful, especially all those young men from an illustrious background who had come out with him in order to make use of the campaign with Caesar as an opportunity for good-living and money-making, he, having called them to a meeting, told them to go away and not take any risks against their inclination, since they were behaving in such a cowardly and effeminate manner, but, as for himself, he said that, taking the tenth legion only, he would march against the barbarians, as he was not expecting the enemy to fight any better than the Cimbri, and he himself was not a worse general than Marius. At this, the tenth legion sent deputies to him expressing their gratitude, and the others reproached their own officers, and now, everyone being full of eagerness for action, they followed (him) on his march for many days, till they encamped within two hundred stades (i.e. about twenty miles) of the enemy.
Now, whatever had happened with regard to the approach itself had shattered Ariovistus' morale. For, not expecting the Romans, whom they did not think could withstand their attacking, to attack the Germans, he was amazed at Caesar's boldness, and he also saw that his army was disturbed. The prophecies of their holy women, who used to foretell (the future by) observing the eddies in the rivers and (by) perceiving certain signs in the windings and the splashings of the currents, (and now) not allowing battle to be joined before a new moon should shine, blunted their spirits still more too. To Caesar, perceiving this and seeing that the Germans were keeping quiet, it seemed that it would be a good thing to engage them while they were unprepared, rather than to sit still (while) awaiting their right moment. So, (by) making attacks on their entrenchments, and the hills on which they were encamped, he enraged (them) and induced (them) to come down in their fury to fight it out. When they were spectacularly routed, pursuing (them) for four hundred stades (i.e. about fifty miles) as far as the Rhine, he filled this whole plain with bodies and their spoils, but Ariovistus crossed the Rhine with a few followers; and they say that the number of the dead was eighty thousand (lit. eight myriads).
Chapter 20. (After) accomplishing these things, he left his forces to spend the winter among the Sequani, and, wishing to turn his attention to affairs in Rome, he himself came down (south) to the (part) of Gaul around the Po, which was (a part) of the province which had been assigned to him, for the river (which is) called the Rubicon separates the rest of Italy from the (part) of Gaul close to the Alps (i.e. Cisalpine Gaul). After he had settled down there, he carried out his political intrigues, with many (people) coming to (see) him, giving what each one wanted, and sending all (of them) away, both possessing things from him already, but hoping for (more) things, and during all the rest of the time of his campaigns, he eluded the notice of Pompey, in turn at one moment subduing the enemy with the weapons of the citizens, and at another moment subduing the citizens with money taken from the enemy.
But, when he heard that the Belgae, (who were) the most powerful of the Gauls and who were occupying a third of all of the Gallic (territory) were in revolt, and indeed had assembled some manifold myriads of armed men, having turned around, he immediately marched (there) with great speed, and, falling upon the enemy as they were plundering his Gallic allies, (and) having routed the most concentrated and most numerous (of them) who resisted feebly, he devastated (them) so utterly that lakes and deep rivers became passable to the Romans due to the number of corpses, and, of those who had rebelled, all those dwelling near the Ocean submitted without a fight, but he did march against the Nervii, the most savage and the most warlike of the people in those parts, who, having settled in dense woodlands, and, having placed their families and their possessions in some deep (recess) of the forest far out of the way of the enemy, themselves being sixty thousand in number, suddenly fell upon Caesar, as he was constructing a rampart and not expecting a battle at that particular moment. They routed his cavalry, and, having surrounded the twelfth and the seventh legions, killed all their centurions, and, if Caesar, having snatched up a shield, and, forcing his way through the men fighting in front of him, had not hurled himself upon the barbarians, and, (if) the tenth legion, (seeing that) he was in danger, had (not) charged down the high ground and cut their way through the ranks of the enemy, not a man, it is thought, would have survived, but, as it was, owing to Caesar's daring, fighting the battle, as the saying goes, beyond their power, they did not rout the Nervii even then, but cut them down as they defended (themselves); for of their sixty thousand (lit. six myriads) (only) five hundred, and only three (men) out of their four hundred senators, are said to have survived.
Chapter 21. Having learned of these (successes), the Senate voted to make sacrifices to the gods and to take a holiday for the purpose of festivities for fifteen days, which was a greater number than for any victory previously. For the danger appeared (to have been) great, with so many tribes having broken out (into rebellion), and, at the same time, because Caesar was the victor, the good-will of the multitude towards him made his victory the more splendid. Caesar himself, having settled matters in Gaul, again spent the winter in the regions near the Po, making arrangements with regard to the city (of Rome). For not only were those canvassing for office, (and) making use of him as the supplier of their costs and corrupting the people with the money (that came) from him, elected, they then went on to do everything which was likely to increase his power, but also most of the men of the highest rank and the greatest influence came to meet with him at Luca, including Pompey and Crassus and Appius, the governor of Sardinia, and Nepos, the proconsul of Spain, so that there were a hundred and twenty lictors present, and more than two hundred senators. Holding a conference, they settled (matters) on the following terms: Pompey and Crassus should (lit. there was a need for Pompey and Crassus to) be appointed consuls, and money and another five-year term in his provincial command (should) be assigned to Caesar, (something) which seemed very strange to men of (lit. to those who had) understanding. For those who had received so much money from Caesar persuaded the Senate to give (him money), as though he had none, nay rather, they forced (them to do so), (while) groaning (at the decrees) which they voted, as Cato was not present, for they had deliberately got him out of the way (on a mission) to Cyprus, and as Favonius, who was an ardent admirer of Cato, was leaping out of doors and clamouring to the populace, since he was achieving nothing (by) opposing (things). But no one heeded (him), as men respected Pompey and Crassus, and the majority, wishing to oblige Caesar, and living in the hope (of favours) from him, kept quiet.
Chapter 22. (On) returning again to his forces in Gaul, Caesar discovered a considerable war in the country with two great German nations having just crossed the Rhine, with a view to the occupation of the land: they called one the Usipes and the other the Tenteritae. With regard to the battle which occurred against these (tribes), Caesar has written in his commentaries that the barbarians, (while) sending envoys to him during a truce attacked (him) on the march, and for this (reason) they routed his cavalry, which were five thousand (in number) with their eight hundred, since they were not expecting (an attack); then, in order to deceive (him) again, they sent him other (envoys), which, keeping in tight confinement, he led his army against he barbarians, as he considered (it) simple-mindedness to keep faith with such treacherous breakers of a treaty. But Tanusius says that, when the Senate decreed holidays and sacrifices over the victory, Cato declared his opinion that Caesar should be handed over to the barbarians, (thus) purging the guilt of the truce on behalf of the city (of Rome), and turning the curse on to the man responsible (for it).
Of those who had crossed (the Rhine into Gaul) four hundred thousand (lit. forty myriads) were cut to pieces, and the Sugambri, a German tribe, received the few who managed to get back again. Caesar, taking this (as) grounds for a complaint against them, and besides aiming at the glory of being the first man to cross the Rhine with an army, began to bridge (the river), although it was very wide and, at this point in its course, especially swollen and rough and violent, and through the tree-trunks and branches, which it bore down (the stream), handing out buffets and ruptures to the (props) supporting the bridge. But, (by) catching these through the bulwarks of great timbers (which had been) stuck firmly across the stream, and (thus) bridling the rushing river by this yoke, he displayed the bridge, which had been brought to completion in ten days, (as) a sight beyond all belief.
Chapter 23. Now, having transported his forces across (the river), with no one daring to oppose (him), but when even the Suevi, the foremost among the German (people) removed their possessions into deep and woody recesses, (after) setting the lands of the enemy on fire, and having encouraged those who were always well-disposed towards (the interests) of the Romans, he returned to Gaul again, having spent eighteen (lit. twenty less two) days in German (territory). His campaign against the Britons was renowned for its boldness, for he was the first to sail upon the Western Ocean and to sail through the Atlantic Sea with an army to (wage) war; (it was said) that the island (was) incredible on account of its size and that it provided much dispute among very many writers (who said) that its name and story had been fabricated, as it had not existed and did not exist, (and in) attempting to occupy (it), he was advancing the hegemony of the Romans beyond (the confines) of the known world. Having twice sailed across to the island from the opposite coast of Gaul, and having damaged the enemy more than having benefited his own men, for there was nothing worth taking from (such) wretched and poverty-stricken men, he put an end to a war which had not gone as he wished, but (nevertheless), taking hostages from the King and exacting tribute he departed from the island.
(In Gaul), he took possession of some letters from his friends in Rome, which were about to be sent across to him, informing him of the death of his daughter; she had died in childbirth at Pompey's house. At this, grief affected Pompey greatly, and Caesar greatly too, and their friends were disturbed, as the relationship which was keeping the otherwise disordered state in peace and concord had been dissolved, for the baby also soon died, having not survived for many days after its mother. Then, the multitude, taking up the (body) of Julia against the wishes of the tribunes, carried (her) to the Field of Mars, and, having received her funeral rites, she lies (buried there).
Chapter 24. When Caesar had separated his forces into many winter-quarters, of necessity, because they were now so large, and, when he himself, had turned towards Italy, as he had been accustomed (to do), all of the (land) of the Gauls broke out into rebellion once more, and great armies were going around trying to destroy the winter-quarters and attack the fortifications of the Romans, and the most numerous and the most powerful of those rebelling under Ambiorix utterly destroyed Cotta and Titurius, together with their army, and, having surrounded the legion under Cicero with sixty thousand (lit. six myriads of) (men), besieged (them) and just missed taking (them) by storm, with all (of Cicero's men) being wounded and defending themselves with an ardour beyond their power.
When these (events) were reported to Caesar, who was far away, having quickly turned around, he hurried to Cicero, in order to lift the siege. But he did not escape the notice of the besiegers, but, despising his small numbers, they went to meet him in order to crush (him). (By) deceiving (them), he continually avoided (them), and, finding a place which was suitable for (someone) fighting with a few (men) against many, he fortified a camp and kept his men from (making) any attacks, and he forced (them) to elevate their rampart and to build up their gates as though they were afraid, leading him to be despised (by the enemy), until such time as they were, through their over-confidence, attacking in scattered bands, (when) surging forth, he routed and killed many (of them).
Chapter 25. This (success), as well as he himself going around during the winter and keeping a close watch on the disturbers of the peace, stemmed the many revolts of the Gauls in those parts.For three legions came to him from Italy in place of those whom he had lost, with Pompey delivering two from those under his (command) and one newly levied from the part of Gaul around the Po. But in remote regions the seeds of the greatest and most dangerous of his wars began to appear, having been secretly sown and cultivated by the most powerful men in the most warlike tribes, strengthened by a large body of young men assembled in arms from all parts, and by great riches having been gathered together into the one place, and by strong cities and areas of the country which were very difficult to invade. At that time, in the season of winter too, the frozen waters of the rivers, and the thickets covered with snow, and the plains flooded by torrents of freezing water, and, in some places, the tracks obscured by the depth of the snow, and, in other places, the great uncertainty of a march through marshes and streams (which had been) diverted from their course, seemed to Caesar to make the (territories) of the rebels wholly unassailable. And so many tribes had rebelled, but the Arverni and the Carnuntini (i..e. Carnutes) were the outward front (of the revolt), as well as Vergentorix (i.e. Vercingetorix), whose father the Gauls had put to death, as they thought he was aiming at a tyranny, once he had been chosen to hold the supreme power in the war.
Chapter 26. This (man), then, (after) dividing his forces into many parts and putting several officers in charge (of them), was winning over to his side the whole (country) round about, right up to the (hills) sloping down to the Arar, intending, with (parties) in Rome now combining against Caesar, to arouse the whole of Gaul to war, (something) which, if he had done (it) a little later, when Caesar was involved in the civil war, anxieties no lighter than those about the Cimbri of old might have taken hold of Italy. But, at this point, Caesar, who had been endowed by nature to make the best use of the all the (arts) in warfare, and especially its critical moments, having set out as soon as he learned of the revolt, marched by the same roads over which he had come, and, by the vigour and speed of his march through such wintry conditions, demonstrating to the barbarians that an unconquered and invincible army was coming against them. For, where it was incredible that a messenger or a letter-carrier amongst those at his side could have got through, (even) in a long time, there he was seen with all his army, at once ravaging their lands, and destroying their strongholds, reducing their cities, (and) receiving those who were coming over to his side, until the tribe of the Aedui also became involved in the war against him, (a people) who up to this time had proclaimed themselves brethren of the Roman people, and were conspicuously honoured (by them), but now (by) joining the the rebels they caused much dejection in Caesar's army.
Moving from there for this reason, he crossed the (territory of) the Lingones, wishing to reach the (country) of the Sequani, who were their friends and who stood as a barrier between Italy and the rest of Gaul. When the enemy fell upon him and surrounded (him) with many tens of thousands of men, (by) daring to fight a decisive battle and completely wearing them down, he gained the upper hand, overpowering the barbarians after a long time and with (much) slaughter, but it seemed that at the beginning he had even suffered something of a reverse, and the Arverni (still) display a short sword hanging in a temple as spoil taken from Caesar. He himself, seeing this on a later occasion, smiled, and, although his friends urged him to take it down, he would not allow (this), as he considered (it) consecrated.
Moving from there for this reason, he crossed the (territory of) the Lingones, wishing to reach the (country) of the Sequani, who were their friends and who stood as a barrier between Italy and the rest of Gaul. When the enemy fell upon him and surrounded (him) with many tens of thousands of men, (by) daring to fight a decisive battle and completely wearing them down, he gained the upper hand, overpowering the barbarians after a long time and with (much) slaughter, but it seemed that at the beginning he had even suffered something of a reverse, and the Arverni (still) display a short sword hanging in a temple as spoil taken from Caesar. He himself, seeing this on a later occasion, smiled, and, although his friends urged him to take it down, he would not allow (this), as he considered (it) consecrated.
Chapter 27. Nevertheless, most of those fleeing at that time took refuge with the king in the city of Alesia. Then, while this seemed to Caesar, who was besieging (it) to be impregnable due to the size of its walls and the number of its defenders, a peril too great for words (to describe) fell upon (him) from outside. For the mightiest that there were from the tribes in Gaul were mustered, and came to Alesia in arms three hundred thousand (lit. thirty myriads) (strong); and the (number) of those fighting within it were not less than a hundred and seventy thousand (lit. seventeen myriads), so that Caesar, caught and besieged in the middle of such a hostile force was compelled to construct two walls for his protection, one facing the city and the other against those who were coming up (to relieve it), as he thought that, if those forces should unite, matters with regard to himself would have been wholly lost.
