TACITUS: "ANNALES": BOOK I

TACITUS: "ANNALES": BOOK I 

Introduction: 

Cornelius Tacitus (c. 54-117 A.D.) was the most eminent historian of Silver Age Latin literature. Himself an eminent man, Tacitus was one of the foremost lawyers and forensic orators in Rome, becoming praetor in 88, suffect consul in 97, and proconsul of Asia - the most prestigious appointment available to a Roman senator during the early empire - in 112-13. His most celebrated works are the "Histories" which cover the years 69-96 in 12 books, of which only 4 and a half survive, and the "Annals " (their full Latin title is "Annales de excessu Divi Augusti") which cover the years 14-69 in 16 books, of which a quarter have been lost. Tacitus comes over as a stern moralist who does not shrink from portraying the horrors of the times about which he wrote. His "Agricola" is an earlier work, published in 98, together with another celebrated monograph, the "Germania". Tacitus is proverbial for the conciseness of his style, and, as a result, clarity of meaning is sometimes sacrificed. Indeed, many of his sentences are so short that they have to be read and re-read before the true meaning can emerge. Nevertheless, despite the challenge to the translator, his narrative powers are considerable and he has a remarkable ability to coin a telling phrase in a very few words. His works were probably intended to be declaimed in the first instance, and as a result chapters may end with epigrammatic flourishes designed to attract applause. 

Before "Annales" Book I, the only work of Tacitus that Sabidius has translated was his "Agricola" (see the item on this blog dated 20th December 2010), but he now plans to remedy his relative neglect of this great Roman historian, the details of whose life and works are readily available in the article about him provided by Wikipedia. The first six books of the "Annales", which consisted of sixteen books, were devoted to the reign of Tiberius, although Book 5 and parts of Book 6 have been lost. In these books, the tortuous character of Tiberius is made evident. For the purpose of this translation, Sabidius has utilised the text provided by Charles Dennis Fisher, Clarendon Press, Oxford (1906), available on the Perseus website maintained by Tufts University. The accompanying English translation, provided by Church, Broadribb and Bryant (1942), keeps to the structure of Tacitus' writing, and is therefore to be broadly recommended. 

A. FROM AUGUSTUS TO TIBERIUS (Chs. 1-15).

1. A summary of Rome's political history.

At the beginning kings had the city of Rome in their possession; Lucius Brutus (i.e. Lucius Junius Brutus, cos. 509 B.C.) created freedom and the consulate. Dictatorships were assumed for a time, the power of the decemvirs did not last beyond two years, nor (did) the consular jurisdiction of the military tribunes (endure) for very long. Neither the tyranny of Cinna (i.e. Lucius Cornelius Cinna, cos. 87 B.C.), nor (that) of Sulla (i.e. Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix, cos 88 B.C.) (were of) long (duration); and the power of Pompey (i.e. Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, cos. 70 B.C.) and Crassus (i.e. Marcus Licinius Crassus (cos. 70 B.C.), soon yielded to Caesar (i.e. Gaius Julius Caesar, cos. 59 B.C.) and the arms of Lepidus (i.e. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, cos 46 B.C.) and Antony (i.e. Marcus Antonius, cos. 44 B.C.) to Augustus (i.e. Imperator Caesar Divi Filius Augustus, Imperator 27 B.C.- 14 A,D., formerly Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, cos. suff. 43 B.C.), who took the whole (state), weary (as it was) with civil strife, under his sovereignty with the name of 'princeps'. But the favourable or disastrous (events) of the old Roman people have been recorded by distinguished writers; and fine intellects were not lacking in telling of the times of Augustus, until they were deterred by sycophancy. The histories (of the reigns) of Tiberius (i.e. Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Imperator 14-37 A,D.) and Gaius (i.e. Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus 'Caligula', Imperator 37-41 A.D.), and of Claudius (i.e. Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Imperator 41-54 A.D.) and Nero (i.e. Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Imperator 54-68 A.D.) while they were in their prime, (were) falsified through fear, (and,) after they had died, they were composed in the (context of) recent animosities. Therefore, my plan (is) to record (but) little of (the reign of) Augustus, and (that being) the very last part (of it), then the principate of Tiberius, and (that of) the others, without anger or partisanship, any reasons for which I am far from having. 

2. Octavian's accession.

When, Brutus (i.e. Marcus Junius Brutus, pr. 44 B.C.) and Cassius (i.e. Gaius Cassius Longinus, pr. 44 B.C.) having been slain, (there were) no longer any forces of the commonwealth, (and) Pompeius (i.e. Sextus) (had been) crushed, and Lepidus had been pushed aside (and) Antony killed, and there (was) no  leader left to the Julian faction except Caesar (i.e. Octavian), he set aside the name of triumvir, and declared that he was consul and that (he was) satisfied with the authority of a tribune for the protection of the people, (and,) when he had won over the army with gifts, the people with (cheap) corn, and everyone with the sweetness of repose, he gradually increased his power, and attracted to himself the functions of senate, magistrates and law(-making), without anyone opposing (him), since the boldest had fallen in battle or in the proscription, (and) the remaining noblemen, whoever (was) the more ready for extensive slavery, were elevated by wealth and position, and, having profited from the revolution, they preferred the security of the present (arrangements) to the dangerous (circumstances) of the old (régime). Nor did the provinces dislike this state of affairs, the power of the senate and people having been discredited on account of the rivalries of (the men of) power and the avarice of the magistrates, while the protection of the laws (was) unavailing, as they were skewed by force, bribery and, finally, by wealth.   

3. Octavian's consolidation of power as Augustus.

Now, Augustus, (as) props to his despotism, raised his sister's son, Claudius Marcellus (i.e. Gaius Claudius Marcellus), to the priesthood and the curule aedileship, though (he was) still a young man, (and) Marcus Agrippa (i.e. Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, cos. 37 B.C.), a commoner in rank, (but) a good soldier and a sharer in his victories, to twin consulships, (and) he took (him as) a son-in-law soon after Marcellus had died; (and) he honoured his step-sons, Tiberius Nero (i.e. Tiberius Claudius Nero, cos. 13 B.C.) and Claudius Drusus, (i.e. Nero Claudius Drusus Germanicus, cos. 9 B.C.) with imperial titles, though (the position of) his own family was still intact. For he had introduced the sons of Agrippa, Gaius (i.e. Gaius Julius Caesar, cos. 1 A.D.) and Lucius (i.e. Lucius Julius Caesar), into the family of the Caesars, and, though they had not yet laid aside their boyish apparel, he had most fervently desired, despite a pretence of reluctance, that they should be entitled the 'Princes of Youth' and destined (to be) consuls. When Agrippa departed from this life (i.e. in 12 B.C.), a premature death due to fate, or the cunning of their step-mother Livia, took away Lucius Caesar, (as he was) going to the armies in Spain, (and) Gaius, (while he was) returning from Armenia, incapacitated by a wound, and, as Drusus had died a long time before (i.e. in 9 B.C.), Nero alone remained of the step-sons, and on him all (things happened) to converge. He was adopted (as) a son, (as) a colleague in the empire, and (as) a partner of the tribunician power, and he was paraded through all the armies, not by the obscure intrigues of his mother, as previously, but openly with her encouragement. For she had gained such a hold over the aged Augustus, that he banished his only grandson, Agrippa Postumus, to the island of Planasia; though he was devoid indeed of good qualities and (was) stupidly proud of his physical strength, he had not yet been convicted of any offence. But nevertheless he put Drusus' offspring Germanicus (i.e. Germanicus Julius Caesar, cos. 12 A.D.) in charge of eight legions on the Rhine, and ordered that he be taken into adoption by Tiberius, even though there was a young son (i.e. Drusus the Younger, i.e. Drusus Julius Caesar, cos. 15 A.D.) in the home of Tiberius, but (he did this) in order that he might pursue several safeguards. By this time no war was left (to him) except the war against the Germans, (which was being fought) more to efface the disgrace of the army (which had been) lost with Quinctilius Varus (i.e. Publius Quinctilius Varus, cos. 13 B.C.) (viz. three legions had been lost at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest in 9 A.D.) than through any desire for the empire to be extended or for the sake of adequate compensation. At home the situation (was) tranquil, and the titles of the magistrates (remained) the same; a younger (generation had been) born since the victory at Actium (i.e. in 31 B.C.), (and) even several of the old men (had been born) during the civil wars. How few (were) left who had seen the republic!  

4. The aging emperor.

So, the state of the country (had been) transformed, and nothing at all was left of the sound old customs; (the idea of) equality having been abandoned, everyone looked to the commands of the sovereign, with no immediate misgivings, as long as Augustus (was) in the prime of life, and could sustain his own position, and (that of) his house, and the peace. But, when old age took over, and he was worn down by a sick body, and his end and new prospects were approaching, a few (people) spoke in vain of the blessings of freedom, but more were in dread of war, (and) some desired (it). By far the greatest part (of them) spread (thoughts) about their forthcoming masters by means of various rumours: Agrippa (was) a savage, and had been incensed by his disgraceful (punishment), nor in age or in experience of affairs (was he) equal to so great a burden; Tiberius Nero (was) mature in years (and) distinguished in warfare, but the old arrogance of the Claudian family (had been) implanted (in him), and many indications of his cruelty, though they were suppressed, broke through. Now, from his early infancy he had been brought up in an imperial household; consulships (and) triumphs (had been) heaped on (him as) a young man; not even in those years, which he spent (as) an exile at Rhodes on the pretext of seclusion, (had he) any thoughts other than rage, and deception and secret sensuality. Added (to this) was his mother (i.e. Livia) with her womanly lack of self-control: (so then they) would be in servitude to a woman and two youngsters (i.e. Germanicus and Drusus the Younger) above (them), who would someday oppress the state, and eventually tear (it) asunder.        

5. The death of Augustus and the accession of Tiberius. 

While (men) were deliberating on these and other such (things), Augustus' health deteriorated, and some began to suspect his wife of guilt (in this), For a rumour had gone around that a few months previously Augustus, with the knowledge of a select few, and with Fabius Maximus (i.e. Paullus Fabius Maximus, cos. 11 B.C.) as his only companion, had sailed to Planasia to visit Agrippa; and that, (while they were) there, there were many tears and signs of affection on both sides, and from this there was the hope that the young man might be restored to his grandfather's household: (it was said) that Maximus had disclosed this to his wife Marcia, and she to Livia. This was known to Caesar; when Maximus died not long afterwards in a death that was possibly self-inflicted, the lamentations of Marcia (were) heard at his funeral, reproaching herself because she had been the cause of her husband's downfall. Whatever were the facts of the matter itself, Tiberius, just as he was entering Illyricum, is summoned by an urgent letter from his mother; nor is it clearly known (whether) he found Augustus still breathing at the city of Nola, or lifeless. For Livia had surrounded their house and the streets (around it) with keen guardsmen, and hopeful newsletters were disseminated at regular intervals, until, provision having been made for the (things) that the situation required, the same report announced simultaneously that Augustus had passed away, and that Nero (i.e. Tiberius) was in control of (public) affairs.   