So his peril at Alesia became justly famous, since it afforded such deeds of daring and skill as none of his other contests (had done), but one must be particularly amazed that Caesar engaged and overcame so many of those tens of thousands outside (the city) (while) escaping the notice of those within the city, but even more (escaping the notice of) the Romans who were guarding the fortifications that faced the city. For they did not learn of the victory until (lit. any earlier than) the crying of the men and the wailing of the women of Alesia was heard, when they saw from there in the lines of the other side many shields adorned with silver and gold and many breastplates smeared with blood and also drinking cups and Gallic tents being carried by the Romans into their camp. Indeed, so quickly did such a great force vanish and disperse, like a phantom or a dream, with most of them having fallen in the battle.
Then, those who held Alesia, (after) causing no small trouble to Caesar and to themselves, finally surrendered themselves, and Vergentorix, the leader of the whole war, having taken up the most beautiful of his arms and having groomed his most beautiful horse, rode out through the gates, and, (after) riding in a circle around Caesar, who was seated, (and) then leaping down from his horse, stripped off his armour, and, seating himself at Caesar's feet, he kept silent, until such time as he was taken off, to be held in custody for the triumph.
PART D. THE OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR (50-49 B.C.): Chapters 28-32.
Chapter 28. Now Caesar it seemed good to Caesar a long time before to destroy (the power of) Pompey, just as, of course, (it seemed good) to the latter (to destroy) his (power), for, now that Crassus, who had been lying in wait and watching them both, had perished amongst the Parthians, it was left to the man who would be the most powerful over the other to destroy the man who was, and for that man, in order that he should not suffer this, to remove first (the man) whom he feared. It had only recently occurred to Pompey, who had previously despised Caesar, to fear (him), as (he had thought) that it would not be a difficult task that (a man) whom he himself had promoted should be put down again by him, but Caesar, having formed this design from the outset, having removed himself a great distance from his antagonist, like an athlete, and, (by) exercising (himself) in the Gallic wars, had carefully prepared his forces, and increased his fame, elevating himself by his achievements to a comparison with the successes of Pompey, (while) laying hold of the pretexts partly of Pompey himself, and partly of the (pretexts) afforded by the times and by the bad government in Rome, due to which those competing for office, having placed counting-tables in public, shamelessly bribed the multitude, but the people in receipt of pay came down (to the forum) contending on behalf of their paymaster, not with votes, but with bows and arrows and swords and slings. Often, too, they dispersed, having defiled the rostra with blood and corpses, leaving the city in a state of anarchy, like a ship drifting without a helmsman, so that intelligent people (lit. those having intelligence) were thankful if, after such derangement and so great a tempest, matters resulted in nothing worse for them than a monarchy, and there were many who even dared to say in public that the state was now incurable except by a monarchy, and that this remedy ought to be taken up with the gentlest of physicians, indicating Pompey, offering (it). And even when the latter, putting on a show of turning down (the honour) in words, more than anyone else brought about (a situation) out of which he would be declared dictator, the associates of (lit. those around) Cato persuaded the Senate to appoint him (as) sole consul, so that, having been consoled with a more legal (form of) monarchy, he might not force his way into becoming dictator, and they also voted (him more) time in his provinces; he now held two, Spain and the whole of Africa, which he was managing (by) sending legates and (by) maintaining armies (there), for which he took from the public treasury a thousand talents each year.
Chapter 29. After this, sending (messengers to Rome), Caesar canvassed for the consulship, and likewise (asked for more) time (to hold) his own provinces; then, while Pompey at first kept silent, the associates of (lit. those around) Marcellua and Lentulus opposed (this), hating Caesar for other reasons, and, in the stress of circumstances, bringing unfair (charges against him leading) to his dishonour and discredit. For instance, they took away the rights of citizenship from the people of Novum Comum, (a colony) recently established by Caesar in Gaul, and Marcellus, while he was consul, beat one of the senators of that place, who had come to Rome, with rods, telling (him) that he was putting these marks upon him (to prove) that he was not a Roman, and he told (him), when he went away, to show (them) to Caesar.
But after Marcellus' (consulship), when Caesar was copiously discharging his Gallic wealth for all the public figures to draw upon, and had freed the tribune Curio from his many debts, and had given Paulus, who was consul, one thousand five hundred talents, out of which he also added to the forum that famous building, the Basilica, which was erected in place of the Fulvia, then Pompey, having become so alarmed at the coalition (which was forming), now openly tried to arrange, both through his own efforts and those of his friends, a successor to Caesar in his office, (while) sending (him) a demand for the return of the soldiers whom he had lent to him for the Gallic wars. He sent (them) back, (after) presenting each man with two hundred and fifty drachmas. The (officers) bringing these men to Pompey spread abroad among the multitude stories concerning Caesar (which were) neither reasonable nor true, but they corrupted Pompey himself with vain hopes that he was yearned for by Caesar's army, and that while he was, with difficulty, controlling affairs in the city, on account of the malice of the rotten body politic, the forces there (i.e. in Gaul) were ready to come over to him, and, if only they were to cross into Italy, they would be immediately on his side, so unpopular had Caesar become with them due to the multitude of his campaigns, and (so) viewed with suspicion (by them was he) on account of their fear of monarchy. For these reasons Pompey was relaxed and neglected the preparation of troops, as though he did not fear (anything), and, in his imagination, he was subduing Caesar with speeches and resolutions (in the Senate), getting measures rejected, about which he did not care at all. Indeed, it is said that one of his centurions, who had come (to Rome) from his (side), (while) standing in front of the Senate-house, and, having learned that the Senate would not give Caesar (more) time in his command, said, (while) striking the hilt of his sword with his hand, "But this will give (it)!"
Chapter 30. Nevertheless, the demands of Caesar had a splendid appearance of fairness. For he himself suggested that he should lay down his arms, and that, if Pompey were to do the same thing also, having become private citizens, they should find whatever favour (they could) with their fellow-citizens, (arguing) that if men were to be removed in his case, while, in the case of that man they were to confirm the forces which he had, they would, while accusing the one of tyranny, be preparing the other (to be) a tyrant.
Having put these proposals before the people on behalf of Caesar, Curio was loudly applauded; and some threw garlands down before him, as though they were bestrewing an athlete with flowers. Then, Antony, a tribune, brought before the people a letter of Caesar's which had been received on these matters and read (it) out against the will of the consuls, but in the Senate Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey, introduced a motion that, if Caesar had not laid down his arms on a stated day, he should be declared a (public) enemy, and, when the consuls put the question, whether it seemed right (to them) that Pompey should dismiss his soldiers, and again whether it seemed right that Caesar (should do so), (only) a very few consented to the first (proposal) and all but a few (consented) to the second (one), but, when Antony again demanded that both should resign his command, all assented of one accord. But, when Scipio violently opposed (this), and when the consul Lentulus cried out that against a robber there was a need for weapons not votes, they then broke up and changed into mourning clothes on account of the dissension.
Chapter 31. But, when letters came from Caesar who seemed to be taking a moderate position, for, (while) being ready to give up everything else, he asked that the (province) this side of the Alps and Illyricum, together with two legions should be given to him until (the time) when he could stand for his second consulship, Cicero, the orator, having just got back from Cilicia, and having become engaged in reconciliation talks, tried to mollify Pompey as well, but he, (while) conceding the other things, insisted on taking away his soldiers. Cicero also sought to persuade the friends of Caesar to compromise (and) to make peace on the basis of the provinces mentioned and only six thousand soldiers, and, although Pompey was ready to yield and grant (this), the associates of (lit. those around) Lentulus would not allow (this), but actually, heaping insults upon Antony and Curio, drove (them) from the Senate in disgrace, (thus) contriving themselves the most plausible of pretexts for Caesar, and (the one) by means of which he especially incited his soldiers, exhibiting (to them) men of good repute and high office, who had fled (the city) in hired carts in the garb of menials. For, (after) arraying themselves thus, they had secretly withdrawn from Rome through fear.
Chapter 32. Now he had (lit. there were with him) not more than three hundred cavalrymen and five thousand legionaries, for officers who had been sent (for this purpose) were about to lead (to him) the rest of his army which had been left beyond the Alps. Seeing, however, that the beginning of the matters upon which he was engaged did nor require many soldiers at that particular moment, but rather that it was necessary to seize the critical moment by amazing daring and speed, for (he saw) that he could strike terror (into his adversaries) more easily (by) acting unexpectedly than (by) advancing to attack (them) with full preparation, he ordered his officers and centurions, taking their swords (only) without the rest of their weapons, to occupy Ariminum, a large city of Gaul, especially avoiding any bloodshed and disturbance as far as possible, and he entrusted this force to Hortensius. Then, he spent the day in public, attending and watching the exercises of gladiators, but a little before evening, when he had attended to the needs of his body, and, having entered the banqueting-hall, and holding short conversations with those who had been invited to dinner, just as it was getting dark, he arose to depart, speaking courteously to the rest (of his guests) and bidding (them) to wait for him to return; he had , however, previously given directions to a few of his friends to follow (him) not by the same route, but some in one direction and others in another. Getting into one of his hired carts, he drove himself along some road at first, then turning towards Ariminum, when he came to the river which separates Gaul this side of the Alps from the rest of Italy - it is called the Rubicon - and the consideration entered into him as he was drawing ever nearer to that dreadful (step), and as his mind was revolving around the magnitude of the things he was venturing, he checked his course, and, halting his march, he communed within himself in silence for a long time, changing from one view to another, and then his resolution was subject to many changes, and for some time also he discussed his uncertainties together with those of his friends who were present, among whom was Asinius Pollio, as he calculated what great evils his passage (of the river) would cause for all mankind, and the story of it which they would leave to posterity. But, finally, with a sort of passion, as if he were setting himself free from his reflection upon the future, and uttering that expression with which men commonly embark upon desperate and daring ventures, "Let the die be cast," he hurried to the (river) crossing, and then, conducting (himself) at full speed for the rest (of the time), he dashed into Ariminum before day(break) and took possession of (it). It is said, moreover, that on the night before the crossing he had an unnatural dream, for he thought he was uniting with his mother in incestuous intercourse.
PART E. CAESAR TAKES CONTROL OF ITALY AND SPAIN (49 B.C.) : Chapter 33-36.
Chapter 33. When Ariminum had been seized, as if the broad gates of war had been opened to (cover) the entire earth and sea alike, and with the laws of the state having been confounded, along with the boundaries of the province, one would have thought not (only) that men and women, as at other times, were wandering through Italy in consternation, but (rather) that the very cities, having risen up, were being dispersed in flight from one place to another, and that Rome, being inundated, as it were, by the flight and movement from place to place of the floods of the peoples round about, being ready neither to obey a magistrate, nor being held back by (the voice of) reason, in the great surge and swell, narrowly avoided self-destruction (lit. losing herself) through her own internal agitations. For conflicting emotions and violent disturbances took hold of every place, for those who were rejoicing did not keep quiet, but were constantly encountering those who were afraid and vexed, and, being filled with confidence with regard to the future, were involved in quarrels (with them), and others from every direction troubled Pompey, taking (him) to task in the case of some, because he had strengthened Caesar against himself and the leadership (of the state), and with others denouncing (him), because he had allowed the associates of (lit. those around) Lentulus to insult (Caesar), just as he was prepared to yield and offer reasonable peace terms. Favonius bade him stamp on the ground with his feet, as he had once boasted to the Senate he would not allow (them) to busy (themselves with) or worry about preparations for war: for, whenever it came, (he said) that he himself, (by) stamping the ground with his feet, would fill Italy with armies. Nevertheless, even then Pompey surpassed the (forces) of Caesar in the number of his forces; but no one would allow the man to exercise his own judgment, but, under the influence of many reports, both false and terrifying, that the war (was) already close at hand and happening everywhere, having given way and having been driven along in the general stream, he declared a state of disorder and abandoned the city, ordering that the Senate should follow (him), and that no one should remain who chose their native country and freedom rather than tyranny.
Chapter 34. So the consuls fled, without even making the sacrifices which it is the custom (to make) before leaving, and the majority of the Senators fled too, (after) seizing by a certain kind of robbery whatever came to hand of their own possessions, as though (it was the property) of others, and there were some too, who, having vehemently espoused the (cause) of Caesar previously, were now deprived of their wits through shock and were carried along, when there was no need (for this), by the stream of that (great) rush, but the most pitiful thing was the sight of the city with so great a storm bearing down (upon her), like a ship, abandoned by her helmsmen, (allowed) to dash (herself) against whatever lay in her path. But, although their removal was so lamentable, for the sake of Pompey, men regarded exile to be their native country, and abandoned Rome as though (it was) Caesar's camp; for even Labienus, a man who had been amongst Caesar's greatest friends and his legate, and who had contended with him most zealously in all his Gallic wars, having run away from him, came to Pompey. Caesar, however, sent him his money and his baggage, but, marching against Domitius, who was in command of thirty cohorts and holding Corfinium, camped close by. But he, despairing of his own designs, asked his physician, who was a slave, for some poison, taking what he was given with the intention of putting an end to his life. But, after a short while, hearing that Caesar was employing a certain most remarkable consideration towards his prisoners, he lamented and blamed the hastiness of his resolution. When his physician reassured him that what he had drunk was a sleeping draught, (and) not deadly, rising up overjoyed, he went to Caesar, and, taking his right hand (as a pledge of his pardon), he escaped to Pompey. (The news of) these things being reported at Rome, made men easier in their minds and some of the fugitives turned back.
Chapter 35. Caesar took over Domitius' army, as well as seizing control of the other (forces) which he came across (while) they were being levied for Pompey in the cities. Then, being now strong in numbers and formidable, he marched against Pompey. The latter, however, did not await his approach, but, fleeing to Brundisium, he despatched the consuls with an army ahead (of him) to Dyrrachium, and a little later he sailed off himself as Caesar approached, as will be set forth in detail in those things which will be written about him. To Caesar who was wishing to pursue (him) at once, there was a lack of ships, and he turned back to Rome, having become master of the whole of Italy without bloodshed in sixty days.
When he found the city more settled than he had expected and many members of the Senate in it, he immediately conferred with these in a reasonable and affable manner, even inviting (them) to send ambassadors (lit. men) to Pompey for the purpose of a suitable peace-treaty, but no one would listen (to him), either because they were afraid of Pompey, whom they had deserted, or because they did not think that Caesar was so minded, but was indulging in specious behaviour when he spoke.
When the tribune Metellus tried to prevent him from taking the money from the state's reserves and cited certain laws laws (at him), he said that the right time for arms and for laws was not the same: "But, if you are unhappy at the things which are being done, get out of the way now; for war has no use for free speech, but, when I have laid down my arms, peace terms having been arrived at, then, coming (before the people), you will be able to harangue (them), and I say this," he said, "waiving the just rights of my own, for you are in my power (lit. mine), both you and all of those (who are) opposed to me, whom I have caught." Having spoken these (words) to Metellus, he walked to the doors of the treasury, and, when the keys were not disclosed, having sent for copper-smiths, he ordered (them) to break down (the doors), and, when Metellus resisted (him) once more, and some (people) applauded (this), raising his voice, he threatened to kill him, if he did not cease annoying (him). "And you should not be unaware, young man," he said, "that it was more unpleasant for me to say this than to do (it)." Then this speech caused even Metellus to depart in great fear, and everything to be done for him readily and speedily with regard to the war.