Chapter 6. The murder of Agrippa Postumus.

The first crime of the new reign was the murder of Postumus Agrippa, whom, unsuspecting and unarmed (as he was), the centurion (only) dispatched with some difficulty, although he was resolute in mind. Tiberius said nothing about this matter in the senate; he pretended (these were) the orders of his father, through which he had directed the tribune (who had been) appointed to guard (the prisoner) not to delay putting Agrippa to death, whenever he had completed his last day (on earth). Without much doubt, Augustus, (by) complaining of the savage (nature) of the young man's character, had arranged for his exile to be ratified by a decree of the senate: but he was never hard enough to bring about the destruction of his (kinsfolk), nor was it credible that death should be inflicted on his grandson for the sake of his stepson's security. But (is is) more likely that Tiberius and Livia, the former through fear, (and) the latter though a step-mother's enmity, hastened the death of a young man, whom they suspected and hated. When the centurion reported (to him), as (was) the custom of the army, that he had done what he had been commanded (to do), he replied that he had not ordered (it), and that the reason of his action would have to be accounted for before the senate. As soon as Sallustius Crispus (i.e. Gaius Sallustius Crispus), a sharer of the secrets, knew this - he (it was who) had sent the written instructions to the tribune - , fearing that the charge would be laid upon (him), and that he would be placed in just as dangerous (a position, whether it were) false or true, he advised Livia not to divulge the secrets of her house, or the counsels of her friends, (or) the services (performed) by the soldiers, nor to let Tiberius weaken the strength of the imperial power by referring everything to the senate; (for he said) it is the condition of imperial rule that an account can only be correct if it is rendered to one (person). 

Chapter 7. Tiberius consolidates his position of power. 

But in Rome they rushed into servitude, consuls, senators (and) knights. The more illustrious a person (was), the greater (was) their insincerity and (sense of) urgency, and, with their faces showing neither satisfaction at the death of (one) emperor nor sadness at the rise (of another), they mingled tears with (smiles of) joy, and expressions of grief with (those of) flattery. Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius, the consuls (i.e. of 14 A.D.) (were) the first to swear allegiance to Tiberius Caesar, and in their presence Seius Strabo (i.e. Lucius Seius Strabo) and Gaius Turranius, the former (being) the commander of the praetorian cohorts, (and) the latter (the superintendent of the corn-supply; then, the senate, the army and the people. For Tiberius initiated everything by means of the consuls, as if under the old republic, and (seemed) uncertain about being in charge; even the edict, by which he summoned the senators to their chamber, he only issued through the pretext of the tribunician power (which he had) received under Augustus. The wording of the edict was brief and (expressed) in a very modest tone: (it said) that he would take care of the honours due to his father, and that he would not leave the body, and this (was) the only one of the public duties that he would exercise. But, when Augustus died, he had given the watchword to the praetorian cohorts as their commander-in-chief; (he had) guards, weapons, and (all) the other (adjuncts) of a court; soldiers accompanied (him) into the forum, (and) soldiers (accompanied him) into the senate-house. He sent letters to the armies as though he had taken over the supreme power, (and) he never showed any hesitation, except when he spoke in the senate. His chief cause of fear (was) that Germanicus, in whose hands were so many legions, the vast auxiliary (forces) of the allies, and a wondrous popularity with the people, might prefer to possess power rather than to await (it). He also deferred to public opinion, to the extent that he might be seen to have been called and elected by the state, rather than to have crept (into power) through the intrigues of a wife and through the adoption of a dotard. It was subsequently understood that he adopted a wavering attitude in order to test the inclinations of the nobles; for he twisted words (and) looks into a crime, and stored (them) away (in his memory).   

Chapter 8. The discussion of Augustus' funeral arrangements.

On the senate's first day, he allowed no (business) to be discussed, except (the arrangements) for the funeral of Augustus, whose will, presented by the Vestal Virgins, named Tiberius and Livia (as) his heirs. Livia was admitted into the Julian family with the name of 'Augusta'; second in (order of) expectation (were) his grandchildren and great-grandchildren, (and) in the third position he had named the foremost (men) of the state, although most of them (were) hateful to him, yet for the sake of ostentation and glory in relation to posterity. His legacies were not beyond the scale of a private citizen, except that he gave forty-three million five hundred thousand (sesterces) to the people and populace (of Rome), (and,) on an individual basis, one thousand sesterces to soldiers in the praetorian cohorts, five hundred to the legionaries of the city, or three hundred sesterces to the cohorts (composed) of Roman citizens. 

Then, there was a discussion about the (funeral) honours; of these, (those) that (were) conspicuous (were) thought (to be) the best, Asinius Gallus (i.e. Gaius Asinius Gallus, cos. 8 B.C.) moved that the funeral (procession) should be conducted through a triumphal arch, (and) Lucius Arruntius (i.e. cos. 6 A.D.) that the titles of the laws he had passed, and the names of the peoples he had conquered, should be borne at its front. Valerius Messala (i.e. Marcus Valerius Messalla Messallinus, cos. 3.B.C.) added (the proposal) that the oath of allegiance to Tiberius should be renewed annually; when asked by Tiberius whether he had brought forward this proposal on his instructions, he replied that he had proposed (it) of his own accord, and that in those (matters) which concerned the state he would use nothing but his own discretion, even at the risk of (giving) offence; this was the only form of flattery (that was) left. The members of the senate exclaimed unanimously that the body should be borne to the funeral pile on the shoulders of the senators. The Emperor dismissed (this idea) with a condescending (show of) moderation, and he warned the people by edict not to express the wish that Augustus' (body) should be burned in the forum rather than in the Field of Mars, his appointed resting-place, in the way that had once disrupted the funeral of the Divine Julius by their excessive enthusiasm.   

On the day of the funeral, soldiers stood around as if on guard, amid much ridicule from those who had seen for themselves and who heard from their parents of that famous day when slavery (was) still raw and freedom had been sought unsuccessfully, when the murder of Caesar the dictator seemed to some the most evil, (and) to others the most glorious, of deeds; now, (they said,) an aged sovereign, in power for a long time, and who had provided for the help of his heirs in (running) the state, certainly needs the protection of military support, so that his burial may be a peaceful (one).   

Chapter 9. The benefits of Augustus' rule.

Then (there was) much talk about Augustus himself, with many expressing an idle wonder that the day when he had assumed power (as) emperor and (the one which saw) the end of his life (were) the same, (and) that he had ended his life at Nola in the house and in the room, in which his father Octavius (had died). Also celebrated were the number of his consulships, in which he had equalled Valerius Corvus (i.e. Marcus Valerius Corvus, cos. 348 B.C.) and Gaius Marius (i.e. cos. 107 B.C.) combined, his tribunician power made continuous for thirty-seven years, the title of 'imperator' procured on twenty-one (occasions), and his other honours, repeated and new. But among thoughtful (men) his life was extolled or censured for different reasons. Some (say) that by piety towards his father and by the needs of the state, in which (there was) then no place for laws, (he was) driven into civil wars, which can neither be planned on conducted in accordance with decent principles. On many occasions, he had yielded to Antony, while he was taking revenge on his father's murderers, and on many occasions to Lepidus (too). When the latter had become senile through indolence, (and) the former had been destroyed through his profligacy, there was no other remedy for his conflicted country than to be ruled by one (man). Yet, the state (had) not (been) established under the name of a kingdom, or of a dictatorship, but under (that) of a prince; the empire (was) enclosed by the sea of Ocean or by remote rivers; the legions, provinces, fleets and everything (else were) connected to one another; (there was) law for the citizens, respect for the allies, (and) the city itself (had been the subject) of a magnificent embellishment; yet he had only resorted to force on a few (occasions), in order that there should be peace for the majority (of the public).  

Chapter 10. The criticism of Augustus' rule.

On the other hand it was said that piety towards a parent and the position of the state (were) taken as a pretext; (that it was) really through lust for power that he incited the veterans by bribery, raised an army when (he was) a young man and a private (citizen), tampered with the legions of the consul (i.e. Antony), and pretended his support for the faction of Pompeius (i.e. Sextus); then, when, by a decree of the senate, he had usurped the functions and authority of a praetor, and, when Hirtius (i.e. Aulus Hirtius, (i.e. cos 43 B.C.) and Pansa (i.e. Gaius Vibius Pansa Caetronianus, cos. 43 B.C.) had died, whether by enemy (action), or in the case of Pansa by poison applied to a wound, or in the case of Hirtius by his soldiers, (whom) Caesar (i.e. Octavian), the instigator of the crime, had won over, and he took possession of the forces of them both; he extorted the consulship from a reluctant senate, and (then) turned against the state the armed forces which he had received to oppose Antony; (then there was) the proscription of citizens and the division of landed properties, (things which) not even those who undertook these (deeds) approved of. Doubtless, the deaths of Brutus and Cassius were made as sacrifices to an enmity against his father's (killers) - although it is our duty to abate our private hatreds for the sake of the public welfare - , but Pompeius was deluded by the phantom of peace, and Lepidus by the appearance of friendship; afterwards Antony was lured on the treaties of Tarentum and Brundisium and by marriage to his sister (i.e. Octavia), and paid the penalty by his death for a treacherous alliance. After that there was peace without doubt, but (it was a peace) stained with blood: (there were) the disasters of Lollius (i.e. Marcus Lollius, cos. 21 B.C.) and Varus, (and) in Rome (there were) the murders of Varro (i.e. Aulus Terentius Varro Murena, cos. 23 B.C.), Egnatius (i.e. Marcus Egnatius Rufus) and Iullus (i.e. Iullus Antonius, cos. 10 B.C.). Nor was he spared in his domestic (affairs): the wife of Nero (had been) taken, and there was the farce of consulting the pontiffs as to whether she could properly marry with a child conceived (but) not yet born; (there were) the excesses of his minion Vedius Pollio; finally, Livia (was) a dreadful mother to the state, (and) a dreadful stepmother to the house of the Caesars. No honour (was) left to the gods, when he chose to be worshipped himself by flamens and priests with temples and godlike statues. He had not even adopted Tiberius as his successor through any love or concern for the state, but, since he had noticed his arrogance and cruelty, he sought glory for himself by comparison with (qualities) so much worse (than his own). And in fact, a few years earlier, when Augustus was again seeking tribunician power for Tiberius from the senate, although his speech was complimentary, he had let fall certain (comments) about his character, appearance and way of life, which were meant as criticisms as if by way of apology. Otherwise, his funeral was carried out in the normal way, (and) a temple and divine rites were decreed (to him). 