Chapter 36. Then he advanced into Spain, having previously resolved to drive out from there the armies of (those around) Pompey's legates, Afranius and Varro, and thus, having brought the forces there and the provinces under his (control), to march against Pompey, without leaving behind any enemy (forces) in his rear. And, though often in peril of his life, due to ambushes, and, with regard to his army, especially on account of hunger, he did not let up (on them), until pursuing and challenging and besieging the men, he became master of their camps and their armies by force, but their leaders, escaping, fled to Pompey.
PART F. CAESAR CONFRONTS POMPEY IN EPIRUS (48 B.C.) : Chapters 37-39.
Chapter 37. His father-in-law Piso urged Caesar, when he had returned to Rome, to send ambassadors (lit. men) to Pompey for the sake of a peace settlement, but Isauricus, to please Caesar, spoke against (this). Then, having been appointed dictator by the Senate, he recalled exiles, made the children of those who had suffered under Sulla holders of civic rights, lightened the (load of) debtors by a some relief of interest payments, and took in hand a few (lit. not many) other public measures of a similar kind, but, giving up the sole power within eleven days, and declaring himself and Servilius Isauricus consul, he began to to hold his campaign.
Then, hastening by a forced march, he overtook the rest of his forces, and with (lit. having) six hundred picked horsemen and five legions, and with winter being in the solstices and with the month of January beginning - and this (month) would be Poseideon to the Athenians -, he put to sea, and, (after) crossing the Ionian (gulf), he took Oricum and Apollonia, and sent his transports back again to Brundisium for the soldiers who had been left behind on the march. These, so long as they were on the road, inasmuch as they were now past their prime physically, and worn out in respect of the multitude of their campaigns, held Caesar responsible: "Whither, pray, and to what end will this man take us, (while he is) roaming about, and treating us like tireless and lifeless (articles)? Even a sword gets weary with smiting, and one is sparing of one's shield and breastplate after so much time, and then does Caesar not take into account, by reason of our wounds, that he is commanding human beings, and that, as mortals, we have been born to suffer and feel bodily pain? (It is) not even possible for the season of winter and the critical point of a storm at sea to be constrained by a god, but this man takes risks as though (he were) not pursuing enemies but fleeing (from them)."
Then, hastening by a forced march, he overtook the rest of his forces, and with (lit. having) six hundred picked horsemen and five legions, and with winter being in the solstices and with the month of January beginning - and this (month) would be Poseideon to the Athenians -, he put to sea, and, (after) crossing the Ionian (gulf), he took Oricum and Apollonia, and sent his transports back again to Brundisium for the soldiers who had been left behind on the march. These, so long as they were on the road, inasmuch as they were now past their prime physically, and worn out in respect of the multitude of their campaigns, held Caesar responsible: "Whither, pray, and to what end will this man take us, (while he is) roaming about, and treating us like tireless and lifeless (articles)? Even a sword gets weary with smiting, and one is sparing of one's shield and breastplate after so much time, and then does Caesar not take into account, by reason of our wounds, that he is commanding human beings, and that, as mortals, we have been born to suffer and feel bodily pain? (It is) not even possible for the season of winter and the critical point of a storm at sea to be constrained by a god, but this man takes risks as though (he were) not pursuing enemies but fleeing (from them)."
Saying such things as these, they marched in a leisurely manner to Brundisium. But, when, having got there, they found that Caesar had put to sea, quickly changing their tune, they reviled themselves, calling (themselves) traitors to their commander-in-chief, and they reviled their officers too because they had not quickened (the pace of) their march. Then, sitting down on the cliffs, they gazed out towards the open sea and Epirus, (watching for) the ships, on which they were to be carried across to him.
Chapter 38. At Apollonia, not having forces with him (which were) a match (for the enemy), and, with the forces on the other side (of the Gulf) being delayed, Caesar, being at a loss and in a violent state of emotion, conceived, without the knowledge of anyone, the dangerous plan (of) embarking in a vessel twelve-oared in size, to go over to Brundisium, although the sea was being encompassed by the enemy with so many fleets. Accordingly, he embarked at night, disguised in the clothing of a servant, and, throwing himself down as someone of no account, he kept quiet, and with the River Aous carrying the boat towards the sea, a strong wind which blew from the sea during the night quelled the early morning breeze, which at that time (usually) caused calmness with regard to the river-mouth, (by) driving the waves far back, but the river boiling up against the flood-tide of the sea and the resistance of its waves, and (being) rough, (was) driven back with a great noise together with violent eddies, (and) it was hard for the helmsman to force his way through, and he ordered the sailors to turn around, so that he could change course. But perceiving (this), Caesar disclosed his (identity), and, taking the helmsman, who was astounded at the sight (of him), by the hand, he said, "Come, my good man, be bold and fear nothing, (for) you are carrying Caesar and Caesar's good fortune (as) fellow-sailors (in your boat)." The sailors forgot about the storm, and, gripping their oars tightly, they tried, with all eagerness, to force their way down the river, But, since it was impossible (after) receiving (so) much sea-water, and (after) running great risks at the river-mouth, he agreed with the helmsman most reluctantly to turn around. His soldiers met him when he had come back in a mass, reproaching (him) greatly and being indignant that he had not believed that he was able to conquer with them alone, but was anxious and was exposing himself to danger for the sake of those who were absent, as though he were distrustful of those who were there.
Chapter 39. After this, Antony sailed in with his forces from Brundisium, and Caesar, feeling confident, was able to challenge Pompey, who was established in an excellent (position), and was being adequately supplied by both land and sea, (whereas) he himself did not keep in a state of plenty from the outset, and later on was in serious difficulties through want of necessary (provisions), but his soldiers, chopping up some kind of root and mixing (it) with milk, used (it) as food. Once too, having made loaves from it, and running up to the enemy's outposts, they threw (them) inside and tossed (them) around, saying about (them) that, as long as the earth produced such roots, they would not stop besieging Pompey. Pompey, however, would not allow either the loaves or these words to be brought to the main body (of his army) . For his soldiers were disheartened, dreading the ferocity and insensibility to suffering of their enemies, as though (they were) wild beasts.
Some scattered skirmishes took place constantly around the fortifications of Pompey, and in all (of them) Caesar gained the upper hand, except one, in which, a great rout (of his men) having occurred, he was in danger of losing his camp. For, when Pompey attacked, not one (of his men) stood his ground, but the trenches were quite filled up with the slain, and (others), being driven headlong, fell around their own ramparts and walls. Going to meet (them), Caesar tried to turn the fugitives back, but he accomplished nothing, and indeed, when he tried to lay hold of the standards, the bearers threw (them) away, so that the enemy captured thirty-two (of them), and he himself came very near to being killed. For, as a big and sturdy man was fleeing past him, putting out his hand, he ordered (him) to stay and turn around to face the enemy, but he, being full of panic at the danger, raised his sword to strike (him), but Caesar's shield-bearer anticipated (him by) cutting off his arm at the shoulder. And he had so given up his cause for lost, that, when Pompey, through (excessive) caution or some chance, did not put the finishing stroke to his great work, but withdrew, (after) having shut the fugitives up in their entrenchments, Caesar said to his friends as he was leaving (them), "Today victory would have been with the enemy, if they had a victor (in command of them)." Then, going (by) himself to his tent and lying down, he spent that most distressing night of all in vain reflections, (concluding) that he had been a poor general, in that, although there was an abundant country lying open before (him), as well as the prosperous cities of the Macedonians and Thessalians, (while) allowing the diversion of the war away from there, he had settled here by the sea, when the enemy had command of it through their fleets, being besieged by his (lack of) necessary provisions rather than besieging (them) with his arms. Tossing about thus (on his couch) and sorely troubled at the perplexity and hardship of his present (circumstances), he arose, resolved to lead his army into Macedonia against Scipio, for he would (then) either draw Pompey (to a place) where he would give battle without being supplied from the sea, as at present, or, if Scipio were left isolated, he would overwhelm (him).
PART G. THE PRELUDE TO THE BATTLE OF PHARSALUS (48 B.C.) : Chapters 40-41.
Chapter 40. This emboldened Pompey's army, and the leaders (who were) around him, to lay hold of Caesar (whom they thought) to be defeated and in flight. For Pompey, himself, was cautious about hazarding a battle for so great a (stake), and, being (so) excellently supplied with everything for a (long) time, he thought fit to exhaust and extinguish the vigour of the enemy, which (he thought) would be short-lived. For, in truth, the most warlike (element) of Caesar's force had experience and a daring (which was) irresistible in combat. But in the midst of (all) their wanderings and their encampments, and their sieges and their night-watches, they were growing weary through age, and were (too) heavy in body for labour, having lost their ardour through weakness. At that time also a kind of pestilential disease, caused at first (by) the strangeness of their diet, was said to be rife in Caesar's army, and, the most important (consideration of all), as he was neither well-placed with funds nor well-supplied with food, it was thought that within a short time, (his army) would break up of its own (accord).
Some scattered skirmishes took place constantly around the fortifications of Pompey, and in all (of them) Caesar gained the upper hand, except one, in which, a great rout (of his men) having occurred, he was in danger of losing his camp. For, when Pompey attacked, not one (of his men) stood his ground, but the trenches were quite filled up with the slain, and (others), being driven headlong, fell around their own ramparts and walls. Going to meet (them), Caesar tried to turn the fugitives back, but he accomplished nothing, and indeed, when he tried to lay hold of the standards, the bearers threw (them) away, so that the enemy captured thirty-two (of them), and he himself came very near to being killed. For, as a big and sturdy man was fleeing past him, putting out his hand, he ordered (him) to stay and turn around to face the enemy, but he, being full of panic at the danger, raised his sword to strike (him), but Caesar's shield-bearer anticipated (him by) cutting off his arm at the shoulder. And he had so given up his cause for lost, that, when Pompey, through (excessive) caution or some chance, did not put the finishing stroke to his great work, but withdrew, (after) having shut the fugitives up in their entrenchments, Caesar said to his friends as he was leaving (them), "Today victory would have been with the enemy, if they had a victor (in command of them)." Then, going (by) himself to his tent and lying down, he spent that most distressing night of all in vain reflections, (concluding) that he had been a poor general, in that, although there was an abundant country lying open before (him), as well as the prosperous cities of the Macedonians and Thessalians, (while) allowing the diversion of the war away from there, he had settled here by the sea, when the enemy had command of it through their fleets, being besieged by his (lack of) necessary provisions rather than besieging (them) with his arms. Tossing about thus (on his couch) and sorely troubled at the perplexity and hardship of his present (circumstances), he arose, resolved to lead his army into Macedonia against Scipio, for he would (then) either draw Pompey (to a place) where he would give battle without being supplied from the sea, as at present, or, if Scipio were left isolated, he would overwhelm (him).
PART G. THE PRELUDE TO THE BATTLE OF PHARSALUS (48 B.C.) : Chapters 40-41.
Chapter 40. This emboldened Pompey's army, and the leaders (who were) around him, to lay hold of Caesar (whom they thought) to be defeated and in flight. For Pompey, himself, was cautious about hazarding a battle for so great a (stake), and, being (so) excellently supplied with everything for a (long) time, he thought fit to exhaust and extinguish the vigour of the enemy, which (he thought) would be short-lived. For, in truth, the most warlike (element) of Caesar's force had experience and a daring (which was) irresistible in combat. But in the midst of (all) their wanderings and their encampments, and their sieges and their night-watches, they were growing weary through age, and were (too) heavy in body for labour, having lost their ardour through weakness. At that time also a kind of pestilential disease, caused at first (by) the strangeness of their diet, was said to be rife in Caesar's army, and, the most important (consideration of all), as he was neither well-placed with funds nor well-supplied with food, it was thought that within a short time, (his army) would break up of its own (accord).
Chapter 41. For these (reasons) Cato alone commended Pompey for not wishing to fight a battle, through (the desire) of sparing his fellow-citizens, and, indeed, he (lit. who indeed) when he saw that those of the enemy who had fallen in the battle had reached the the number of a thousand, went away with his head muffled up and in tears. All the rest, however, reproached Pompey for avoiding battle, and goaded (him) on (by) calling (him) "Agamemnon" and "King of Kings", (implying) that he did not wish to lay aside his sole authority, but was glorifying himself with so many generals depending on him and coming constantly to his tent. And Favonius, affecting Cato's freedom of speech, complained in a mad fashion that it would not be possible (for them) to enjoy the figs of Tusculum this year, because of Pompey's love of command. Afranius too - for he had just arrived from Spain where he had proved a poor general -, when he was accused of betraying his army for money, asked for what reason they were not fighting against the merchant who had bought the province from him; Pompey, spurred on by all these (promptings), reluctantly proceeded towards battle (by) pursuing Caesar.
He (i.e. Caesar) accomplished the rest of his march with some difficulty, since no one would sell (him) provisions, and indeed with everyone despising (him) on account of his recent defeat, but, when he captured Gomphi, a city of Thessaly, he not only fed his army, but he also delivered (them) unexpectedly from their sickness. For they came upon a bounteous (supply of) wine, and, (after) drinking (it) without restraint, (and) then, making revels and celebrating a drunken orgy (while) on the march, they rid themselves of their sickness and escaped from (it) by means of drunkenness, (while) undergoing a change of their bodies into a different condition.
PART H. CAESAR DEFEATS POMPEY AT THE BATTLE OF PHARSALUS (48 B.C.) : Chapters 42-47.
Chapter 42. But, when both (armies), having entered into the (plain of) Pharsalus, encamped (there), Pompey reverted again to his (lit. returned his mind to its) former reasoning, and, besides, when some inauspicious phantoms and a vision during his sleep occurred (to him), for he dreamed (lit. thought) that he saw himself in his theatre being applauded by the Romans [... some words or sentences appear to have been lost from the text at this point, but the dream is more fully described in Plutarch's 'Life of Pompey' ... ] but those about him were so presumptuous and (so) anticipated a victory in their expectations that Domitius, Spinther and Scipio, quarrelling furiously among themselves, engaged in bitter rivalry over Caesar's chief-priesthood, and many sent (agents) to Rome to hire out and take possession of houses suitable for consuls and praetors, (assuming) that they would take up these posts immediately after the war. And his cavalry were especially chafing for a battle, being abundantly adorned with the splendour of their weapons, the nourishment of their horses, and the beauty of their bodies, and being high spirited on account of their numbers, which were seven thousand against Caesar's one thousand. The numbers of the infantry were also quite unequal, since forty-five thousand (lit. four myriads and five thousand) were arrayed against twenty-two thousand (lit. two myriads and two thousand).
Chapter 43. Caesar, having brought his men together and telling (them) that Corfinius (i.e. Cornificius), who was bringing him two legions, was close at hand, and (that) another fifteen cohorts under Calenus were stationed at Megara and Athens, asked whether they wished to await those men or to hazard the issue (by) themselves unaided, and they shouted out that they should not wait (for them) but rather to contrive and manoeuvre to come together at close quarters with the enemy as soon as possible.
As he was carrying out a lustration (i.e. a service of purification) for his forces and was sacrificing the first victim, the seer immediately told (him) that within three days he would contend in battle with the enemy, and, when Caesar asked him also whether he saw in the entrails of the victim any hopeful sign as to the outcome, he said, "You yourself can better answer this (question) for yourself. For the gods indicate a change and a revolution of the existing state of affairs to the opposite, so that, if you consider that you yourself are doing well at the present moment, expect the worse fortune, and if (you are doing) badly, the better. And on the night before the battle, when he was going the rounds of the sentries around midnight, a torch of fire was seen in the heavens, which seemed to be carried over Caesar's camp, appearing bright like flames, and then to fall into the (camp) of Pompey. And during the morning watch it was noticed that a panic-stricken confusion was occurring amongst the enemy, but he (i.e. Caesar) did not expect to fight on that day, and indeed he began to break camp in order to march to Scotussa.
Chapter 44. But, when, just as the tents were being struck, his scouts rode up to him to report that the enemy were coming down (on to the plain) to offer battle, being overjoyed and offering prayers and vows to the gods, he drew up his battle-line, making a triple formation, and he put Domitius Calvinus in charge of those in the centre, and Antonius had one of the wings, and (he) himself (had) the right (wing\), (while) intending to fight among the tenth legion. But seeing that the enemy's cavalry were being drawn up over and against this (position), and, fearing their brilliant appearance and their numbers, he ordered six cohorts to come round to him unobserved from the furthermost line, and he stationed (them) at the rear of his right (wing), teaching (them) what it was necessary (for them) to do, when the enemy's cavalry attacked.
Pompey had one of his wings himself, and Domitius the left, and Scipio, his father-in-law, was in command of the centre. But all his cavalry concentrated on the left (wing) so as to encircle the enemy's right (wing) and make a complete rout around the commander himself, for (they thought) that no legionary array, (however) deep, could withstand (them), but that, when an onset of so many horsemen occurred together, they would be utterly crushed and broken by their adversaries.
When both (sides) were about to give the signal for the attack, Pompey ordered his infantrymen to receive the charge of the enemy standing with their arms at the ready and awaiting (them) in close order, until they were within range of a javelin's throw. But Caesar says that he was also at fault in this, as he was not aware that the initial clash (lit. the clash at the beginning) with a charge and with impetus happens in such a way that
it adds force to the blows and fires the courage (of the men), which is (then) fanned by all (the circumstances.)
As he himself was about to set his battle-line in motion, and (while) he was already advancing into action, he first saw (one) of his centurions, a man faithful to him and experienced in wars, encouraging his men (lit. those under him) and challenging (them) to a contest of strength, (and) addressing him by name, he said, "O Gaius Crassinius (i.e. Crastinus), what prospects do we have (lit. what should we hope for), and how confident are we (lit. what confidence do we have)?" Then Crassinius, stretching out his right hand and crying out in a loud voice, said, "We shall conquer gloriously, O Caesar, and today you will praise me whether I am alive or dead." (After) saying these (words), he plunged foremost into the enemy at full speed, taking along with him the hundred and twenty soldiers under him, but, (after) cutting his way through the front (rank) and advancing onwards with great slaughter, he was then stopped, having been struck by a sword (thrust) through his mouth with such force that the point even came out at the back of his neck.
Chapter 45. When the infantry had thus clashed together in the centre and were fighting, Pompey's cavalry rode proudly up from the wing, deploying their squadrons with the purpose of an encirclement of the (enemy's) right (wing); then, before they could attack, the squadrons beside Caesar ran out, not employing their javelins by hurling (them), as they were accustomed (to do), nor even stabbing with their hands at the thighs and lower legs of the enemy, but aiming at their eyes and wounding their faces, having been instructed to do this by Caesar, (who was) expecting that men (who were) not very conversant with war or wounds, but (who were) youthful and plumed themselves on their beauty and manly looks, would dread such wounds especially, and would not stand their ground, fearing the danger of the present (moment) at the same time as their future disfigurement also. And (this was something) which actually happened, for they could not endure the javelins being thrust upwards (at them), nor did they venture to look at the iron (points), but turned away and covered themselves up to spare their faces, and finally, having thus thrown themselves into confusion, they turned to flee most shamefully, ruining (everything) completely, for those who had conquered them immediately began to encircle the infantry, and falling upon their rear, they cut (them) to pieces.
When Pompey saw from the other (wing) his cavalry scattered in flight, he was no longer the same person, nor did he remember that he was Pompey the Great, but, like a man especially deprived of his wits by some god, he went off speechless, going to his tent, and, sitting down (there), he awaited the outcome, until, the rout of all (his forces) having happened, the enemy were attacking his rampart and fighting those defending (it). Then, becoming thoughtful, as it were, and discharging this one utterance, as they say, "What, even to my quarters?" he took off his military and general's clothing and, putting on (something) suitable for a fugitive, he stole away. But what sort of fortunes he experienced later and how he delivered himself into the hands of Egyptian men, I shall demonstrate in my biography of (lit. writings on) that man.
Chapter 46. But Caesar, when he reached Pompey's rampart and saw those who were lying (there) dead and those who were still falling, then said with a groan, "They would have it (so), they brought me to this pass (lit. necessity), so that I, Gaius Caesar, the man who successfully waged the greatest of wars, would have been condemned in court, if I had given up my armies." Asinius Pollio says that Caesar spoke those words in Latin, but that they were (afterwards) written down by him in Greek, and that the majority of those slain were servants, killed at the taking of the fortifications, and that not more than six thousand soldiers fell, and that Caesar incorporated most of those taken alive into his legions, and that he also bestowed immunity upon many men of prominence, among whom was Brutus, the man who later killed him, of whom it is said that he was very distressed when he was not to be found, and especially delighted when he was brought to him safe and sound.
Chapter 47. Of the many portents of the victory which occurred, the most remarkable is the one recorded at Tralles. For in the temple of Victory there stood a statue of Caesar, and the ground around it was firm by nature and paved with hard stone; yet from this they say that a palm-tree shot up on high at the base of the statue. Moreover, near Patavium, Gaius Cornelius, a man in repute as a seer, a fellow-citizen and an acquaintance of Livy the historian, chanced that day to be sitting engaged upon his auguries. And, to begin with, as Livy says, he discerned the time of the battle and said to those present that even then the matter was being decided and that the men were going into action, and, happening to look again and observing the signs, he sprang up in excitement, crying out, "You are victorious, O Caesar"; and, while the bystanders were astounded, he, (after) removing the garland from his head, declared with an oath that he would not put (it) on again until the event had borne witness to his art; at any rate, Livy insists that that this was so.
PART I. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR (48-47 B.C.) : Chapters 48-49.
Chapter 48. Having dedicated their freedom to the people of Thessaly (as) a prize of his victory, he then went in pursuit of Pompey. When he reached Asia, he freed the people of Cnidus to please Theopompus, the collector of fables, and for all those inhabiting Asia he remitted a third of their taxes. (Coming) to Alexandria just after Pompey was killed, he turned away in distress from Theodotus as he was presenting Pompey's head, and, when he received his signet-ring, he shed tears. Moreover, such of his companions and intimates who had been caught by the King (while) wandering across the country, he treated (them) all with kindness and attached (them) to himself. And to his friends in Rome he wrote that the greatest and the sweetest pleasure he derived from his victory (was) this, (namely) to (be able) so often to save the lives of a number of fellow-citizens who had fought against him. Some say that the war was not necessary, but inglorious to him due to his love for Cleopatra and perilous, but others blame the King's party, and especially the eunuch Pothinus, who was the most influential (man at court) and had recently killed Pompey, had driven out Cleopatra, and was (now) secretly plotting against Caesar; for this (reason) they say that from this time onwards he began to spend the night at drinking parties for the sake of protecting his person; but he (i.e. Pothinus) was openly intolerable (in his behaviour), saying and doing many things (which were) hostile and insulting to Caesar. For he told the soldiers, when they had measured out the worst and the oldest grain, to bear with it and be content, as they were eating what belonged to others, and at official dinners he used wooden and earthenware dishes, on the grounds that Caesar had taken all the gold and silver (ware) to (pay off) some debt, for the father of the present king owed Caesar seventeen and a half million (lit. one thousand, seven hundred and fifty myriads of) (drachmas), a part of which he had remitted to his children, but he now required ten million (lit. a thousand [myriads]), taking (this) to support his army; when, however, Pothinus told him to go away and attend to his great affairs, and he would provide (it) later with thanks, saying that he needed Egyptian advisers very little, very little advice, he secretly sent for Cleopatra from the country.
Chapter 49. Then Cleopatra, taking only Apollodorus the Sicilian from among her friends, embarking in a small skiff, landed at the palace when it was already getting dark. and, as it was impossible to escape notice otherwise, having got into a bed-sack, she stretched herself out at full length, and Apollodorus, binding the bed-sack up with a strap, carried (it) indoors to Caesar, and it is said that he was first captivated by this ruse of Cleopatra, who showed herself (to be) the coquette (that she was), and, having succumbed to (lit. having become weaker due to) the charm of further intercourse (with her), he reconciled her to her brother, so that they ruled together jointly. Then, while everyone was feasting to celebrate the reconciliation, a household slave of Caesar, his barber, allowing nothing to go unscrutinised, on account of his timidity, in which he surpassed all men, but eavesdropping and poking his nose into everything, realised that a plot was being hatched against Caesar by the general Achillas and Pothinus the eunuch; but Caesar, however, having detected (them), placed a guard around the banqueting-hall and put Pothinus to death, but Achillas, escaping to his camp, involved him in a full-scale and awkward war for (someone) defending himself with such a small (number of men) against such a large city and army. In this (war) he was at first in danger because he had been cut off from his water (supply): for the canals had been dammed up by the enemy, and secondly, as he was about to be cut off from his fleet, he was forced to repel this danger by the use of fire, which, spreading from the dock-yards, destroyed the great library, and thirdly, when a battle took place at the Pharos, he leapt down from the mole into a small boat and went to the aid of his struggling (men), but, when the Egyptians sailed against him from all sides, having hurled himself into the sea, he just escaped by swimming, but with much difficulty. At this time, it is said that, holding many papers (in his hand), he would not let go (of them), although being shot at (with missiles) and immersed (in the sea), but, holding the papers above the sea in one hand, he swam (with the other), as his small boat had been sunk immediately.
But, finally, when the King had gone away to (join) the enemy, marching against (him) and joining (with him) in battle, he defeated (him), with many falling and the King himself going missing; then, leaving Cleopatra (as) queen of Egypt, who a little later bore a son by him, whom the Alexandrians called Caesarion, he set out for Syria.
Chapter 49. Then Cleopatra, taking only Apollodorus the Sicilian from among her friends, embarking in a small skiff, landed at the palace when it was already getting dark. and, as it was impossible to escape notice otherwise, having got into a bed-sack, she stretched herself out at full length, and Apollodorus, binding the bed-sack up with a strap, carried (it) indoors to Caesar, and it is said that he was first captivated by this ruse of Cleopatra, who showed herself (to be) the coquette (that she was), and, having succumbed to (lit. having become weaker due to) the charm of further intercourse (with her), he reconciled her to her brother, so that they ruled together jointly. Then, while everyone was feasting to celebrate the reconciliation, a household slave of Caesar, his barber, allowing nothing to go unscrutinised, on account of his timidity, in which he surpassed all men, but eavesdropping and poking his nose into everything, realised that a plot was being hatched against Caesar by the general Achillas and Pothinus the eunuch; but Caesar, however, having detected (them), placed a guard around the banqueting-hall and put Pothinus to death, but Achillas, escaping to his camp, involved him in a full-scale and awkward war for (someone) defending himself with such a small (number of men) against such a large city and army. In this (war) he was at first in danger because he had been cut off from his water (supply): for the canals had been dammed up by the enemy, and secondly, as he was about to be cut off from his fleet, he was forced to repel this danger by the use of fire, which, spreading from the dock-yards, destroyed the great library, and thirdly, when a battle took place at the Pharos, he leapt down from the mole into a small boat and went to the aid of his struggling (men), but, when the Egyptians sailed against him from all sides, having hurled himself into the sea, he just escaped by swimming, but with much difficulty. At this time, it is said that, holding many papers (in his hand), he would not let go (of them), although being shot at (with missiles) and immersed (in the sea), but, holding the papers above the sea in one hand, he swam (with the other), as his small boat had been sunk immediately.
But, finally, when the King had gone away to (join) the enemy, marching against (him) and joining (with him) in battle, he defeated (him), with many falling and the King himself going missing; then, leaving Cleopatra (as) queen of Egypt, who a little later bore a son by him, whom the Alexandrians called Caesarion, he set out for Syria.
PART J. CAESAR WINS THE BATTLE OF ZELA AND RETURNS TO ITALY (47-46 B.C.) : Chapters 50-51.
Chapter 50. (After) leaving that (country), he learned that Domitius, having been defeated by Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, had fled from Pontus with (only) a few (men), and that Pharnaces, making full use of his victory (by) occupying Bithynia and Cappadocia, was aiming (at taking the country) called Lesser Armenia, and was inciting all the kings and tetrarchs there to revolt. So he marched against the man at once with three legions, and, (after) engaging (him) in a great battle, he drove him from Pontus in flight and utterly destroyed his army. (In) announcing the sharpness and swiftness of this battle to Amantius, one of his friends in Rome, he wrote three words, "Came, saw, conquered." But in Latin the words, which end in the same form of letters, have a remarkable (lit. not unimpressive) brevity.
Chapter 51. After this, crossing over to Italy, he went to Rome, as the year was coming to a close, for which he had been chosen (as) dictator for the second time, although that office had never previously been for a (whole) year; then, he was proclaimed consul for the following year, and he was criticised (lit. he heard himself called bad things), because, when his soldiers mutinied and killed two men of praetorian rank, Cosconius and Galba, he censured them (only) so far as to address (them) as "Citizens" instead of "Fellow-soldiers"; then he distributed a thousand drachmas and allotted much land in Italy to each one (of them). There was also criticism of him (due to) the madness of Dolabella, the greed of Amantius, Antony being drunk, and Corfinius thoroughly examining Pompey's house and rebuilding (it) on the grounds that it was not sufficient (for him). For the Romans were angry at (all) these things. But Caesar, (while) not unaware (of them) nor wanting (them), was forced by the circumstances of the state to make use of those who would serve (him).