Chapter 11. Tiberius feigns diffidence.

After this, (all) prayers were addressed to Tiberius. And he reflected in a variety of comments on the greatness of the empire and his own humility. Only the intellect of the divine Augustus (was) equal to so great a burden, (he said); called by him to share his anxieties, he had learned how arduous, how subject to fortune (was) the task of ruling all (things). Therefore, in a community supported by so many distinguished (men), they should not put everything on to (the shoulders of) a single (man); several (men) would more readily discharge the functions of the state. There was more pomposity than sincerity is such oratory; the words of Tiberius, even in matters which he did not care to conceal, either by nature or from (force of) habit, (were) always hesitant and obscure, but now that he was struggling to hide his feelings completely, they were all the more entangled in uncertainty and doubt. But the senators, whose only fear (was) lest they might seem to understand (him), burst into complaints, tears and prayers; they stretched out their hands to the gods, to the statues of Augustus, and to the knees of (Tiberius) himself, when he ordered a document to be produced and read out. Included (in it) were (a list of) public resources, what number of citizens and allies (were) under arms, how many fleets, (client) kingdoms (and) provinces (there were), what tributes or taxes (there were), (and) the required payments and bounties (that existed). All these (details) Augustus had written down in his own hand, and he had added the advice that the empire should be confined with in its (current) borders, (either) from the fear of uncertainty or through jealousy (of his successors). 

Chapter 12. Asinius Gallus offends Tiberius. 

Meanwhile, while the senate stooped to (make) the most abject supplications, Tiberius happened to say that he was not equal to the whole burden of government, but, whatever aspect of it was entrusted to him, he would undertake that charge. Then, Asinius Gallus said, "I ask (you), Caesar, which aspect of the government do you wish to be entrusted to you?" Confounded by this unexpected inquiry, he was silent for a while: then, gathering his wits together, he replied that it would in no way be becoming to his modesty to chose or (seek to) avoid any (part) of something which he would prefer to be excused from altogether. Gallus said in return - for he had guessed from his looks that he had taken offence - that the question had not been asked for the purpose of dividing (something) which could not be separated, but to prove by his own admission that the body of the state was one and should be controlled by the mind of one (man). He spoke further in praise of Augustus, and reminded Tiberius himself of his victories and the admirable (things) which he had done for many years as a civilian. But he did not, on that account, soften his anger, (as he had been) hated for a long time, as though, having married Marcus Agrippa's daughter, Vipsania, who had once been Tiberius' wife, he aspired to be more than a citizen and he retained the presumption of his father, Asinius Pollio.  

Chapter 13. Others also offend Tiberius.

After that, Lucius Arruntius, without differing much from Gallus in his speech, gave offence in a similar manner, although Tiberius had no outstanding grievance against Arruntius: but he mistrusted (him as he was) rich, accessible, (full of) outstanding accomplishments, and equal (to him) in public renown. In fact, Augustus, when discussing in his final conversations who might refuse to acquire a top position, though he were capable of holding (it), or (who) might wish (to have it), (though he were) unequal (to it), or (who) could do (it) and at the same time might wish (to do so), had said that Manius Lepidus (i.e. Manius Aemilius Lepidus, cos. 11 A.D.) (was) able but reluctant, Asinius Gallus (was) eager but inadequate, but that Lucius Arruntius was not unworthy of it and that, if the opportunity should be given him, he would be bold (enough to take it on). Concerning the first (two) there is consent,  (but) some mentioned Gnaeus Piso (i.e. Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, cos. 7. B.C.) instead of Arruntius, and all (these men) except Lepidus were soon beset by various charges through the contrivance of Tiberius. Quintus Haterius (i.e. cos. suff. 5 B.C.) and Mamercus Scaurus (i.e. Mamercus Aemilus Scaurus) also ruffled his suspicious temperament, Haterius when he had said, "How long, Caesar, will you allow the state to be without a head?", Scaurus, because he had said that there was hope from it that the senators prayers would not be fruitless because he had not vetoed the consuls' motion by the authority of his tribunician power. He immediately inveighed against Haterius; Scaurus, with whom he was more implacably displeased, he passed over in silence. Wearied by the general outcry, he gradually gave way to the appeal of individual (senators), not to the extent of acknowledging that power would be undertaken by him, but he ceased to refuse (it) and to be entreated. It is known that Haterius, when he had entered the Palace to ask for pardon, and had grovelled at the knees of Tiberius as he was walking by, was almost killed by the soldiers, because Tiberius had fallen down, (either) by accident, or because he had been entangled in his hands. However, he was not pacified by the peril of so great a man, until Haterius entreated the Augusta (i.e. Livia) and received the protection of her most earnest prayers.      

Chapter 14. Tiberius' attitude to honouring Livia.

Great too was the senate's servility towards the Augusta (i.e. Livia). Some thought she should be called 'parent', others 'mother of the country', and the majority that 'son of Julia' should be added to the name of Caesar. The (emperor) repeatedly stated that the honours paid to women should be restrained and that he would employ the same moderation with regard to those which were bestowed upon himself, but (he was) filled with jealousy, and, considering this elevation of a woman as a slight on himself, he did not even allow a lictor to be assigned to her, and he forbade that an altar or anything else of a similar nature (should be erected to commemorate) her adoption (i.e. as Julia on the death of Augustus). But, for Germanicus Caesar, he sought proconsular power, and envoys (were) sent to confer (them on him), (and) at the same time to express sympathy at his grief for the death of Augustus. Now the same (honour) was not requested for Drusus, for the reason that Drusus (had been) made consul-designate and was present (in Rome). He nominated twelve candidates for the praetorship, the number handed down by Augustus; and, when the senate urged (him) to increase (it), he bound himself by oath that he would not exceed (it).   

Chapter 15. The election of praetors is taken from the people. 

(It was) then (that) the elections were transferred from the Field (of Mars) to the senate; for, up to that day, though the most important ones occurred at the choice of the emperor, some (were) still (settled) by the inclinations of the tribes (i.e. in the 'Comitia Tributa'). Nor did the people complain that this right had been taken from (them), other than in idle talk, and the senate, released from (the need for) bribes and sordid entreaties, gladly upheld (the change), with Tiberius confining himself to the recommendation of no more than four candidates, (who were) to be elected without rejection or canvassing (i.e. there were now sixteen praetors each year). Meanwhile, the tribunes of the people sought (leave) to hold games at their own expense, which would be called after the name of Augustus and added to the Calendar (as) the 'Augustales'. But money (was) voted from the Treasury, and, while they might wear triumphal robes in the Circus, riding in a chariot was not permitted. The annual celebration (was) soon transferred to the praetor, to whom had befallen the jurisdiction (of lawsuits) between citizens and foreigners.   

B. MUTINY ON THE FRONTIERS (Chs. 16-49).

Chapter 16. Mutiny in Pannonia. 

This was the state of affairs in the City, when a mutiny came upon the legions, for (which there were) no fresh causes, but that the change of emperor offered the freedom to riot and the hope of the rewards of civil war. In a summer camp three legions were quartered together under the command of (Quintus) Junius Blaesus, who, on hearing of the death of Augustus and the accession of Tiberius, had suspended their normal duties on account of the suspension of business (due to mourning) or rejoicing. This was the beginning of soldiers running riot, quarrelling and giving an ear to the words of every agitator, in short, of craving for luxury and idleness. There was in the camp a certain Percennius, (who had) once (been) the leader of the scenes in a theatre, then a common soldier with an insolent tongue, and skilled in the art of stirring up crowds to (applaud) actors. This (man) gradually worked on ignorant minds and those who had doubts about what the terms of military service would be after Augustus, in conversations at night or when day turned into evening, so as to unite the worst of them, when the better (men) had dispersed. 

Chapter 17. Percennius whips up the crowd. 

At last, when others were now ready (to be) abettors of a mutiny, he asked why they subjected themselves like slaves to a few centurions and (even) fewer tribunes. When, (he said), would they dare to demand improved (conditions), unless they went with their supplications and arms to a new and yet faltering emperor? They have erred enough for so many years, due to their cowardice, because, (as) old men, they have endured thirty or forty campaigns, and most of them have been mutilated by wounds to the body. Even when they have been dismissed it is not the end of their service, but, encamped under their own standard, they make do with the same toils under another title. And, if anyone survived so many hazards, he is still dragged into remote regions where under the name of 'lands', (men) receive water-logged swamps or mountainous wastelands. Military service, itself, is certainly harsh (and) unrewarding. Life and limb are valued at ten asses a day: from this, clothing, arms, (and) tents, and also (forbearance from) the brutality of centurions and (occasional) leave of absence from duty, have to be purchased. But, heaven knows, floggings and wounds, hard winters and exhausting summers, terrible warfare and barren peace, (are) always with us. (There will be) no lightening (of the load), until military service is undertaken under fixed laws, so that (men) earn a denarius a day, and sixteen years should bring their duty to an end, (and) there should be no further service under the standard, but their gratuity should be paid in cash in the camp. Do the praetorian cohorts, which receive two denarii (a day in the case of each man), and which, after sixteen years, are returned to their homes, undertake a more perilous (service than ours)? Urban sentry-duty is not disparaged by them, (he said); yet in their case, in the midst of barbarous tribes, the enemy has to be faced from tents. 

Chapter 18. Outbreak of mutiny.

The crowd roared (its approval) from different motives, some displaying the mark of the lash, others their grey hair, and most of them their tattered clothing and naked flesh. At last, in their enthusiastic frenzy, they proposed to merge the three legions into one. Put off by rivalry, since everyone sought the (chief place of) honour for his own legion, they turn to something else, and they station the three eagles and the standards of the cohorts in one (place); at the same time they pile up turf (and) erect a platform, so that their meeting-place might be more conspicuous. As they were hastening on (with this), Blaesus came up and began to rebuke (them), and, taking hold of each man one by one, he exclaimed: "Better steep your hands in my blood: (it will be) a lesser offence to kill your commander than to revolt against your emperor. Either living I shall retain the loyalty of the legions, or by my death I shall hasten their repentance." 

Chapter 19. Blaesus addresses the troops.