PART K. THE AFRICAN WAR, THE BATTLE OF THAPSUS AND THE DEATH OF CATO (46 B.C.) : Chapters 52-54.
Chapter 52. Since the followers of (lit. those around) Cato and Scipio fled to Africa after the battle at Pharsalus, and, as they had gathered considerable forces there, with King Juba assisting them, Caesar determined to mount an expedition against them; and, crossing over to Sicily at about (the time) of the winter solstice, and, wishing to cut off at once all hope of delay and time-wasting (in the minds) of the officers around him, he pitched his own tent on the beach, and when a breeze arose, he put to sea with three hundred infantry and a few cavalrymen. Then, (after) landing these (men) without being noticed, he put to sea once more, fearing for the larger (part) of his force; and, meeting (them after) they were already at sea, he conducted (them) all to his camp.
(On) learning that the enemy were greatly encouraged by some ancient oracle, (which said) that it was always the prerogative of the family of the Scipiones to conquer in Africa, (it is) hard to say whether he was mocking the Scipio who was commanding the enemy, or whether he was seriously trying to appropriate the prophecy to himself, for there was under him a certain man, (who was) otherwise contemptible and disregarded (by everyone), but, (coming) from the family of the Africani, he was called Scipio Sallustio, (and) he placed this man in the front rank during his battles, as if he were the commander of the army, being compelled to engage with the enemy frequently and to be eager to fight. For there was neither sufficient food for his men nor fodder for his beasts of burden, and indeed they were forced to supply their horses with sea-weed, with its salt washed off, mixing (it) with a little grass as a sweetener, for the Numidians, appearing in great numbers and fast-moving, controlled the countryside at all times, and once, when Caesar's cavalry were off-duty (lit. were taking their leisure-time), - a Libyan man happened to be showing them (how to) dance and at the same time playing the flute in an astonishingly worthy manner, and they, having entrusted the horses to their slaves, were sitting (on the ground) enjoying (this) -, the enemy, having suddenly surrounded (them), attacked and killed some of them on the spot, and pursued the rest, driving (them) headlong into their camp. And, if Caesar himself and Asinius Pollio together with Caesar, coming out of the fortification, had not checked their flight, the war would have been brought to a conclusion; and there was an occasion in another battle, when the enemy had gained an advantage, with a close struggle occurring, during which Caesar is said, (after) seizing a fleeing standard-bearer round the neck, to have turned (him) around and said, "There is the enemy!"
Chapter 53. However, Scipio was encouraged by these advantages to fight a (decisive) battle, and leaving Afranius and Juba encamped a short distance from one another, he himself began to build a fortress for his camp beyond a lake near the city of Thapsus, so that it might serve for all (his men as) a starting-off place for the battle and (as) a point of refuge. While he was engaged in those (matters), Caesar, marching through wooded places with incredible speed, thus enabling unseen approaches, encircled some and attacked others face-to-face, and, (after) routing these, he took advantage of the favourable opportunity and of the turn of fortune, by which means he took the camp of Afranius at the first onset, and sacked the (camp) of the Numidians at the first onset, while Juba fled, and so in a brief part of one day, becoming master of three camps and having slain fifty thousand (lit. five myriads) of the enemy, he lost not even fifty of his own (men).
Some report these (things) about that battle, but others say that he himself was not in the action, but that, as he was drawing up and marshalling his army, his accustomed sickness came upon (him), and that he, at once perceiving that it was beginning, before his already wavering senses were confounded and totally overcome by the malady, was carried to one of the nearby towers and passed (the time there) in quietness; and of the men of consular and praetorian rank (who were) fleeing from the battle, some slew themselves as they were being captured, and Caesar put many others to death after they had been captured.
Chapter 54. Being eager to take Cato alive, he hastened towards Utica, for as he was guarding that city he had taken no part in the battle, but, when he learned that the man had killed himself, he was clearly annoyed, (although) for what (reason is) unclear. At any rate, he said, "O Cato, I begrudge you your death; for you begrudged me your security." But the essay written by him after this against Cato, when he was dead, does not seem to be the mark of a man in a mild or reconcilable state. For how could he have spared (him) alive, when he poured out so much unfeeling anger (against him)? Yet from his considerate behaviour towards Cicero and Brutus and very many others of those who had fought against (him), (people) conjecture that this essay was not composed through hatred but on account of the following grounds relating to political ambition. Cicero had written an encomium on Cato, giving the name 'Cato' to this (piece of) writing; and this essay was (read) with eagerness, as (was) natural, as it had been composed by the greatest of orators on the noblest of themes. This distressed Caesar, who thought that the praise of the dead (man) by him (was) a denunciation of himself. And so he wrote (his own paper), compiling numerous charges against Cato, and the book was entitled 'Anti-Cato'. Due to Caesar and Cato, both of these essays have many admirers.
PART L. CAESAR'S TRIUMPHS, THE SPANISH WAR AND THE BATTLE OF MUNDA (46-45 B.C.) : Chapters 55-56.
Chapter 55. But, to resume, when he came back to Rome from Africa, he firstly boasted to the people about his victory, (claiming) that he had subdued a country large enough to supply two hundred thousand (lit. twenty myriads of) bushels of Attic grain and three million (lit. three hundred myriads of) pounds of olive-oil to the state. Then, he celebrated triumphs - a Gallic, an Egyptian, a Pontic, (and) an African (one), not over Scipio, but, I suppose, over King Juba. On this occasion, too, Juba, who was the son of that (man), a mere infant, was carried in the triumph, the most fortunate captive (ever) taken, (since) from (being) a barbarian and a Numidian, he came to be counted among the most learned historians of the Greeks. After these triumphs, he gave large rewards to his soldiers and won over the people with banquets and shows, feasting (them) all at the same time on twenty-two thousand (lit. two myriads and two thousand) dining-couches, and furnishing spectacles of gladiators and men fighting in sea-battles in honour of his daughter Julia, long since dead.
After the shows, with a census taking place, instead of the former three hundred and twenty thousand (lit. thirty-two myriads), only one hundred and fifty (lit. fifteen myriads) in all were registered. The civil war had wrought such a great disaster and had consumed such a large part of the people (of Rome), without (anyone) making mention of the misfortunes affecting the rest of Italy and the provinces.
Chapter 56. When these matters had been completed, and after he had been declared consul for the fourth time, he made an expedition to Spain against the sons of Pompey, (who, although) being still young, had collected an army, remarkable for its numbers, and were displaying a boldness worthy of their leadership, such that they placed Caesar in the utmost peril. The great battle was fought near the city of Munda, during which Caesar, seeing his own men hard pressed and resisting feebly, cried out aloud, as he ran through their weapons and their ranks, whether they felt no shame (in) taking him to put (him) into the hands of those little boys. Repulsing the enemy with difficulty and with much effort, he slew over thirty thousand (lit. three myriads) of them, but he lost a thousand of his best men. As he was leaving the battlefield, he said to his friends that he had often striven for victory, but now for the first time for his life. He won this victory on the (day of the) festival of Dionysius, on which (day) Pompey the Great is also said to have set out for the war, but a period of four years had passed since then; and, as for the sons of Pompey, the younger (one) made his escape, but after a few days Deidius brought in the head of the elder. Caesar fought this (as) his last war, and the triumph celebrated after it distressed the Romans as nothing else (had done). For it was not thought proper to hold triumphal processions for the calamities of his country, when he had prevailed, not over foreign leaders nor barbarian kings, but had utterly destroyed the sons and family of the mightiest man among the Romans, glorifying himself over actions for which the commission (of them) through necessity (was) the only (possible) excuse before gods and before men, and this too, that he had sent the people previously neither messenger nor dispatches about victory in the civil wars, but that he had disdained the renown (for this) in shame.
PART M. CAESAR'S RULE OF ROME AS DICTATOR (45-44 B.C.) : Chapters 57-59.
Chapter 57. Nevertheless, giving way before the good fortune of the man and accepting the bit, while regarding monarchy (as) a respite from the evils of civil war, they appointed him dictator for life, and this was an acknowledged tyranny, with his monarchy with its absolute nature taking on permanence; although Cicero proposed the first honours in the Senate, the magnitude of which was more or less proper to a man, the others, adding excessive honours and vying with one another (to do so), pushed (them) through (in such a way) that they made the man seem oppressive and hateful to the mildest (of people), on account of the pretentiousness and unusual nature of the things decreed (for him), which those hating Caesar, no less than those flattering (him), are thought to have joined together to implement, in order that they might have as many grievances as possible against him and might seem to have the best reasons to make an attempt on his life. Indeed, in (all) other respects, after the civil war had been brought to an end by him, he showed himself blameless; and certainly (people) thought that (it was) not inappropriate that the temple of Clemency was decreed as a thank-offering for his mildness. For he pardoned many of those who had fought against him, and he even conferred offices and honours upon some, such as Brutus and Cassius, for both were praetors. He would not allow the statues of Pompey, which had been thrown down, (to remain so), but had (them) raised up (again), at which Cicero said that Caesar, (by) setting up Pompey's statues, had procured his own; and, when his friends thought it right that he should have a body-guard and many (of them) volunteered (lit. presented themselves) for this (service), he would not accept (this), saying that it was better to die once than to be always expecting (death). Surrounding himself with (men's) good-will, as the fairest and the truest protection, he tried again to win over the people with banquets and corn-doles, and the military with colonies, the most conspicuous of which were Carthage and Corinth, the earlier capture and now the restoration of both of which (cities) chanced to happen at one and the same time.
Chapter 58. He promised consulships and praetorships in the future to some of the nobility, he consoled others with certain powers and honours, and he caused all (of them) to have hope, as he desired to rule willing (subjects), so that, when the consul Maximus died, he appointed Caninius Rebilus consul for the one day of the (term of) office still remaining. When many (people) were going to him, as it seems, to congratulate (him) and to offer to escort (him to the forum), Cicero said, "Let us make haste, before the man arrives at the expiry of his consulship."
Since his many successes did not divert his natural spirit of great enterprise and his love of distinction to the enjoyment of what he had toiled to achieve, but, serving as fuel and incentive for future achievements, they produced in (him) plans for fresh deeds and a passion for glory, as though the (glory) he already had had been used up, this feeling was nothing other than emulation of himself, as if (he were someone) else, and a kind of rivalry between the things which he was proposing (to do) and what he had done. For (he had [lit. there was to him]) a preparation and a plan to mount an expedition against the Parthians, and, after he had subdued them and marched around the Black Sea by way of Hyrcania beside the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus, to invade Scythia, and, when he had overrun the countries bordering on (the lands of) the Germans and Germany itself, to come back to Italy through (the lands of) the Gauls, and complete this circuit of his empire, which would be bounded by the ocean. In the midst of this expedition, he planned to dig through the isthmus of Corinth, having put Anienus in charge of this (project), and, (by) diverting the Tiber just below the city into a deep channel and bending (it) around towards Circeium, to bring it out into the sea at Terracina, (thus) constructing a safe as well as an easy passage for merchandise into Rome; and, in addition to this, (by) draining the marshes around Pomentinum and Setia, to create a plain fit to be tilled by many myriads of men, and, (by) building next to the sea at Rome, barricades by means of earthworks, and clearing away the hidden dangers to shipping at the shore of Ostia, to construct harbours and anchorages sufficient for its great shipping fleet. (All) these things were in preparation.
Chapter 59. The adjustment of the calendar and the correction of the irregularity in the (reckoning of) time, having been studied meticulously by him and brought to completion, fulfilled a most critical need, for not only in very ancient times did the Romans make use, in a confused manner, of the cycles of the moon in relation to the year, with the result that their sacrificial feats and festivals, gradually getting out of step, fell outside their (intended) times into the opposite seasons, but also at this time, with regard to what was the solar (year), other (people) were completely unable to compute these (matters), and the priests alone, who knew the proper times, would suddenly, without anyone expecting (it), add the intercalary month, calling (it) Mercedonius, which King Numa is said to have been the first to insert, (thus) devising a slight and not very far-reaching remedy for this fault in the construction (of the calendar), as has been written about in my history concerning him. But Caesar, having put the problem to the best philosophers and mathematicians, out of the methods already suggested, compounded one of his own, which was an even more accurate correction, which (method) the Romans, using (it) up till now, were thought (to be) less in error concerning this irregularity than any other (people). Nevertheless, even this afforded a pretext for blame to those who disparaged (him) and disliked his power. At any rate, the orator Cicero, as it seems, when someone remarked that (the constellation) Lyra would rise the next day, said, "Yes, by edict!" as though men were having to accept even this under compulsion.
PART N. THE CAUSES OF THE GROWING DISCONTENT WITH CAESAR'S RULE. (45-44 B.C.) : Chapters 60-61.
Chapter 60. His desire for the kingship caused the most open and mortal hatred towards him, (being) for the multitude their first cause (for hatred), and serving as a most plausible pretext for those disguising (it) for a long time, and yet those advocating this honour for Caesar planted among the people a certain story that according to the Sibylline books the (land) of the Parthians appeared easy to be overrun by the Romans, if they advanced against them with a king, (but that) otherwise it was unconquerable. Then, when Caesar was coming down from Alba into the city, they ventured to hail him (as) 'King', but, with the people being thrown into confusion, he, disturbed in mind, said that he was called not 'King' but 'Caesar'; and, when a universal silence (lit. the silence of all) occurred, he went on his way not all cheerful or contented. Moreover, after (people) had voted extravagant honours to him in the Senate, it chanced that he was sitting above the rostra, and, when the consuls and the praetors approached (him) and the whole of the Senate were following (them) at the same time, he, not rising up (to receive them), but, as if he were dealing with some private persons, replied that his honours were in need of contraction rather than addition. This (remark) upset not only the Senate but also the people, (who felt) that the state had been insulted in (the person of) the Senate, and (those) who were not required (lit. [those] for whom it was possible not) to remain departed at once, so that, having realised (what he had done), he instantly turned towards home, and, drawing back his toga from his neck, cried out to his friends that he was ready to offer his throat to anyone who wanted (to strike him), but later on he made his illness the excuse (for his conduct), claiming that the senses of those thus afflicted do not have the power to remain steady, whenever they address a crowd (while) standing, but, (with their senses) being speedily shaken and whirled about, they are subject to, and may be seized by, fits of giddiness. However, what (he said) was not the case, but they say that (while) he himself was very willing to rise (to receive) the Senate, he was restrained by (one) of his friends, or rather (one of) his flatterers, Cornelius Balbus, saying, "Do you not remember that you are Caesar, and do you not require yourself to be attended to as their superior?"
Chapter 61. To these causes of offence was added his insult to the tribunes. For it was the festival of the Lupercalia, about which many (people) say that it is in some way related to the Arcadian Lycaea. At this time noble youths and magistrates run up and down through the city naked, striking those in their path with shaggy thongs for the sake of sport and merriment, and many of the women of high rank, deliberately going to meet (them), offer their hands for these strokes like (they were children) at school, believing that it will be good for the pregnant with regard to an easy delivery and for the barren with regard to pregnancy. Caesar was watching these (ceremonies), sitting on the rostra on a golden throne, arrayed in triumphal attire. And Antony was one of the runners in the sacred race, for he was consul. So, when he dashed into the forum, and the crowd had made way for him, carrying a diadem encircled by a wreath of laurel, he held (it) out to Caesar, and some applause occurred, not loud but slight (and) preconceived, but, when Caesar pushed (it) away, all the people applauded, and, when (Antony) had offered it again, (only) a few (applauded), and, when (he) again did not accept (it), (they) all (did so), and so, after the experiment had proved a failure, Caesar arose (from his seat), ordering that the wreath be carried up to the Capitol, but then his statues were seen to have been decorated with royal diadems. So, two of the tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, going up to (them), pulled (them) off, and, having discovered who had been the first to have hailed Caesar (as) king, they led (them) off to prison. But the people followed, applauding (the tribunes), and called these men Brutuses, because Brutus was the (man) who had put an end to the succession of kings, and who had transferred power from a sole ruler to the Senate and the people. Irritated at this, Caesar deprived Marullus and Flavius (lit. those around Marullus) of office, and, in his denunciation of them, (while) insulting the people also at the same time, he repeatedly called these men Brutuses and Cymeans (i.e. stupid men).
PART O. THE PRELUDE TO CAESAR'S DEATH (44 B.C.) : Chapters 62-63.
Chapter 62. So in these circumstances the multitude turned to Marcus Brutus, who was thought to be a descendant, on his father's side, (of the man) of that former time, and (was descended) on his mother's side from the Servilii, another illustrious house, and (was) a son-in-law and nephew of Cato. The honours and favours (which he had received) from Caesar blunted this eagerness, on his own account, for the abolition of the monarchy, for not only had he been saved at Pharsalus (by Caesar) after Pompey's flight, and had saved many of his friends at his entreaty, but he also possessed great credit with him. He also received the most prestigious praetorship among those of that year and was due to be consul in three (lit. four) year's time, having been preferred in competition with Cassius; for Caesar is said to have remarked that Cassius had a juster (claim), but he himself could not pass over Brutus. And once, when certain (persons) actually accused the man, as though the conspiracy was already being formed, he would not heed (them), but, laying his hand on his body, he said to these accusers, "Brutus will wait for this skin of mine," (implying) that he was worthy of rule, because of his virtue, and for the sake of ruling he would not become ungrateful and villainous.
But those desiring the change and fixing their gaze upon him alone, or (upon him) first, did not venture to talk with him directly, but at night covered the platform and the chair, from which he undertook his business as praetor, with written messages, of which the majority were of this sort: "You are asleep, O Brutus!" and "You are not (the real) Brutus." Cassius, perceiving that his ambition was quietly stirred by these (comments), put pressure (on him) and spurred (him) on more than before, having some personal (grounds) for hatred towards Caesar himself, for reasons which I (lit. we) have indeed explained in my biography (writings) about Brutus. Moreover, Caesar actually had him under suspicion, to the extent that he once said to his friends: " What do you think (lit. What does it seem to you that) Cassius wants? For I do not like him very much (lit. he is not very pleasing to me), as he is exceedingly pale." And once again it is said that, when an accusation came to him, with regard to Antony and Dolabella, that they were plotting revolution, he said, "I do not fear these fat long-haired fellows very much, but rather those pale thin ones," meaning Cassius and Brutus.
Chapter 63. However, destiny seems to be not so much unexpected as unavoidable, since they say that amazing prodigies and apparitions were seen. Now, in the context of such a great event, (it is) perhaps not worth mentioning the lights in the sky, the crashing sounds coming from all directions at night, and the solitary birds alighting in the forum; Strabo the philosopher tells (us) that a number of men lit up by fire were seen rushing around, and that the slave of a military man was throwing a great flame from his hand, and it seemed to those observing (it) that he must be burned, but, when (the flame) ceased, the man had suffered no harm at all; moreover (he says) that, when Caesar was sacrificing, the heart of the victim was not to be seen and that the portent was a terrible (one), since by nature an animal cannot exist without a heart. And it is the case too that the following (story) was heard, with many relating (it), that a certain seer had warned him to be on his guard against a great danger on the day of the month of Mars which the Romans call the Ides, and that, when that day had come, Caesar, as he was going forth to the Senate-house, greeting the seer, made a jest, saying, "Well, the Ides are come!", but (the seer) said to him in a quiet (voice), "Yes, they are come, but they have not gone." Moreover, on the day before, when Marcus Lepidus was entertaining him at dinner, he chanced to be signing letters, as was his custom, (while) reclining (at table), and, when the conversation turned upon what sort of death (was) best, anticipating everyone else, he cried out loudly, "One which (is) unexpected." After this, (while) sleeping, as he was accustomed (to do), beside his wife, when all the doors and windows of his bed-chamber flew open at the same moment, being startled by the noise and, simultaneously, by the light of the moon shining down upon (him), he noticed that Calpurnia was slumbering deeply but letting forth indistinct sounds and inarticulate groaning noises in her sleep, and in fact she was dreaming that she was bewailing him, (while) holding his murdered (body) in her arms. However, some say that this (was) not the vision which occurred to his wife, but that there was attached to Caesar's house a gable-end that the Senate had voted for the purpose of adornment and distinction, as Livy tells (us), which was what Calpurnia, when she saw in this dream that it had been torn down, thought that she was wailing and weeping (about), And so, when day came, she begged Caesar, if it (were) possible, not to go out, but to postpone the (meeting of the) Senate, but, if he were to give very little consideration to her dreams, (she besought him) to enquire about the future by means of some other kind of divination and sacrifices, and some suspicion and fear took hold of him as well, as it seems, since he had not observed anything of a womanish nature in Calpurnia's superstition before, but he now saw (her) very distressed, and, when the seers also told him that the omens were unfavourable, he decided, having sent for Antony, to adjourn the Senate.
PART P. THE ASSASSINATION OF JULIUS CAESAR (15th March 44 B.C.) : Chapters 64-66.
Chapter 64. In this (situation), Decimus Brutus, with the surname Albinus, so trusted by Caesar that he was even named by him as a second heir (in his will), but who had joined with the associates of (lit. those around) the other Brutus and Cassius in the conspiracy, fearing that, if Caesar escaped that day, the business would become known about, ridiculed the seers and chided Caesar for laying himself open to charges and accusations on the part of the Senate that it was being mocked, since it had met at his bidding and was ready to vote unanimously that he should be declared king of the provinces outside Italy, and might wear a diadem when he went to any other country and sea, but, if someone should tell them, when they had taken their places, to depart then, but to come back again whenever Calpurnia should happen to have better dreams, what speeches there would be amongst his enemies! or who amongst his friends would prevail (when) trying to argue that this was not slavery or tyranny? But if, he said, it seemed (to him) that the day should be avoided altogether on religious grounds, (it would be) better that he should go there and, having addressed the Senate, adjourn (the meeting).
At the same time as he was saying these things, Brutus, grasping Caesar by the hand, began to lead (him) along, and, when he had gone a little way from the door, someone else's slave, being eager to approach (him), (but) beaten back by the scrum and the numbers around him, (after) forcing his way into the house, gave himself into the hands of Calpurnia, bidding (her) to keep (him) secure until Caesar could return, as he had important matters to report to him.
Chapter 65. Furthermore, Artemidorus, a Cnidian by birth, a teacher of Greek philosophy, and, on account of this, being so well-acquainted with some of the followers of (lit. those around) Brutus that he even came to know most of what they were doing, came, bringing in a small roll (the matters) which he was intending to reveal, but, seeing that Caesar took each of these rolls and handed (them) to the attendants (standing) around him, he, (after) coming quite near, said, "Read this, Caesar, by yourself and speedily; for it deals with matters of great importance and which are of concern to you." Then Caesar, having taken (it), was prevented from reading (it) by the number (of people) conversing (with him), although making a start many times, and, holding in his hand and keeping hold of that roll alone, he went on into the Senate, but some say that someone else gave (him) that roll, and that Artemidorus did not get near (him) at all, but was squeezed out (by the crowd) all along the route.
Chapter 66. Up until now these things may perhaps have happened of their own accord; but the place which brought forth that murder and that struggle, (and) into which the Senate had then been mustered, since it contained a statue of Pompey which had been placed (there), and it had been one of the things ordered by Pompey (as) an ornament to his theatre, made it perfectly clear that it was the work of some heavenly power, guiding and directing the action there. And, indeed, Cassius, (while) looking towards the statue of Pompey, is said to have silently invoked (his assistance), although he was much inclined (lit. not hostile) towards the doctrines of Epicurus, and the moment of crisis, as it would seem, now created the inspiration and passion for that terrible event in place of his former calculating approach.
Now, Brutus Albinus (N.B. It was actually Gaius Trebonius) detained Antony, who was loyal to Caesar and a physically strong (man), outside (the meeting), engaging (him) in a conversation which was deliberately lengthy; and, when Caesar entered, the Senate rose to honour (him), but some of Brutus' associates (lit. some of those around Brutus) stood around the back of his throne, and others went to meet (him) to join their entreaties to (those of) Tillius Cimber, who was interceding on behalf of his brother (who was) an exile, and they accompanied (him) right up to his throne, calling out (to him as they went). But, when, having taken his seat, he continued to reject their petitions and, as they set forth (their entreaties) more violently, he began to feel very angry towards each (one of them), Tillius, taking hold of his toga with both hands, pulled (it) down from his neck, which was the agreed signal for the assault, and Casca struck (him) the first blow in the neck with his dagger, not a fatal nor a deep (wound), but because he was confused, as (was) likely at the beginning (of a deed) of such great daring, so that Caesar, turning around, seized (the dagger) in his hand and held (it) fast. At almost the same moment they (both) cried out, the one who was being struck in Latin, "Casca, (you) villain, what are you doing?", and the one who was striking in Greek, "Help, brother!"
With the beginning (of the assault) having occurred in such a way, consternation and horror at what was being done took hold of those who were not aware (of the plot), who dared neither to flee nor to defend (Caesar), nor indeed to utter a sound, but each of those who had prepared themselves for the murder brandished his bared dagger, (and Caesar), surrounded within a ring (of persons), meeting with blows and with steel aimed at his face and eyes in whichever (direction) he turned his face , (while) being driven like a wild beast, was entangled in the hands of all, for it was necessary for all to take part in the rites of sacrifice and to have a taste in the murder. Accordingly, Brutus also gave him one blow in the groin. And it is said by some (writers) that, although he then fought back against the others, moving both here and there, and crying out (for help), when he saw that Brutus had drawn his dagger, he pulled his cloak over his head and let himself fall, either by chance or because he was pushed (there) by his murderers, against the pedestal, on which Pompey's statue stood, so that Pompey himself seemed to have been presiding over this act of vengeance upon his enemy, who was lying (prostrate) at his feet, gasping (away his life) due to the multitude of his wounds, for it is said that he received twenty-three, and many (of his assailants) were wounded by one another, as they insisted on planting so many blows on one body.
PART Q. THE AFTERMATH OF CAESAR'S MURDER (44-42 B.C.) : Chapters 67-69.
Chapter 67. After the man had been finished off, although Brutus came into the midst (of them) in order to say something about what had been done, the Senate, not being prepared to wait, burst out through the doors, and (by) their fleeing filled the people with confusion and bewildered fear, so that some (of them) shut up their houses, and others abandoned their counting-tables and places of business, and went running firstly to the place to see what had happened, and then away from there when they had seen. Antony and Lepidus, the chief friends of Caesar, stealing away, took refuge in the houses of others. The partisans of (lit. Those around) Brutus, however, as though still warm from the slaughter, (and) displaying their naked daggers, proceeded from the senate-house all together in one body to the Capitol, not like fugitives, but beaming with great joy and confidence, summoning the people to freedom, and welcoming (into their ranks) the most distinguished of those whom they encountered. Some also went up with them and joined (lit. mingled themselves) amongst them, as though they had shared in the deed and were laying a claim to the glory (of it), among whom were both Gaius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther. Indeed these (men) later paid the penalty for their imposture, as they were put to death by Antony and the young Caesar, without even enjoying the fame for the sake of which they died, due to the disbelief of others, for not even those who punished them exacted this penalty for what they did, but for what they wished (they had done).
During the next day, when the associates of (lit. those around) Brutus came down and held a discourse, the people listened carefully to what was said, neither rejecting (it) nor as though they approved of what had been done, but they showed by their deep silence that, while they had pity for Caesar, they respected Brutus, and the Senate, trying to effect a kind of amnesty and agreement between everyone, voted, on the one hand, to honour Caesar as a god, and to disturb not even the most insignificant (measure) which he had passed when he was in power, and, on the other hand, it distributed provinces and gave conspicuous honours to the partisans of (lit. those around) Brutus, so that everyone considered that that these arrangements involved a settlement and had achieved the best (possible) blend (of measures).
Chapter 68. But, when, (after) Caesar's will was opened, a considerable gift was found to have been given (by him) to each Roman (citizen), and the multitude beheld his body, which had been carried into the forum, outrageously disfigured by its wounds, they no longer kept their order and discipline, but, (after) heaping benches, railings and counting-tables (taken) from the forum around the body, they set fire (to them) and cremated (him) then and there, and then, taking up red-hot firebrands, they ran to the houses of his assassins in order to burn (them) down, and others went to and fro in all directions within the city, seeking to seize these men and tear (them) to pieces. None of these came their (way), and indeed all (of them) were well barricaded. But a certain Cinna, one of Caesar's companions, chanced, as they say, during the previous night to have seen a strange vision, for he dreamed that he was invited to dinner by Caesar, and, when he offered his excuses, he was led by the hand by him, not willingly, but (while) offering resistance. Now, when he heard that Caesar's body was being burnt in the forum, having arisen, he went (there) out of respect, although viewing his vision with misgiving and, at the same time, suffering from a fever. At the sight of him, one of the multitude pointed out his name to someone else, who learned (it), and that man (passed it) to another, and immediately it was (passed) through the whole throng that this man was (one) of those who had murdered Caesar, for there was among the conspirators a certain Cinna, who had the same name as him, and taking him to be this man, they immediately rushed upon (him) and tore (him) to pieces in the midst (of the crowd). The associates of (lit. Those around) Brutus and Cassius, fearing this especially, withdrew from the city after not many days had passed, and what they did and suffered (before) they died is recorded in my (writings) about Brutus.