Nevertheless, the mound of turf continued to be piled up, and it had already reached chest height, when, overcome at last by his stubbornness, they gave up their undertaking. With great oratorical skill, Blaesus said that (it was) not through mutiny and rioting that the desires of soldiers should be communicated to Caesar, nor did our soldiers of old seek such novel (things) from their commanders in former (times), nor did they themselves (seek them) from the Divine Augustus; neither also should the cares of the emperor at the initial stage (of his reign) be aggravated. If, however, they were bent on attempting at a time of peace what they did not demand even (as) victors in civil wars, why, contrary to the habit of obedience,(and) contrary to the law of discipline, should they contemplate violence? They should decide (to send) envoys, and give (them) instructions in their presence. They agreed by acclamation that the son of Blaesus, (who was) a tribune, should undertake this mission, and seek the discharge of soldiers after sixteen years (of service); they would deliver the rest of their instructions when the first (parts) had been successful. After the young man had departed, (there was) a certain amount of quiet; but the soldiers took pride (in the fact) that the son of their commander (was) the pleader of the common cause clearly showed that (things had been) extorted by compulsion which they could not have obtained through good behaviour.

Chapter 20. The mutiny spreads to Nauportus.

Meanwhile, the detachments (which had been) sent to Nauportus (i.e. the present day Vrhnika in Slovenia) before the mutiny had begun, for the purpose of (making) roads and bridges and other tasks, when they heard of the disturbance in the camp, tore up their standards, plundered the neighbouring villages and Nauportus itself, which was as good as a town, (and) assailed the centurions who were trying to restrain (them) with jeers and insults, and, finally, with blows; their anger (was) chiefly (directed) at the camp-prefect Aufidienus Rufus, whom they had dragged from his carriage, loaded with baggage, and pushed to the head of the column, asking (him) in mockery whether he was happy to bear such huge burdens and such long marches. For Rufus, (who had) long (been) a common soldier, then a centurion and finally camp-prefect, was trying to revive the harsh discipline of former times, inured (as he was) to work and toil, and all the sterner because he had endured (these things). 

Chapter 21. The fresh mutineers arrive in the camp.

On the arrival of these (men), the mutiny broke out afresh, and, as they wandered (from the camp), they pillaged the neighbourhood. Blaesus ordered a few, who were especially loaded with spoil to be scourged with whips and locked up in jail, for as commander he was then still obeyed by the centurions and also the best of the private soldiers. As they struggled with those who were dragging (them) off, they clasped the knees of bystanders, and invoked the names of individual colleagues, or the century, cohort, or legion, in which each (of them) was a private soldier, exclaiming that they were all threatened by the same (fate). At the same time, they heaped abuse on the commander, and appealed to heaven and the gods, and kept nothing back by which they might excite resentment, pity, alarm and rage. They all rushed to (the spot), broke open the jail, loosened the chains (of the prisoners), and now they were fraternising with deserters and those who had been convicted of capital charges. 

Chapter 22. Vibulenus rouses the men.  

Thence (there arose) a furious outbreak, with the mutiny (gaining) more leaders. A certain common soldier, (called) Vibulenus, (was) hoisted on to the shoulders of those standing around in front of Blaesus' dais, and, in the midst of that excited (throng), intent (as they were on discovering) what he was preparing (to say), he said, "You have indeed restored light and breath to these innocent and most unhappy (men), but who restores life to my brother, or my brother to me? Sent to you by the army in Germany in accordance with our common interests, he (i.e. Blaesus) butchered him last night by means of his gladiators, whom he keeps and arms for the destruction of his soldiers. Answer (me), Blaesus, where have you flung his corpse: not even an enemy begrudges burial. When I shall have satisfied my grief with kisses and tears, order me too to be slaughtered, while (we are being) killed for no crime, but, because we were consulting the good of the legions, these (men) shall bury (us) ." 

Chapter 23. Turmoil in the camp.

He (i.e. Vibulenus) inflamed the situation by weeping and (by) beating his breast and face with his hands. Then, those (men), on whose shoulders he was being held, having been pushed aside, and prostrating himself headlong at the feet of one man after another, he aroused so much consternation and anger that (one) group of soldiers arrested the gladiators. who were in the service of Blaesus, (another) group the rest of his household, (while) others rushed off to look for the body. And, if it had not quickly become known that no body had been found, and that the servants had denied murder, (even) after tortures had been applied (to them), and that the man had never had a brother, they would not have been far away from killing their commander. Even so, they drove out their tribunes and the prefect of the camp, they plundered the baggage of the fugitives, and the centurion Lucilius was killed, (the man) to whom, with soldiers' humour, they had given the name 'Bring (me) another', because, after (one) stick (had been) broken on the back of a soldier, he used to demand another and then another in a loud voice. The other (officers) went into hiding, and (only) one (was) detained, (namely) Clemens Julius, who was regarded (as) a suitable (person) for bearing the soldiers' instructions, on account of his ready wit. And then (two) legions, the Eighth and the Fifteenth, were preparing to cross swords with each other, when the former demanded the death of a centurion with the nickname 'Sirpicus', (and) the men of the Fifteenth defended (him), (and would have done so), if the soldiers of the Ninth had not interposed their entreaties, and threats if these were to be met with disdain.   

Chapter 24. Tiberius send his son, Drusus the Younger, to Pannonia. 

This intelligence impelled Tiberius, reserved and especially secretive though (he was), whenever the news (was) most serious, to send his son Drusus, together with the leading (men) of the state and two praetorian cohorts, without any definite instructions to act in accordance with the circumstances. And the cohorts (were) strengthened beyond their usual (number) with some picked troops. There was in addition a large section of the praetorian cavalry and the flower of the German (soldiers), who were there at that time (as) the emperor's guardsmen; with them too (went) the praetorian prefect, (Lucius) Aelius Sejanus, (who had been) appointed as an associate of his father (Lucius Seius) Strabo and had great influence with Tiberius, (as) a guide to the young (prince), and (as) a displayer of risks and rewards to the others. When Drusus approached, the legions went to meet (him) as if on duty, not with joy, as was customary, nor glittering with their insignia, but with unwashed and squalid faces, and, although they sought to portray sorrow, (they came) closer to defiance.   

Chapter 25. Drusus addresses the mutineers.

As soon as he entered the entrenchment, they secured the gates with sentries and ordered squads of armed (men) to  take up fixed positions within the camp; the rest crowded round the (general's) dais in a huge gathering. Drusus stood (there), and demanded silence with (a gesture of) his hand. The (mutineers), as often as they turned their eyes back on the throng, let out a roar with their truculent voices, but then, when they saw Caesar, they trembled; (there was) a confused murmur, fierce shouting and a sudden lull; with conflicting emotions in their minds, they felt panic and caused panic. At last, when the commotion had come to an end, he read out his father's letter, in which it was clearly stated that he had a special concern for the very brave legions, with which had had endured several campaigns; that, as soon as his mind had recovered from its bereavement, he would lay their claims before the senate; in the meantime, he had sent his son to concede without hesitation what could be granted at once, (but) that other (things) must be reserved for the senate, which, free (as it was) from both over-generosity and severity, should be considered (as) a partner (in the decision-making process). 

Chapter 26. Clemens, their spokesman, replies.

The response from the assembly was that they had instructed the centurion Clemens to convey (their demands). He began (to speak) of (soldiers') discharge after sixteen years, of the rewards of completed service, that their daily pay was a denarius, and that veterans should not be held under a standard. When, (in answer) to these (issues), Drusus pleaded that they were matters for the judgment of the senate and his father, he was disturbed by a great shout. "Why had he come, if it were not to increase the pay of soldiers, and to alleviate their hardships, and, in short, if he lacked the power to improve their lot? Heaven knows, beatings and execution were (still) permitted to anyone. Tiberius (was) once accustomed to frustrate the wishes of the legions by (citing) the name of Augustus: Drusus has revived the same tricks. Was no one ever going to visit them except sons of the (imperial) household? (It was) certainly something new that the emperor should refer to the senate only (what was in) a soldier's interests. So, was the senate to be similarly consulted whenever notice was to be given of executions or battles? Were their rewards to be at the discretion of absolute rulers, (and) their punishments (to be) without an arbiter?"   

Chapter 27. Lentulus attacked by the mutineers.

At last, they step down from the dais, so that, if any praetorian guardsman or friend of Caesar's fell in with them, they threatened (him) with their hands, (which was) the cause of strife and the beginning of armed conflict, (and they were) especially hostile to Gnaeus Lentulus (i.e. Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus, cos. 14 B.C.), because, due to his age and renown in warfare, he was thought, beyond (all) others, to have strengthened (the resolve of) Drusus, and to have  been the first to reject such breaches of military discipline. Not long afterwards, as he was leaving with Caesar in search of a winter camp, aware (as he was) of their danger, they surrounded (him), asking where he was going, to the emperor or to the senate, so that he could oppose the interests of the legions there too; at the same moment they fell upon (him) and flung stones (at him). And now, bleeding from the blow of a stone, and certain of his death, he was protected by the hurried arrival of the throng that had set out with Drusus.   

Chapter 28. After a lunar eclipse, Drusus ends the mutiny. 

A lucky chance calmed the menacing night and one (that was) about to end in a crime: for suddenly in a clear sky the moon's (radiance) seemed to grow faint. Unaware of the cause, the soldiers regarded this as an omen of their present position, comparing the waning of the heavenly body with their own efforts, and (pretending) that what they were doing would yield a happy result, if brightness and splendour were restored to the goddess. So, (the sky) rang out with the clash of bronze, and the chorus of trumpets and horns; and they rejoiced or grew mournful, as the (moon) became brighter or darker; and, when clouds arose and obstructed their view, and it was thought she was buried in the gloom, prone as their minds, once unnerved, were to superstition, they lamented that this was a portent of never-ending hardship, (and) that the gods were frowning on their crimes. Caesar (i.e. Drusus), thinking that he should avail himself of this change (of heart), and that he should turn what chance had offered into wisdom, ordered the tents to be visited; Clemens, the centurion, was summoned, and others, if (they were) popular among the common (soldiers) for their good qualities.  These (men) inserted themselves among the watchmen, the sentries and the guards of the (camp) gates, offering hope (and) spreading fear. "How long will we besiege the emperor's son? What will be the end of our strife? Are we to swear allegiance to Pescennius and Vibulenus? Will Pescennius and Vibulenus bestow pay on the soldiers and land on (those who have been) discharged? In short, will they,instead of the Nerones and the Drusi, take charge of the empire of the Roman people? But rather, as we the last to give offence, should we not be the first to (offer) penitence? (Things) which are demanded on a communal basis are slow (in coming); an individual favour you may swiftly earn, (and) swiftly receive (it)."

Their minds were influenced by these words, and, becoming suspicious of one another, they separated the recruit from the veteran, and (one) legion from (another) legion. Then, the love of obedience gradually returned; they deserted the gates (and) restored to their places the standards they had gathered together into one spot at the beginning of the mutiny.    