Chapter 69. So Caesar died, being fully fifty-six years (old), but living not much more than four years beyond Pompey, but the power and the dominion, which he had pursued all his life at such great risk, he (only) achieved with great difficulty, (and) of this he reaped no benefit at all, except the name only and a glory (which made him) liable to envy in the eyes of his fellow-citizens. However, his great genius, from whom he had benefited throughout his life, followed (him) closely even after he had died, avenging his murder and driving and tracking down his slayers across every land and sea, until not one of them was left, and even taking vengeance upon those who, in any way whatsoever, had put their hand to the deed or had had a share in the plot.
Among the fortunes of man, the most remarkable (event was) that concerning Cassius, for (it is said that) after he had been defeated at Philippi, he slew himself with that very dagger which he had used against Caesar, and among supernatural events (there was) the great comet, for it appeared for seven nights after Caesar's slaying, (and) then it vanished, (and) also, with regard to the sun, (there was) the obscuration of its light. For during the whole of that year its orb rose pale and without possessing any radiance, and a feeble and meagre heat came down from it, so that it produced dark and heavy air, owing to the weakness of the warmth which was penetrating it, and the fruit, half-ripened and imperfect, withered and faded on account of the coldness of the atmosphere.
But more than anything else the phantom which appeared to Brutus showed that the killing of Caesar was not pleasing to the gods; (the story) was as follows. As he was about to take his army across (the straits) from Abydos to the other continent, he lay down one night in his tent, as he was accustomed (to do), not to sleep, but to think about the future, for, among the generals, this man is said to have been the least inclined to sleep and that he naturally used to keep himself awake for a longer time (than anyone else); he thought he heard some kind of noise at the entrance (to the tent), and, looking towards the light of the lamp, which was now almost out, he saw a fearful vision of a man, unnatural in size and harsh of aspect, and, although panic-stricken at first, when he saw that it neither did nor saw anything, but stood in silence by his couch, he asked who he was. The phantom replied to him, "(I am) your evil genius, O Brutus; and you will see me at Philippi." So, Brutus then said courageously, "I shall see (you then)." and the genius immediately went away. Time having passed, when ranged in battle against Antony and Caesar at Philippi, in the first battle, (after) conquering the (enemy) opposed to him, he routed and scattered (them), (while) plundering Caesar's camp, but, when he was about to fight the second (battle), the same phantom visited (him) again at night, although it said nothing to (him), but Brutus, realising that fate was upon (him), exposed himself to (every) risk. Yet, he did not fall (while) fighting, but, when the rout had happened, (after) retiring to a precipitous (rock), and stabbing his breast with his naked sword, while a certain friend, as they say, helped to drive the blow home, he died.
PART L. CAESAR'S TRIUMPHS, THE SPANISH WAR AND THE BATTLE OF MUNDA (46-45 B.C.) : Chapters 55-56.
Chapter 55. But, to resume, when he came back to Rome from Africa, he firstly boasted to the people about his victory, (claiming) that he had subdued a country large enough to supply two hundred thousand (lit. twenty myriads of) bushels of Attic grain and three million (lit. three hundred myriads of) pounds of olive-oil to the state. Then, he celebrated triumphs - a Gallic, an Egyptian, a Pontic, (and) an African (one), not over Scipio, but, I suppose, over King Juba. On this occasion, too, Juba, who was the son of that (man), a mere infant, was carried in the triumph, the most fortunate captive (ever) taken, (since) from (being) a barbarian and a Numidian, he came to be counted among the most learned historians of the Greeks. After these triumphs, he gave large rewards to his soldiers and won over the people with banquets and shows, feasting (them) all at the same time on twenty-two thousand (lit. two myriads and two thousand) dining-couches, and furnishing spectacles of gladiators and men fighting in sea-battles in honour of his daughter Julia, long since dead.
After the shows, with a census taking place, instead of the former three hundred and twenty thousand (lit. thirty-two myriads), only one hundred and fifty (lit. fifteen myriads) in all were registered. The civil war had wrought such a great disaster and had consumed such a large part of the people (of Rome), without (anyone) making mention of the misfortunes affecting the rest of Italy and the provinces.
Chapter 56. When these matters had been completed, and after he had been declared consul for the fourth time, he made an expedition to Spain against the sons of Pompey, (who, although) being still young, had collected an army, remarkable for its numbers, and were displaying a boldness worthy of their leadership, such that they placed Caesar in the utmost peril. The great battle was fought near the city of Munda, during which Caesar, seeing his own men hard pressed and resisting feebly, cried out aloud, as he ran through their weapons and their ranks, whether they felt no shame (in) taking him to put (him) into the hands of those little boys. Repulsing the enemy with difficulty and with much effort, he slew over thirty thousand (lit. three myriads) of them, but he lost a thousand of his best men. As he was leaving the battlefield, he said to his friends that he had often striven for victory, but now for the first time for his life. He won this victory on the (day of the) festival of Dionysius, on which (day) Pompey the Great is also said to have set out for the war, but a period of four years had passed since then; and, as for the sons of Pompey, the younger (one) made his escape, but after a few days Deidius brought in the head of the elder. Caesar fought this (as) his last war, and the triumph celebrated after it distressed the Romans as nothing else (had done). For it was not thought proper to hold triumphal processions for the calamities of his country, when he had prevailed, not over foreign leaders nor barbarian kings, but had utterly destroyed the sons and family of the mightiest man among the Romans, glorifying himself over actions for which the commission (of them) through necessity (was) the only (possible) excuse before gods and before men, and this too, that he had sent the people previously neither messenger nor dispatches about victory in the civil wars, but that he had disdained the renown (for this) in shame.
PART M. CAESAR'S RULE OF ROME AS DICTATOR (45-44 B.C.) : Chapters 57-59.
Chapter 57. Nevertheless, giving way before the good fortune of the man and accepting the bit, while regarding monarchy (as) a respite from the evils of civil war, they appointed him dictator for life, and this was an acknowledged tyranny, with his monarchy with its absolute nature taking on permanence; although Cicero proposed the first honours in the Senate, the magnitude of which was more or less proper to a man, the others, adding excessive honours and vying with one another (to do so), pushed (them) through (in such a way) that they made the man seem oppressive and hateful to the mildest (of people), on account of the pretentiousness and unusual nature of the things decreed (for him), which those hating Caesar, no less than those flattering (him), are thought to have joined together to implement, in order that they might have as many grievances as possible against him and might seem to have the best reasons to make an attempt on his life. Indeed, in (all) other respects, after the civil war had been brought to an end by him, he showed himself blameless; and certainly (people) thought that (it was) not inappropriate that the temple of Clemency was decreed as a thank-offering for his mildness. For he pardoned many of those who had fought against him, and he even conferred offices and honours upon some, such as Brutus and Cassius, for both were praetors. He would not allow the statues of Pompey, which had been thrown down, (to remain so), but had (them) raised up (again), at which Cicero said that Caesar, (by) setting up Pompey's statues, had procured his own; and, when his friends thought it right that he should have a body-guard and many (of them) volunteered (lit. presented themselves) for this (service), he would not accept (this), saying that it was better to die once than to be always expecting (death). Surrounding himself with (men's) good-will, as the fairest and the truest protection, he tried again to win over the people with banquets and corn-doles, and the military with colonies, the most conspicuous of which were Carthage and Corinth, the earlier capture and now the restoration of both of which (cities) chanced to happen at one and the same time.
Chapter 58. He promised consulships and praetorships in the future to some of the nobility, he consoled others with certain powers and honours, and he caused all (of them) to have hope, as he desired to rule willing (subjects), so that, when the consul Maximus died, he appointed Caninius Rebilus consul for the one day of the (term of) office still remaining. When many (people) were going to him, as it seems, to congratulate (him) and to offer to escort (him to the forum), Cicero said, "Let us make haste, before the man arrives at the expiry of his consulship."
Since his many successes did not divert his natural spirit of great enterprise and his love of distinction to the enjoyment of what he had toiled to achieve, but, serving as fuel and incentive for future achievements, they produced in (him) plans for fresh deeds and a passion for glory, as though the (glory) he already had had been used up, this feeling was nothing other than emulation of himself, as if (he were someone) else, and a kind of rivalry between the things which he was proposing (to do) and what he had done. For (he had [lit. there was to him]) a preparation and a plan to mount an expedition against the Parthians, and, after he had subdued them and marched around the Black Sea by way of Hyrcania beside the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus, to invade Scythia, and, when he had overrun the countries bordering on (the lands of) the Germans and Germany itself, to come back to Italy through (the lands of) the Gauls, and complete this circuit of his empire, which would be bounded by the ocean. In the midst of this expedition, he planned to dig through the isthmus of Corinth, having put Anienus in charge of this (project), and, (by) diverting the Tiber just below the city into a deep channel and bending (it) around towards Circeium, to bring it out into the sea at Terracina, (thus) constructing a safe as well as an easy passage for merchandise into Rome; and, in addition to this, (by) draining the marshes around Pomentinum and Setia, to create a plain fit to be tilled by many myriads of men, and, (by) building next to the sea at Rome, barricades by means of earthworks, and clearing away the hidden dangers to shipping at the shore of Ostia, to construct harbours and anchorages sufficient for its great shipping fleet. (All) these things were in preparation.
Chapter 59. The adjustment of the calendar and the correction of the irregularity in the (reckoning of) time, having been studied meticulously by him and brought to completion, fulfilled a most critical need, for not only in very ancient times did the Romans make use, in a confused manner, of the cycles of the moon in relation to the year, with the result that their sacrificial feats and festivals, gradually getting out of step, fell outside their (intended) times into the opposite seasons, but also at this time, with regard to what was the solar (year), other (people) were completely unable to compute these (matters), and the priests alone, who knew the proper times, would suddenly, without anyone expecting (it), add the intercalary month, calling (it) Mercedonius, which King Numa is said to have been the first to insert, (thus) devising a slight and not very far-reaching remedy for this fault in the construction (of the calendar), as has been written about in my history concerning him. But Caesar, having put the problem to the best philosophers and mathematicians, out of the methods already suggested, compounded one of his own, which was an even more accurate correction, which (method) the Romans, using (it) up till now, were thought (to be) less in error concerning this irregularity than any other (people). Nevertheless, even this afforded a pretext for blame to those who disparaged (him) and disliked his power. At any rate, the orator Cicero, as it seems, when someone remarked that (the constellation) Lyra would rise the next day, said, "Yes, by edict!" as though men were having to accept even this under compulsion.
PART N. THE CAUSES OF THE GROWING DISCONTENT WITH CAESAR'S RULE. (45-44 B.C.) : Chapters 60-61.
Chapter 60. His desire for the kingship caused the most open and mortal hatred towards him, (being) for the multitude their first cause (for hatred), and serving as a most plausible pretext for those disguising (it) for a long time, and yet those advocating this honour for Caesar planted among the people a certain story that according to the Sibylline books the (land) of the Parthians appeared easy to be overrun by the Romans, if they advanced against them with a king, (but that) otherwise it was unconquerable. Then, when Caesar was coming down from Alba into the city, they ventured to hail him (as) 'King', but, with the people being thrown into confusion, he, disturbed in mind, said that he was called not 'King' but 'Caesar'; and, when a universal silence (lit. the silence of all) occurred, he went on his way not all cheerful or contented. Moreover, after (people) had voted extravagant honours to him in the Senate, it chanced that he was sitting above the rostra, and, when the consuls and the praetors approached (him) and the whole of the Senate were following (them) at the same time, he, not rising up (to receive them), but, as if he were dealing with some private persons, replied that his honours were in need of contraction rather than addition. This (remark) upset not only the Senate but also the people, (who felt) that the state had been insulted in (the person of) the Senate, and (those) who were not required (lit. [those] for whom it was possible not) to remain departed at once, so that, having realised (what he had done), he instantly turned towards home, and, drawing back his toga from his neck, cried out to his friends that he was ready to offer his throat to anyone who wanted (to strike him), but later on he made his illness the excuse (for his conduct), claiming that the senses of those thus afflicted do not have the power to remain steady, whenever they address a crowd (while) standing, but, (with their senses) being speedily shaken and whirled about, they are subject to, and may be seized by, fits of giddiness. However, what (he said) was not the case, but they say that (while) he himself was very willing to rise (to receive) the Senate, he was restrained by (one) of his friends, or rather (one of) his flatterers, Cornelius Balbus, saying, "Do you not remember that you are Caesar, and do you not require yourself to be attended to as their superior?"
Chapter 61. To these causes of offence was added his insult to the tribunes. For it was the festival of the Lupercalia, about which many (people) say that it is in some way related to the Arcadian Lycaea. At this time noble youths and magistrates run up and down through the city naked, striking those in their path with shaggy thongs for the sake of sport and merriment, and many of the women of high rank, deliberately going to meet (them), offer their hands for these strokes like (they were children) at school, believing that it will be good for the pregnant with regard to an easy delivery and for the barren with regard to pregnancy. Caesar was watching these (ceremonies), sitting on the rostra on a golden throne, arrayed in triumphal attire. And Antony was one of the runners in the sacred race, for he was consul. So, when he dashed into the forum, and the crowd had made way for him, carrying a diadem encircled by a wreath of laurel, he held (it) out to Caesar, and some applause occurred, not loud but slight (and) preconceived, but, when Caesar pushed (it) away, all the people applauded, and, when (Antony) had offered it again, (only) a few (applauded), and, when (he) again did not accept (it), (they) all (did so), and so, after the experiment had proved a failure, Caesar arose (from his seat), ordering that the wreath be carried up to the Capitol, but then his statues were seen to have been decorated with royal diadems. So, two of the tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, going up to (them), pulled (them) off, and, having discovered who had been the first to have hailed Caesar (as) king, they led (them) off to prison. But the people followed, applauding (the tribunes), and called these men Brutuses, because Brutus was the (man) who had put an end to the succession of kings, and who had transferred power from a sole ruler to the Senate and the people. Irritated at this, Caesar deprived Marullus and Flavius (lit. those around Marullus) of office, and, in his denunciation of them, (while) insulting the people also at the same time, he repeatedly called these men Brutuses and Cymeans (i.e. stupid men).
PART O. THE PRELUDE TO CAESAR'S DEATH (44 B.C.) : Chapters 62-63.
Chapter 62. So in these circumstances the multitude turned to Marcus Brutus, who was thought to be a descendant, on his father's side, (of the man) of that former time, and (was descended) on his mother's side from the Servilii, another illustrious house, and (was) a son-in-law and nephew of Cato. The honours and favours (which he had received) from Caesar blunted this eagerness, on his own account, for the abolition of the monarchy, for not only had he been saved at Pharsalus (by Caesar) after Pompey's flight, and had saved many of his friends at his entreaty, but he also possessed great credit with him. He also received the most prestigious praetorship among those of that year and was due to be consul in three (lit. four) year's time, having been preferred in competition with Cassius; for Caesar is said to have remarked that Cassius had a juster (claim), but he himself could not pass over Brutus. And once, when certain (persons) actually accused the man, as though the conspiracy was already being formed, he would not heed (them), but, laying his hand on his body, he said to these accusers, "Brutus will wait for this skin of mine," (implying) that he was worthy of rule, because of his virtue, and for the sake of ruling he would not become ungrateful and villainous.
But those desiring the change and fixing their gaze upon him alone, or (upon him) first, did not venture to talk with him directly, but at night covered the platform and the chair, from which he undertook his business as praetor, with written messages, of which the majority were of this sort: "You are asleep, O Brutus!" and "You are not (the real) Brutus." Cassius, perceiving that his ambition was quietly stirred by these (comments), put pressure (on him) and spurred (him) on more than before, having some personal (grounds) for hatred towards Caesar himself, for reasons which I (lit. we) have indeed explained in my biography (writings) about Brutus. Moreover, Caesar actually had him under suspicion, to the extent that he once said to his friends: " What do you think (lit. What does it seem to you that) Cassius wants? For I do not like him very much (lit. he is not very pleasing to me), as he is exceedingly pale." And once again it is said that, when an accusation came to him, with regard to Antony and Dolabella, that they were plotting revolution, he said, "I do not fear these fat long-haired fellows very much, but rather those pale thin ones," meaning Cassius and Brutus.
Chapter 63. However, destiny seems to be not so much unexpected as unavoidable, since they say that amazing prodigies and apparitions were seen. Now, in the context of such a great event, (it is) perhaps not worth mentioning the lights in the sky, the crashing sounds coming from all directions at night, and the solitary birds alighting in the forum; Strabo the philosopher tells (us) that a number of men lit up by fire were seen rushing around, and that the slave of a military man was throwing a great flame from his hand, and it seemed to those observing (it) that he must be burned, but, when (the flame) ceased, the man had suffered no harm at all; moreover (he says) that, when Caesar was sacrificing, the heart of the victim was not to be seen and that the portent was a terrible (one), since by nature an animal cannot exist without a heart. And it is the case too that the following (story) was heard, with many relating (it), that a certain seer had warned him to be on his guard against a great danger on the day of the month of Mars which the Romans call the Ides, and that, when that day had come, Caesar, as he was going forth to the Senate-house, greeting the seer, made a jest, saying, "Well, the Ides are come!", but (the seer) said to him in a quiet (voice), "Yes, they are come, but they have not gone." Moreover, on the day before, when Marcus Lepidus was entertaining him at dinner, he chanced to be signing letters, as was his custom, (while) reclining (at table), and, when the conversation turned upon what sort of death (was) best, anticipating everyone else, he cried out loudly, "One which (is) unexpected." After this, (while) sleeping, as he was accustomed (to do), beside his wife, when all the doors and windows of his bed-chamber flew open at the same moment, being startled by the noise and, simultaneously, by the light of the moon shining down upon (him), he noticed that Calpurnia was slumbering deeply but letting forth indistinct sounds and inarticulate groaning noises in her sleep, and in fact she was dreaming that she was bewailing him, (while) holding his murdered (body) in her arms. However, some say that this (was) not the vision which occurred to his wife, but that there was attached to Caesar's house a gable-end that the Senate had voted for the purpose of adornment and distinction, as Livy tells (us), which was what Calpurnia, when she saw in this dream that it had been torn down, thought that she was wailing and weeping (about), And so, when day came, she begged Caesar, if it (were) possible, not to go out, but to postpone the (meeting of the) Senate, but, if he were to give very little consideration to her dreams, (she besought him) to enquire about the future by means of some other kind of divination and sacrifices, and some suspicion and fear took hold of him as well, as it seems, since he had not observed anything of a womanish nature in Calpurnia's superstition before, but he now saw (her) very distressed, and, when the seers also told him that the omens were unfavourable, he decided, having sent for Antony, to adjourn the Senate.
PART P. THE ASSASSINATION OF JULIUS CAESAR (15th March 44 B.C.) : Chapters 64-66.
Chapter 64. In this (situation), Decimus Brutus, with the surname Albinus, so trusted by Caesar that he was even named by him as a second heir (in his will), but who had joined with the associates of (lit. those around) the other Brutus and Cassius in the conspiracy, fearing that, if Caesar escaped that day, the business would become known about, ridiculed the seers and chided Caesar for laying himself open to charges and accusations on the part of the Senate that it was being mocked, since it had met at his bidding and was ready to vote unanimously that he should be declared king of the provinces outside Italy, and might wear a diadem when he went to any other country and sea, but, if someone should tell them, when they had taken their places, to depart then, but to come back again whenever Calpurnia should happen to have better dreams, what speeches there would be amongst his enemies! or who amongst his friends would prevail (when) trying to argue that this was not slavery or tyranny? But if, he said, it seemed (to him) that the day should be avoided altogether on religious grounds, (it would be) better that he should go there and, having addressed the Senate, adjourn (the meeting).
At the same time as he was saying these things, Brutus, grasping Caesar by the hand, began to lead (him) along, and, when he had gone a little way from the door, someone else's slave, being eager to approach (him), (but) beaten back by the scrum and the numbers around him, (after) forcing his way into the house, gave himself into the hands of Calpurnia, bidding (her) to keep (him) secure until Caesar could return, as he had important matters to report to him.
Chapter 65. Furthermore, Artemidorus, a Cnidian by birth, a teacher of Greek philosophy, and, on account of this, being so well-acquainted with some of the followers of (lit. those around) Brutus that he even came to know most of what they were doing, came, bringing in a small roll (the matters) which he was intending to reveal, but, seeing that Caesar took each of these rolls and handed (them) to the attendants (standing) around him, he, (after) coming quite near, said, "Read this, Caesar, by yourself and speedily; for it deals with matters of great importance and which are of concern to you." Then Caesar, having taken (it), was prevented from reading (it) by the number (of people) conversing (with him), although making a start many times, and, holding in his hand and keeping hold of that roll alone, he went on into the Senate, but some say that someone else gave (him) that roll, and that Artemidorus did not get near (him) at all, but was squeezed out (by the crowd) all along the route.
Chapter 66. Up until now these things may perhaps have happened of their own accord; but the place which brought forth that murder and that struggle, (and) into which the Senate had then been mustered, since it contained a statue of Pompey which had been placed (there), and it had been one of the things ordered by Pompey (as) an ornament to his theatre, made it perfectly clear that it was the work of some heavenly power, guiding and directing the action there. And, indeed, Cassius, (while) looking towards the statue of Pompey, is said to have silently invoked (his assistance), although he was much inclined (lit. not hostile) towards the doctrines of Epicurus, and the moment of crisis, as it would seem, now created the inspiration and passion for that terrible event in place of his former calculating approach.
Now, Brutus Albinus (N.B. It was actually Gaius Trebonius) detained Antony, who was loyal to Caesar and a physically strong (man), outside (the meeting), engaging (him) in a conversation which was deliberately lengthy; and, when Caesar entered, the Senate rose to honour (him), but some of Brutus' associates (lit. some of those around Brutus) stood around the back of his throne, and others went to meet (him) to join their entreaties to (those of) Tillius Cimber, who was interceding on behalf of his brother (who was) an exile, and they accompanied (him) right up to his throne, calling out (to him as they went). But, when, having taken his seat, he continued to reject their petitions and, as they set forth (their entreaties) more violently, he began to feel very angry towards each (one of them), Tillius, taking hold of his toga with both hands, pulled (it) down from his neck, which was the agreed signal for the assault, and Casca struck (him) the first blow in the neck with his dagger, not a fatal nor a deep (wound), but because he was confused, as (was) likely at the beginning (of a deed) of such great daring, so that Caesar, turning around, seized (the dagger) in his hand and held (it) fast. At almost the same moment they (both) cried out, the one who was being struck in Latin, "Casca, (you) villain, what are you doing?", and the one who was striking in Greek, "Help, brother!"
With the beginning (of the assault) having occurred in such a way, consternation and horror at what was being done took hold of those who were not aware (of the plot), who dared neither to flee nor to defend (Caesar), nor indeed to utter a sound, but each of those who had prepared themselves for the murder brandished his bared dagger, (and Caesar), surrounded within a ring (of persons), meeting with blows and with steel aimed at his face and eyes in whichever (direction) he turned his face , (while) being driven like a wild beast, was entangled in the hands of all, for it was necessary for all to take part in the rites of sacrifice and to have a taste in the murder. Accordingly, Brutus also gave him one blow in the groin. And it is said by some (writers) that, although he then fought back against the others, moving both here and there, and crying out (for help), when he saw that Brutus had drawn his dagger, he pulled his cloak over his head and let himself fall, either by chance or because he was pushed (there) by his murderers, against the pedestal, on which Pompey's statue stood, so that Pompey himself seemed to have been presiding over this act of vengeance upon his enemy, who was lying (prostrate) at his feet, gasping (away his life) due to the multitude of his wounds, for it is said that he received twenty-three, and many (of his assailants) were wounded by one another, as they insisted on planting so many blows on one body.
PART Q. THE AFTERMATH OF CAESAR'S MURDER (44-42 B.C.) : Chapters 67-69.
Chapter 67. After the man had been finished off, although Brutus came into the midst (of them) in order to say something about what had been done, the Senate, not being prepared to wait, burst out through the doors, and (by) their fleeing filled the people with confusion and bewildered fear, so that some (of them) shut up their houses, and others abandoned their counting-tables and places of business, and went running firstly to the place to see what had happened, and then away from there when they had seen. Antony and Lepidus, the chief friends of Caesar, stealing away, took refuge in the houses of others. The partisans of (lit. Those around) Brutus, however, as though still warm from the slaughter, (and) displaying their naked daggers, proceeded from the senate-house all together in one body to the Capitol, not like fugitives, but beaming with great joy and confidence, summoning the people to freedom, and welcoming (into their ranks) the most distinguished of those whom they encountered. Some also went up with them and joined (lit. mingled themselves) amongst them, as though they had shared in the deed and were laying a claim to the glory (of it), among whom were both Gaius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther. Indeed these (men) later paid the penalty for their imposture, as they were put to death by Antony and the young Caesar, without even enjoying the fame for the sake of which they died, due to the disbelief of others, for not even those who punished them exacted this penalty for what they did, but for what they wished (they had done).
During the next day, when the associates of (lit. those around) Brutus came down and held a discourse, the people listened carefully to what was said, neither rejecting (it) nor as though they approved of what had been done, but they showed by their deep silence that, while they had pity for Caesar, they respected Brutus, and the Senate, trying to effect a kind of amnesty and agreement between everyone, voted, on the one hand, to honour Caesar as a god, and to disturb not even the most insignificant (measure) which he had passed when he was in power, and, on the other hand, it distributed provinces and gave conspicuous honours to the partisans of (lit. those around) Brutus, so that everyone considered that that these arrangements involved a settlement and had achieved the best (possible) blend (of measures).
Chapter 68. But, when, (after) Caesar's will was opened, a considerable gift was found to have been given (by him) to each Roman (citizen), and the multitude beheld his body, which had been carried into the forum, outrageously disfigured by its wounds, they no longer kept their order and discipline, but, (after) heaping benches, railings and counting-tables (taken) from the forum around the body, they set fire (to them) and cremated (him) then and there, and then, taking up red-hot firebrands, they ran to the houses of his assassins in order to burn (them) down, and others went to and fro in all directions within the city, seeking to seize these men and tear (them) to pieces. None of these came their (way), and indeed all (of them) were well barricaded. But a certain Cinna, one of Caesar's companions, chanced, as they say, during the previous night to have seen a strange vision, for he dreamed that he was invited to dinner by Caesar, and, when he offered his excuses, he was led by the hand by him, not willingly, but (while) offering resistance. Now, when he heard that Caesar's body was being burnt in the forum, having arisen, he went (there) out of respect, although viewing his vision with misgiving and, at the same time, suffering from a fever. At the sight of him, one of the multitude pointed out his name to someone else, who learned (it), and that man (passed it) to another, and immediately it was (passed) through the whole throng that this man was (one) of those who had murdered Caesar, for there was among the conspirators a certain Cinna, who had the same name as him, and taking him to be this man, they immediately rushed upon (him) and tore (him) to pieces in the midst (of the crowd). The associates of (lit. Those around) Brutus and Cassius, fearing this especially, withdrew from the city after not many days had passed, and what they did and suffered (before) they died is recorded in my (writings) about Brutus.
Chapter 69. So Caesar died, being fully fifty-six years (old), but living not much more than four years beyond Pompey, but the power and the dominion, which he had pursued all his life at such great risk, he (only) achieved with great difficulty, (and) of this he reaped no benefit at all, except the name only and a glory (which made him) liable to envy in the eyes of his fellow-citizens. However, his great genius, from whom he had benefited throughout his life, followed (him) closely even after he had died, avenging his murder and driving and tracking down his slayers across every land and sea, until not one of them was left, and even taking vengeance upon those who, in any way whatsoever, had put their hand to the deed or had had a share in the plot.
Among the fortunes of man, the most remarkable (event was) that concerning Cassius, for (it is said that) after he had been defeated at Philippi, he slew himself with that very dagger which he had used against Caesar, and among supernatural events (there was) the great comet, for it appeared for seven nights after Caesar's slaying, (and) then it vanished, (and) also, with regard to the sun, (there was) the obscuration of its light. For during the whole of that year its orb rose pale and without possessing any radiance, and a feeble and meagre heat came down from it, so that it produced dark and heavy air, owing to the weakness of the warmth which was penetrating it, and the fruit, half-ripened and imperfect, withered and faded on account of the coldness of the atmosphere.
But more than anything else the phantom which appeared to Brutus showed that the killing of Caesar was not pleasing to the gods; (the story) was as follows. As he was about to take his army across (the straits) from Abydos to the other continent, he lay down one night in his tent, as he was accustomed (to do), not to sleep, but to think about the future, for, among the generals, this man is said to have been the least inclined to sleep and that he naturally used to keep himself awake for a longer time (than anyone else); he thought he heard some kind of noise at the entrance (to the tent), and, looking towards the light of the lamp, which was now almost out, he saw a fearful vision of a man, unnatural in size and harsh of aspect, and, although panic-stricken at first, when he saw that it neither did nor saw anything, but stood in silence by his couch, he asked who he was. The phantom replied to him, "(I am) your evil genius, O Brutus; and you will see me at Philippi." So, Brutus then said courageously, "I shall see (you then)." and the genius immediately went away. Time having passed, when ranged in battle against Antony and Caesar at Philippi, in the first battle, (after) conquering the (enemy) opposed to him, he routed and scattered (them), (while) plundering Caesar's camp, but, when he was about to fight the second (battle), the same phantom visited (him) again at night, although it said nothing to (him), but Brutus, realising that fate was upon (him), exposed himself to (every) risk. Yet, he did not fall (while) fighting, but, when the rout had happened, (after) retiring to a precipitous (rock), and stabbing his breast with his naked sword, while a certain friend, as they say, helped to drive the blow home, he died.
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