Chapter 29. The ringleaders of the mutiny are executed. 

At daybreak, Drusus called an assembly, (and,) although he was unpractised at speaking, he condemned their former (activities) and praised their present (ones) with an inborn dignity; he said that he was not to be overcome by fear and threats; (but,) if he were to witness their return to discipline, (and,) if he were to hear their entreaties (for forgiveness), he would write to his father (to ask him) to be agreeable to receiving the legions' petition. At their request, Blaesus himself, and Lucius Aponius, a Roman knight on Drusus' staff, and Justus Catonis, a centurion of the front rank, were sent back to Tiberius. Then there ensued a conflict of opinions, since some thought they should await the return of the envoys, and that in the meantime the soldiers should be treated with kindness, (and) others that stronger measures should be applied: (there is, they said,) no moderation in a rabble; they cause terror unless they are terrified (themselves), and, (only) when they have become terrified, can they be safely overlooked. While superstition might urge (them) on, fear could be applied by the general by removing the originators of the mutiny. Drusus was inclined by nature to harsh (measures): (so,) he ordered Vibulenus and Pescennius (to be) summoned and put to death. The majority view is that (they were) buried within the general's tent, (but) some (say) that their bodies (were) flung outside the entrenchments as a sign (to  everyone).   

Chapter 30. The rebellious legions return to winter camp.

Then, as each of the chief mutineers were being sought, some, as they were wandering around outside the camp, (were) cut down by centurions or by soldiers of the praetorian cohorts; others, the companies themselves delivered as proof of their loyalty. An early winter had increased the soldiers' anxieties, with continual storms of such violence that they could not go out of their tents, meet together, or scarcely even protect their standards, and these were torn by storm and flood. And the dread of divine wrath continued to linger, nor did the heavenly bodies grow dim (and) storms fall upon (them) as punishment for impious (men) for no reason: and there would be no relief at all from their misfortunes unless they were to leave their ill-fated and desecrated camp, and, absolved from their guilt, they were to return, each one of them, to their winter (quarters). First the Eighth, then the Fifteenth, Legion returned; the Ninth had continued to cry out that they should await the letter from Tiberius, (but) soon, isolated by the departure of the others, they anticipated imminent necessity of their own accord. And Drusus, without waiting for the envoys' return, because present (circumstances) had sufficiently settled down, returned to the City.  

Chapter 31. Fresh mutiny in Germany.

At about the same time and for the same reasons the legions in Germany rose in mutiny, with a violence that was greater in proportion to their greater numbers, and in the confident hope that Germanicus Caesar would not be able to endure the supremacy of another and that he would offer himself to the legions, who would carry all everything (before them) in their strength. There were two armies on the bank of the Rhine: (the one) whose name was the Upper (was) under the command of Gaius Silius (i.e. cos. 13 A.D.); Aulus Caecina (Severus) (i.e. cos. suff. 1 B.C.) was in charge of the Lower (one). The direction of the most important matters was in the hands of Germanicus, then intent on undertaking a property census of the Gallic (provinces). But (those) whom Silius was managing watched the outcome of mutinies elsewhere with minds in doubt; the soldiers of the Lower army fell into a frenzy, which had its origin in (the men of) the Twenty-First and Fifth Legions, and the First and the Twentieth (Legions) were also drawn in: for they were (all) quartered in the same summer (camp) in the territory of the Ubii for the sake of rest or light duties. So, on hearing of the death of Augustus, a rabble of urban slaves recently recruited by a levy in the City filled the ignorant minds of the other (soldiers); the time had come, (they said,) when veterans should demand a discharge long overdue. and young (soldiers) better pay, (and) all (of them) an end to their wretched (experiences) and to take revenge on the centurions' cruelty. (It was) not one (man who said) these (things), as Pescennius (had done) among the legions in Pannonia, nor (was it) in the anxious ears of the soldiers who were looking at other stronger armies: the Roman world, (they said,) (had been) placed in their hands, the state had been enlarged by their victories, and the imperial commanders had adopted a surname emanating from them (i.e. Germanicus). 

Chapter 32. The rebels consolidate their position.

Nor did their commander (i.e. Caecina) go against (them): indeed, the senseless behaviour of so many (of them) took away his resolve. In a sudden fury, they drew their swords and rushed at the centurions: (they were) the very oldest object of the soldiers' hatred and the first (target) for their savagery. (After they had been) thrown to the ground, they were thrashed with whips, sixty (strokes) each, as that was equal to the number of the centurions: then, torn and mangled, and some lifeless, they flung (them) outside the entrenchments or into the River Rhine. When (one) Septimius fled to the (general's) dais and prostrated himself at the feet of Caecina, the demand for him went on all the time, until he was given up for execution. (Gaius) Cassius Chaerea, soon to win the remembrance of posterity for the murder of Gaius Caesar (i.e. Caligula), then a young man and courageous in temperament, opened up a passage with his sword through the armed (men, who were) obstructing (him). Neither tribune nor camp-prefect maintained their authority any longer: patrols, sentries, and whatever else the needs of the time required, (the soldiers) themselves distributed. To those who could guess quite clearly what was in the minds of the soldiers, the strongest indication of widespread and implacable rebellion, (was the fact) that they were neither divided nor under the influence of a few, but they were (all) ardent at one moment, and silent at another, and that they showed such unanimity and resolve that you would have thought they were under (someone's) command. 

Chapter 33. Germanicus' lineage.

Meanwhile, while Germanicus was undertaking a property census throughout Gaul, as I have stated, he was informed that Augustus had passed away. (He was) married to his granddaughter Agrippina and had several children by her, (and) he himself (was) the son of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, (and) the grandson of the Augusta, but (he was) beset by the secret antipathy of his uncle and grandmother, the causes of which (were) the more virulent, because (they were) unjust. In fact, the memory of Drusus among the Roman people was a noble (one), and it was believed that, if he had been in charge of the state, (he would have) restored freedom; for this reason good-will and the same hope (were extended) towards Germanicus. For the young man (had) a courteous nature and a wonderful affability, in marked contrast with the arrogant and mysterious (aspects) of the conversation and appearance of Tiberius. Feminine animosities added to the aversion natural to stepmothers of Livia towards Agrippina, and Agrippina herself (was) somewhat emotional, but, due to her purity and love for her husband, she kept her otherwise untamed spirit turned in the right (direction). 

Chapter 34. Germanicus' loyalty to the emperor.

But Germanicus, the nearer (he came) to the height of ambition, the more vigorously he exerted himself on behalf of Tiberius. He forced the neighbouring Sequani and Belgic states to swear allegiance to him. Then, when he heard of the rebellion of the legions, he went at once (to the spot), and had a meeting (with them) outside the camp, with his eyes fixed on the ground as if in penitence. As soon as he entered the entrenchments, various complaints began to be heard. Some took his hand, under the guise of kissing (it), and thrust his fingers (between their lips), so that he might touch their mouths, (which were) empty of teeth; others showed (him) their limbs bowed with old age. He ordered the throng that stood near (him), as it seemed they were all mixed up, to separate into their companies: so they replied they would hear better (as they were); (he ordered) that the standards should be brought forward, so that (doing) this might at least identify the cohorts: slowly, they obeyed. Then, beginning with a tribute to Augustus, he turned to the victories and triumphs of Tiberius, celebrating with the highest praise the very handsome (deeds) which he had accomplished with those legions. Next, he extolled the unity of Italy and the loyalty of Gaul; nor, (he said,) was there any trouble or strife. They heard these (things) in silence or with a slight murmur.   

Chapter 35. Germanicus addresses the mutineers.

When he touched on (the reasons for) the mutiny, asking what had become of soldierly behaviour, and the glory of ancient discipline, and to where had they driven their tribunes and centurions, they all bared their bodies, and reproached (him) with the scars of their wounds and the marks of the lash; then, with indistinguishable voices, they spoke with bitterness of the price of exemptions, the meanness of their pay, the hardness of their tasks, and naming in particular the entrenchments, the ditches, the collection of fodder, building-timber, fire-wood and whatever else was required, (either) of necessity or as a check to idleness in the camp. The fiercest clamour arose from veterans, who, as they counted their thirty or more campaigns, implored (him) to relieve worn-out (men), to avoid their death in these same hardships, and (provide) an end to such demanding military service, but not a destitute retirement. There were (some) even who demanded the legacy bequeathed by the divine Augustus, with (words of) auspicious omen towards Germanicus; and, if he should wish for power, they showed (themselves) ready (to serve him). But then, as if he were contaminated by guilt, he hastily leapt down from the dais. (Some) opposed his departure with their arms, threatening (him) unless he went back, but he, exclaiming that he would die rather than withdraw his loyalty, plucked his sword from his side, and raised (it), and he would have plunged (it) into his breast, if those nearest (to him) had not seized hold of his right-arm and held (it) by force. The remotest and most densely packed part of the throng and some individuals who came up very close (to him) urged (him) to strike; and a soldier named Calusidius offered (him) a drawn sword, and he added that it was sharper (than his own). Even in their fury, this seemed (to be) a savage (act) and (one) of an evil character, and there was a pause, during which Caesar was dragged by his friends into a tent. 

Chapter 36. Germanicus unwillingly accedes to the demands of the mutineers. 

There they discussed how to heal (matters); for the news was brought that envoys were being prepared to draw the Upper army into their cause; that the town of the Ubii (had been) marked out for destruction, and that hands steeped in plunder were about to erupt into pillaging Gaul. Knowledge of the Roman mutiny heightened the alarm, and, if the river bank were neglected, the enemy were sure to invade: but, if ancillary troops and allies were mobilised against the absconding legions, civil war would be the result. Severity (would be) risky, generosity shameful: whether all or nothing were to be conceded to the soldiers, the state (would be) in danger. So, after revolving their ideas, one against another, it was decided to write a letter in the name of the emperor: discharge was granted (to those) who had served in twenty campaigns, (those) who had done sixteen (years) were released, but were to be retained under a standard (where they were) immune from everything except repelling the enemy, (and) that the legacies, which they had sought, would be paid and doubled. 

Chapter 37. The troops force payment. 

The soldiers felt that (these things had been) invented for the occasion, and demanded immediate (action). Discharge was arranged by the tribunes, and payment was deferred (until they arrived) at each (man's) winter-quarters. (The men of) the Fifteenth and Twenty-First (Legions) would not go, until the money was put together in their summer-camps, and was made up from the travelling allowance of Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) and of his friends. Their commander Caecina led the Thirteenth and the Twentieth Legions back to the city of the Ubii in a shameful column, since the money-boxes snatched from the general were conveyed between the standards and between the eagles. Germanicus went to the Upper Army and induced the Second, and the Thirteenth and the Sixteenth Legions to (take) the oath of allegiance without delay. The (men of) the Fourteenth hesitated a little: (yet) the money and their discharge were offered, although they were not demanding (them). 

Chapter 38. Manius Ennius quells a disturbance.

But among the Chauci, a reserve detachment of the disaffected legions began a mutiny, while they were keeping guard, but they were restrained for a while by the instant execution of two soldiers. The camp-prefect, Manius Ennius, had ordered this, more as a salutary warning than as a proof of his authority. Then, when the tumult swelled, he fled and, having been discovered, when his hiding-place (proved) inadequate, he borrowed his defence from audacity: (it was) not, (he said,) the (camp-)prefect who was being dishonoured by them, but their general Germanicus and their emperor Tiberius. At the same time, he overawed (all those) who had opposed (him), and, seizing a standard, he turned towards the river-bank, and, exclaiming that, if anyone were to withdraw from the column, he would be considered a deserter, he led (them) back to their winter-quarters, (still) disaffected, but not daring (to do) anything.    

Chapter 39. Germanicus under pressure. 

Meanwhile, envoys from the senate came to Germanicus, (who had) now returned, at the altar of the Ubii (i.e. Cologne). Two legions, the First and the Twentieth, and recently discharged veterans under a standard, were in winter-quarters there. Anxious and consumed with guilt, the fear came upon them that they had come on the orders of the senate to render null and void (the things) which they had extorted through mutiny. And, as (it is) the custom of a mob to forge a charge (on somebody), however groundless, they accused (Lucius) Munatius Plancus, (who had) performed the duties of the consulship (i.e. in 13 A.D.) (and was) the leader of the delegation, (of being) the author of the senate's decree; and early in the night they began to demand their standard, (which was) kept in the quarters of Germanicus, and, making a joint rush to the entrance, they broke down the door, dragged Caesar from his bed, and forced him to hand over the standard by the menacing fear of death. Then, roaming through the streets (of the camp), they encountered the envoys, who, on hearing the uproar, were making their way to Germanicus. They heaped insults (on them) and were preparing to murder (them), especially Plancus, whose high rank had deterred (him) from flight; nor in his danger (was there) any relief (for him) other than the camp of the First Legion. There, clasping their standards and eagle, he sought to protect himself by their sanctity, but if their chief standard-bearer Calpurnius had not prevented that extreme violence, an envoy of the Roman people would have stained with his blood an altar of the gods in a Roman camp, a rare (event) even among enemies. At last, in the light of day, when the general, and the soldiers and their actions were known about, Germanicus entered the camp and ordered Plancus to be brought to him, and he received (him) on the dais. Then, he rebuked (them) for their deadly madness, nor was it revived by the anger of the soldiers, but by (the anger) of the gods, and he explained why the envoys had come; he spoke sadly, and with eloquence, about the rights of a delegation, and the deplorable and undeserved mistreatment of Plancus himself, and, at the same time, about how great (was) the disgrace (which) the legion had brought upon itself, and, while the throng was stunned rather than appeased, he sent the envoys away under the protection of auxiliary cavalry.   

Chapter 40. Agrippina is persuaded by Germanicus to leave camp.

Amid this alarm, everyone criticised Germanicus because he was not going to the Upper Army, where (he would find) obedience and assistance against the rebels: enough and more than enough blunders (had been made, they said,) by (granting) discharge and payments and by conciliatory measures. Or, if he held his own life cheap, why should he keep a tiny son and a pregnant wife among madmen and violators of every human right? These, at least, let him restore to their grandfather (i.e. Tiberius) and to the state. For a long time he hesitated, while his wife scorned (the idea), since she vouched that she (was) descended from the divine Augustus and (was) not unequal to the dangers, (but) at last he embraced her womb and their shared son with many a tear, and prevailed upon (her) to leave. A miserable column of women was proceeding along, a general's fugitive wife, bearing a tiny child at her bosom, (and,) weeping around (her,) her friends' wives, who were being dragged along (with her) at the same time; nor (were those) who remained any less sorrowful. 

Chapter 41. The troops try to intervene.

The appearance (was given) not of a successful Caesar in his own camp but like the scene of a conquered city, and the groans and lamentations even attracted the attention of the ears and eyes of the soldiers: they came out of their tents. What, (they said, was) that mournful sound? What (was the cause of) such sadness? (They saw) women of rank with no centurion or soldiers to guard (them), nor any of the usual escort for the wife of a general: and they were going to the Treviri, and to the protection of foreigners. Then (they felt) shame and pity at the memory of his father Agrippa, her grandfather Augustus, and her father-in-law Drusus, and at her own remarkable fecundity, and her renowned purity; now (there was) her little child, born in the camp and reared among the tents of the legions, whom they used to call 'Caligula' (i.e. 'Little Boots'), because he usually wore such a covering for his feet (i.e. the 'caliga' or hob-nailed soldier's boot), in order to procure the affection of the common (soldiers). But nothing moved (them) as much as their ill-will towards the Treviri: they sought to prevent her departure, their entreated (her) to come back and stay (with them), and some ran to meet Agrippina, but most of them returned to Germanicus. And he, with his grief and anger (still as) fresh as it was, began to address those standing around his quarters as follows:   

Chapter 42.

Germanicus addresses the rebels. 

"Neither my wife nor my son are dearer to me than my father and the state, but his majesty will surely protect him, (and) the other armies (will defend) the Roman empire. My wife and children, whom I would willingly expose to death for the sake of your glory, I now remove from your raving, so that whatever wickedness is thereby threatened may be expiated by my blood only, and that the great-grandson of Augustus being murdered and the daughter-in-law of Tiberius being killed should not make you more guilty (still). For what has not been attempted or left undefiled by you during these days? What name shall I give to this gathering? Am I to call (you) soldiers, (you) who have encompassed the son of your emperor with entrenchments and arms? Or citizens, (those) by whom the authority of the senate has been so discarded? You have even violated the rights of our enemies, and the sanctity of an embassy, and the law of nations. The divine Julius (once) quelled an army's mutiny by a single word, by calling (those) who were renouncing their oath of obedience 'Quirites' (i.e. 'Citizens'): the divine Augustus terrified the legions at Actium by the look on his face: though I am not yet the same (as these were), still, descended as I am from them, it would be a strange and unworthy (thing) if the soldiery of Spain and of Syria were to spurn (me). (You) First and Twentieth Legions, (of which) the former received its legions from Tiberius, you who have been my partner in so many battles, enriched, (as you have been,) by so many rewards, do you (really) repay your leader with such outstanding gratitude (as this)? Am I to  carry this news to my father, when everything he hears from the other provinces (is) joyful? That his own recruits, his own veterans are not satisfied with their discharge or their pay: that only here are centurions murdered, tribunes expelled, envoys imprisoned, (and) camps and rivers stained with blood, while I am spinning out a precarious existence among (those who are) hostile (to me).  

Chapter 43. Germanicus' words quench the rebellion. 

"Why then on the first day of our meeting did you take away from (me), O (you) thoughtless friends, that steel (blade) which I was preparing to plunge into my breast? Better and more loving (was) that (man) who offered (me) a sword. At any rate, I should have perished still unaware of all the disgraceful (things) in my legions; you would have chosen a general, who, though he might have allowed my death (to go) unpunished, would still avenge (the death) of Varus and his three legions. For let not the gods allow the Belgae, although offering (their aid), to have the honour and distinction of restoring the Roman name and of suppressing the people of Germany. Your spirit, divine Augustus, (now) received in heaven, your image, father Drusus, (and) the memory of you, together with these same soldiers, whom shame and pride now penetrate, should wipe away this stain and turn the wrath of civil (strife) into the destruction of our enemies. You too, in whose faces and hearts I now perceive changes, if you restore their envoys to the senate, your allegiance to the emperor, and my wife and son to myself, then do you break away from infection and separate yourselves from the mutineers; this will be a pledge of your repentance and a guarantee of your loyalty.  

Chapter 44. The legions are purged.

As suppliants to these (things) and confessing that they had been justly rebuked, they begged (him) to punish the guilty, pardon (those who had) lapsed, and lead (them) against the enemy; his wife should be recalled, and the fosterling of the legions should not be handed over to the Gauls (as) a hostage. As for the return of Agrippina he gave the excuse of her imminent childbirth and the winter; his son, (he said,) would return: the other (things) they, themselves, would settle. Up and down they ran, the changed (men that they were), and they dragged the worst of the mutineers in chains to Gaius Caetronius, the commander of the First Legion, who exercised trial and punishment on (them) individually in the following manner. (The men of) the legions stood before the crowd with drawn swords: the accused was displayed on a platform by a tribune: if they cried out that (he was) guilty, he was thrown headlong and cut to pieces. And the soldiers revelled at the slaughter as though it absolved them (of their guilt); nor did Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) seek to restrain (them), since the ferocity, and the (consequent) odium, were the result of the actions of the same (men) and not due to any order of his.   

The veterans followed their example, (when,) not long afterwards, they were sent into Raetia, under the guise of defending the province against the threatening Suebi, but really so that they might be torn away from a camp still no less blackened by the harshness of the remedy than by the memory of the crime. Then, consideration was given to the appointment of centurions. Cited by the general, each (one) gave his name, rank, place of birth, the number of his campaigns, what brave deeds he had performed in battle, and any military decorations he might have. If the tribune and the legion commended his commitment and integrity, he retained his rank; where they unanimously accused (him) of rapacity or cruelty, he was dismissed from the service.     

Chapter 45. Further mutiny at Vetera.

Present (difficulties) having thus been allayed, no less of a problem remained through the turbulence of the Fifth and the Twenty-First Legions, (who were) in winter-quarters sixty miles away (the name of the place was Vetera (i.e. the Old Camp). For they had been the first to begin the mutiny: all the most atrocious deeds (had been) committed by their hands; undeterred by the punishment of their comrades, and unmoved by their penitence, they retained their anger. So, Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) sent weapons, a fleet, (and) allied (soldiers) down the Rhine to make war (on them), if his authority were to be flouted. 

Chapter 46. Concern arises in Rome about the situation in Germany.

But in Rome the outcome of what had happened in Illyricum was not yet known, and, when they heard of the disturbance of the German legions, the community rounded on Tiberius in their alarm, because, while he was fooling the senate and people, feeble and unarmed, (as they were,) with his pretence of hesitation, in the meantime the soldiers were in revolt, and could not be quelled by the still immature authority of two young men (i.e. Germanicus and the Younger Drusus). (They said) he ought to go himself and confront with his imperial majesty (those who) would yield once they saw a prince of long experience and the supreme (dispenser) of severity and bounty alike. (They spoke of) how Augustus, exhausted by old age, could have visited Germany so often: (while) Tiberius, (still) at a vigorous time of life, sits in the senate, quibbling at the words of the senators! Servitude was well in hand in the city: soothing spirit should be applied to the spirits of the soldiers, so they may be willing to endure peace.  

Chapter 47. Tiberius prevaricates.

(He was) unmoved by these remarks, and it was fixed in (the mind of) Tiberius not to leave the centre of affairs or to bring himself or the state into misfortune. Indeed, many conflicting (thoughts) troubled (him): the army in Germany (was) the stronger, (that) in Pannonia (was) the nearer; the former (was) supported by the resources of Gaul, the latter was threatening Italy: so which (one) should he prioritise? And what if (the one) placed second should be incensed by the slight? But they could be visited by his sons on an equal basis, with his majesty (kept) intact, and awe of him (being) greater from a distance. At the same time, an excuse could be made for young men to refer some (things) to their father, and (those who) resisted Germanicus or Drusus could be pacified or crushed by him: if they defied the emperor, what other recourse (could there be)? However, as he was just about to depart, he chose his shipmates, collected his baggage, and fitted out his ships: then, offering various excuses, (such as) the winter or matters of business, he deceived sensible (men) at first, then the masses, and, longest of all, the provinces. 

Chapter 48. Caecina prepares to quench the rebellion at Vetera.

Now, Germanicus, although he had concentrated his army and was ready to take his revenge on the rebels, thinking that he still might give (them) time (to see) if they might have regard for the recent example, sent a letter to Caecina, (saying) that he would arrive with a strong force, and that, unless they anticipated the execution of the culprits, he would employ an indiscriminate massacre. Caecina secretly read it to the eagle-bearers and standard-bearers and to that (section) of the camp that was most loyal, and he urged (them) to save (them) all from disgrace and they themselves from death: for, in peacetime, cases are judged on their merits, and, when war came upon (them), the innocent and the guilty perish alike. Those, whom they considered suited to their purpose, (were consulted, and,) when they saw that the bigger part of the legions (remained) on duty, they fixed a time, at the suggestion of their commander, to fall with their swords upon all the most vile and the foremost in the mutiny. Then, at a mutually given signal, they burst into the tents and slew their unsuspecting (victims), with no one else but those in the secret knowing what (was) the beginning of the slaughter and what (was) its end. 

Chapter 49. Germanicus redirects the troops' anger.

(It was) different in character from all civil conflicts that had ever occurred. It was neither in battle, nor from opposing camps, but from the same sleeping-quarters that (men,) whom the day found eating together and whom the night had found together at rest, separated into factions and showered missiles upon one another). Uproar, wounds, bloodshed (were) evident, but their reason (was) a mystery; chance ruled everything. Some of the loyalists were cut down too, after it was understood upon whom the fury was directed, (and) the worst (of the mutineers) had also seized some weapons. Neither the commander or a tribune were present (as) a restraining (hand): mass licence to avenge was fully permitted. Then, Germanicus entered the camp, and, exclaiming with a flood of tears that this was no cure but a catastrophe, he ordered the bodies to be burned. 

Then, a desire to march against the enemy also seized their savage spirits (as) an atonement for their fury; (and it was felt) that the shades of their fellow-soldiers could only be appeased, if they had received honourable wounds on their impious breasts. Caesar followed up on the ardour of his troops, and, having spanned (the river) with a bridge, he sent across (it) twelve thousand men from the legions, twenty-six allied cohorts, (and) eight squadrons of cavalry, whose discipline had been unstained during the mutiny.   

C. WAR WITH THE GERMANS (Chs. 50-71).

Chapter 50. An advance on the Marsian villages. 

Not far off, the Germans were in a state of jubilant excitement, while we were held back by public mourning at the loss of Augustus, (and) then by our disagreements. But in a rapid march the Roman (general) (i.e. Germanicus) cut through the Caesian forest and the boundary line begun by Tiberius, (and) pitched camp on this line, fortifying his front and rear by entrenchments, (and) his flanks by timber barricades. Then, he penetrated some obscure forest pastures, and considered (which) of the two routes he should follow, the short and well-known (one), or the (one that was) more difficult and untried, and, for that reason, unguarded by the enemy. Having chosen the longer way, all other (matters) were hastened: for his scouts had reported that the Germans (were holding) a festival that night and games with ceremonial banquets. Caecina was ordered to advance with some light-armed cohorts and remove any obstructions from the woods: the legions followed after a short interval. A bright starry night assisted (them), and they reached the villages of the Marsi and threw pickets around them, stretched (as they were) even then on couches around their tables without any fear, nor (were) any watchmen stationed in front of (their camp), so complete was their negligence (and) disorder, nor (was there) any fear of war, but (it was) certainly not peace, but the languid and slack (behaviour to be found) among drunkards.     

Chapter 51. Germanicus lays waste the surrounding area.

In order that devastation might be (spread) more widely, Caesar divided his eager legions into four columns; (and) he ravaged an area of fifty miles with sword and flames. Neither sex nor age brought pity: (things) sacred and profane alike, and the temple much frequented by those tribes, which they called Tanfana's, were levelled to the ground. Without any casualties, they cut down men, who (were) half-asleep, unarmed or scattered. This slaughter aroused the Bructeri, the Tubantes, (and) the Usipetes, and they occupied the forest glades, through which the army had to return. This (was) known to the general, and he advanced (ready both) for march and for battle. Part of the cavalry and some of the auxiliary cohorts led the way, then (came) the First Legion, with the baggage train in the centre, (while the men of) the Twenty-First guarded the left flank, and those of the Fifth the right (one), (and) the Twentieth Legion strengthened the rear, (and) the rest of the allied (troops followed) behind (them). 

But the enemy (were) motionless, until the column was strung out through the woods; then, they made slight attacks on the flanks and the vanguard, and charged the rear with full force. Then, the light cohorts were thrown into confusion by the dense bands of the Germans, until Germanicus rode up to (the men of) the Twentieth (Legion) and exclaimed in a loud voice that this was the time for erasing (the memory of) the mutiny: they should advance, (he said,) and hasten to turn their guilt into glory. He set their spirits ablaze, and, with one charge, they broke through the enemy and drove (them) back into open (country) and slaughtered (them): at the same time the troops of the first column came out of the woods and fortified a camp. From that point their journey was peaceful, and, trusting in their recent (successes) and forgetful of past (events), the soldiers were settled in their winter-quarters.     

Chapter 52. Germanicus and Drusus are praised by Tiberius. 

The news of these (events) endowed Tiberius with (both) joy and anxiety. He was pleased that the mutiny (had been) suppressed, but (the fact) that he had sought the soldiers' favour by lavishing money (on them) and hastening their discharge, as well as Germanicus' renown in warfare, distressed (him). Nevertheless, he brought the things he had achieved to the attention of the senate, and spoke of his great courage, elaborated more in words (spoken) for the sake of appearance than because it could be believed that he felt (them) deeply. He praised Drusus, and the ending of the disturbance in Illyricum, in fewer (words), but he was more earnest and sincere in his language. And he also extended all the (things) which Germanicus had conceded to the armies of Pannonia.     

Chapter 53. The deaths of Julia the Elder and Sempronius Gracchus. 

In the same year, Julia met her last day, (she who had) formerly (been) confined by her father Augustus on the island of Pandateria, (and) then in the town of the Regini, who live near the Sicilian straits (i.e. the Straits of Messina). She had been married to Tiberius, when the Caesars, Gaius and Lucius (i.e. her sons), were prospering, and she despised (him) as her inferior: nor, in the case of Tiberius, was there any other reason so intimate (as this one to explain) why he absconded to Rhodes. When he gained power, (he left her) banished (and) disgraced, and, after Agrippa Postumus (was) murdered, destitute of all hope, (and) he let her die through starvation and a long (process of) wasting away, thinking that her death would go unnoticed due to the length of her exile.  

(He had) a like motive for his cruel treatment of (Tiberius) Sempronius Gracchus, (a man) who, (coming) from a noble family, (and) shrewd in his understanding and perversely eloquent, had seduced this same Julia, when she was married to Marcus (Vipsanius) Agrippa. Nor (was) this the end of the affair: this wilful adulterer inflamed (her) with disobedience and hatred towards her husband; and a letter, which Julia wrote to her father Augustus with (its content) abusing Tiberius, was thought to have been composed by Gracchus. Banished, accordingly, to Cercina, an island in the sea off Africa, he endured exile for fourteen years. Then, the soldiers sent to slay him, found him on a prominent beach, expecting nothing good. On their arrival, he sought a short (space of) time, in order to give his final instructions to  his wife Alliaria by letter, and he (then) offered his neck to the executioners; the courage of his death (was) not unworthy of the Sempronian name, (which) his life had dishonoured. Some have stated that these soldiers (were) not sent from Rome, but by Lucius (Nonius) Asprenas, the proconsul of Africa, at the instigation of Tiberius, who had vainly hoped that the infamy of the murder could be diverted on to Asprenas. 

Chapter 54. The Inauguration of the Augustalis.

The same year saw new religious rituals by the addition of the priesthood of the brotherhood of the Augustales, just as in former times Titus Tatius had established the Titian brotherhood in order to retain the rites of the Sabines. Twenty-one were selected by lot from the chief men of the state: Tiberius and Drusus, and Claudius (i.e. Germanicus' younger brother, Tiberius Claudius Nero Germanicus, cos. 37 A.D.) and Germanicus were added (to that number). Discord, arising from the rivalry of the actors, disturbed the Augustal Games, (which had) then commenced for the first time. Augustus had indulged such playful activities, when he humoured (Gaius) Maecenas, who was madly in love with Bathyllus (i.e. a famous comic actor); nor did he himself dislike such amusements, and he thought it politic to share in the pleasures of the populace. Tiberius' nature (pointed in) a different direction: but he did not venture to impose (something) harsher on a people who had been treated softly for so many years.  

Chapter 56. Germanicus moves against the Chatti. 

In the consulship of Drusus Caesar and Gaius Norbanus (i.e. 15 A.D.), a triumph was decreed for Germanicus, though the war continued; although he was preparing (to pursue) it with the greatest vigour in the summer, he anticipated (matters) at the beginning of spring by a sudden raid on the Chatti. For a hope had sprung up of the enemy being divided between Arminius and Segestes, distinguished in both cases by treachery or loyalty towards us. Arminius was Germany's trouble-maker, (and) Segestes revealed (i.e. in 9 A.D. prior to the disastrous battle of the Teutoburg Forest) that a rebellion was being planned on a number of different occasions, and especially at that last banquet, after which there was a rush to arms, and he urged (Publius Quinctilius) Varus to arrest himself and Arminius, and (all) the other chiefs: (for he assured him) that the people would attempt nothing if their leaders had been removed; and he would (then) have the opportunity to discern the guilty and the innocent. But Varus fell due to fate and the hand of Arminius: although Segestes (had been) dragged into war by the will of the people, their feud continued; this ill-feeling was accentuated by personal factors, because Arminius had carried off his daughter, who was betrothed to another (man): the son-in-law was hateful to a hostile father-in-law; and those things (which were) bonds of affection between united (hearts) were incentives to fury between foes.  

Chapter 56. Germanicus defeats the Chatti.

So, Germanicus delivered to Caecina four legions, five thousand auxiliaries, and some hastily levied Germans who were living on this side of the Rhine; he, himself, was leading the same number of legions, and twice the number of allied (troops), and, having built a fortress on the remains of his father's entrenchments on Mount Taunus, he hurried his lightly-equipped army against the Chatti, leaving Lucius Apronius to (direct) the fortification of roads and rivers. For, due to a drought and shallow streams - (something) rare in that climate - , he accomplished a hurried march without interruption, though he was in fear of heavy rainfall and swollen rivers on his return. But he came upon the Chatti so unexpectedly, that (everyone) who (was) helpless through age or gender was captured or slaughtered at once. Their young men had crossed the river Adrana (i.e. the Eder) by swimming (it), and were trying to prevent the Romans from building a bridge. Then, driven back by missiles and arrows, (and) having tried in vain (to come) to peace terms, some fled in refuge to Germanicus, while the rest, having left their cantons and villages, were dispersed in the woods.

After burning Mattium - this (was) the tribe's capital - and ravaging the open (countryside), Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) turned (back) to the Rhine, the enemy not venturing to harass the rear of the returning (army), which was their (usual) custom, whenever they withdrew as a (matter of) strategy rather than through fear. It had been the intention of the Cherusci to help the Chatti, but Caecina deterred (them), by bearing arms hither and thither, and he repelled the Marsi, (who had) ventured to engage (him), in a successful battle.  

Chapter 57. Germanicus rescues Segestes and his family.

Not long afterwards, envoys came from Segestes, begging for aid against the violence of his fellow-countrymen, by whom he was being besieged; Arminius (was) more influential with them, because he counselled war: for with barbarians the more a man's daring is evident, the more confidence (he inspires), and he is especially well-regarded during revolutionary circumstances. Segestes had attached his son, Segimundus by name, to the envoys, but the young man's conscience was troubling (him). For, in the year when the German (provinces) revolted, he had been appointed (as) a priest at the altar of the Ubii, but he had ripped off his insignia and fled to (join) the rebels. But, induced to hope for Roman clemency, he brought his father's message, and, having been kindly received, he was sent with an escort to the Gallic bank (of the river). 

For Germanicus it was now worthwhile to turn back his column, and a battle (was) fought against the besiegers, and Segestes (was) rescued together with a great band of his relatives and dependants. These included some women of rank, among whom (was) the wife of Arminius, and she (was) the daughter of Segestes, (but,) with the resolve of her husband rather than her father, (she was) neither overcome by tears nor (did she speak) with the voice of a suppliant; with her hands compressed within her bosom, (she) gazed at her pregnant womb. The spoils of Varus' disaster were also brought out, having been given as loot to very many of those who were now coming to capitulate: at the same time, Segestes (was) there himself, a huge (man) to look at, and undaunted in memory of his good fellowship.   

Chapter 58. Segestes reasserts his loyalty to Rome.

His words were spoken in the following manner: "This is not my first day of steadfast loyalty to the Roman people. From the time when I was given citizenship by the divine Augustus, I have chosen my friends and foes in accordance with (what is in) your interests, not from hatred of my fatherland - for traitors are hateful even to those whose side they join - but because (I thought) that the same (thing) would be of benefit to (both) Romans and Germans, and I approved of peace rather than war. I, therefore, brought a charge against Arminius, the ravisher of my daughter and the violator of your treaty, before Varus, who was then directing your army. Put off by the sluggishness of your general, (and) because there was little protection in the laws, I demanded that he should arrest myself, and Arminius and his accomplices: that night (is) my witness, if only it could have been my last (one)! (The things) that followed should be deplored rather than defended: however, I did throw chains on Arminius, and I allowed (chains) to be laid on (myself) by his supporters. And, as soon as (you give) me the opportunity, I show my preference for the old to the new, and peace to commotion, not for the sake of a reward, but so that I may clear myself from (the accusation of) treachery, and, at the same time, be a fit promoter of the German people, if (ever) they should choose repentance rather than ruin. For the youth and error of my son, I entreat forgiveness: I confess that my daughter (has been) brought here by compulsion. It will be for you to consider which (fact) should prevail, that she has conceived through Arminius, or that she was born through me."  

Caesar, in a gracious reply, promised safety for his children and kinsfolk, and a residence for himself in his former province. He (then) led back the army, and received the title of 'Imperator' at the instigation of Tiberius.The wife of Arminius brought forth a child of the male sex: brought up in Ravenna, the boy was soon (afterwards) afflicted by an insult, which I shall relate at the (proper) time. 

Chapter 59. Arminius stirs up rebellion. 

 When the news of this surrender and of Segestes being being welcomed with kindness became generally known, it was received with hope or grief depending on whether men were reluctant or eager to go to war. That his wife had been seized, and his wife's unborn child was exposed to slavery drove Arminius, with his naturally violent temper, into a frenzy, and he flew around among the Cherusci demanding war against Segestes and war against Caesar. Nor did he refrain from taunts: (what a) splendid father, (what a) mighty commander, (what a) valiant army, when their manifold resources have carried off a little woman! Three legions (and) as many generals have fallen down before him. For he did not wage war by treachery or against pregnant women, but openly against armed (men). (There are) still to be seen in the groves of Germany the Roman standards, which he had hung up to his country's gods. Let Segestes dwell on the conquered bank, let him restore to his son men's priestly office: Germans will never really excuse (the fact) that they saw rods, axes, and the toga between the Albis (i.e. the Elbe) and the Rhine. Other nations, in their ignorance of Roman rule, have no experience of the sufferings (imposed), no knowledge of the tribute (to be paid): as they have rid themselves of these (things), and the famous Augustus, ranked among the gods, (and) his chosen (heir) Tiberius, have departed baffled, they should not be alarmed by an inexperienced stripling or a mutinous army. If they prefer their fatherland, their ancestors, and ancient (customs) to tyrants and new colonies, they should follow Arminius (as) their leader to glory and to freedom, rather than Segestes to ignominious servitude.      

Chapter 60. Germanicus attacks the Bructeri.

Not only the Cherusci (were) roused by this, but (also) the neighbouring tribes, and Arminius' uncle, Inguiomerus, (was) drawn to their side, (a man held) in respect by the Romans for a long time; this (caused) Caesar greater anxiety. And, lest war should break out at one spot, he sent Caecina with forty Roman cohorts through the Bructeri to the river Amisia (i.e. the Ems) in order to distract the enemy, and the prefect Pedo (Albinovanus) led the cavalry along the borders of the Frisii. He, himself, put four legions on to ships and conveyed (them) across the lakes; and infantry, cavalry and fleet met together at the same time at the aforementioned river. The Chauci, when they promised auxiliary troops were admitted into the ranks together with the others. Lucius Stertinius with a lightly-armed force on a mission of Germanicus routed the Bructeri as they were burning their (possessions); and amid the carnage and plunder he found the eagle of the Nineteenth legion (which had been) lost with Varus. The column (was) then marched to the furthest (frontiers) of the Bructeri, and all (the country) between the rivers Amisia and Lupia (i.e. the Lippe) (was) ravaged, not far from the Teutoburg Forest, in which the remains of Varus and his legions were said (to lie) unburied.  

Chapter 61. The army reaches the site of Varus' disastrous defeat. 

So, a longing to pay his last respects to the soldiers and their leader took hold of Caesar, while the whole of the army who were there (were) moved to pity on account of their kin, their friends, and finally on account of the fortunes of war and the lot of mankind. Caecina having been sent forward to probe the obscure woodland pastures, and to establish bridges and embankments over the damp of the marshes and the treacherous plains, they made their way to the tragic places, foul both to look at and in their memory. Varus' first camp with its wide circumference and the measurements of its headquarters demonstrated the handiwork of the three legions; then, that a shattered remnant had now taken up its position (there) was suggested by the partially fallen rampart and the shallow ditch: in the centre of the field bleached bones (lay) scattered or in piles, as they had fled (or) as they had resisted. Near them lay the fragments of weapons and the limbs of horses, and at the same time (human) heads (had been) nailed to the trunks of trees. In the nearby groves (there were) the barbarous altars, on which they had sacrificed tribunes and centurions of the first rank. The survivors of this disaster, having escaped from the battle or from captivity, recalled that the officers had fallen at this place and the eagles (had been) taken at that place; (and that this was) where the first wound had been inflicted on Varus, (and that this was) where he had also found death by a stroke from his own hand; (they pointed out) the platform from which Arminius had harangued (his men), the number of gibbets (there were) for the prisoners, and what pits, and how he had mocked the standards and eagles in his insolence.     

Chapter 62. Germanicus buries the dead, but Tiberius has serious reservations about this. 

So, the Roman army, which was on the spot six years after the disaster, began to bury the bones of the three legions, with no one knowing whether he was covering with earth the remains of strangers or of his own (relatives), (but seeing them) all as closely connected (to him and) as blood-brothers, with increased wrath towards the enemy, (and feeling) mournful and, at the same time, full of fury. Caesar placed the first sod of earth in the construction of a funeral mound, (thus offering) a most welcome gift to the dead and sharing in the grief of those who were present. This (was) not approved of by Tiberius, either, because he interpreted all of Germanicus' (actions) in a poor light, or (because) he thought that the army would be made reluctant to fight and more fearful of the enemy by the spectacle of the slain and unburied; and that an imperial commander, endowed with office of augur and (the task of performing) the most ancient religious ceremonies, ought not to have involved himself in funeral rites.   

Chapter 63. The army withdraws to the Rhine. 

But Germanicus pursued Arminius, as he fell back into the wilds, (and,) as soon as he had the opportunity, he ordered his cavalry to sally forth and clear the level ground which the enemy had occupied. Arminius, having warned his (men) to keep together and stay near to the woods, suddenly wheeled round: then he gave the signal to rush to the attack to those (men) whom he had concealed in the forest glades. Then, our cavalry (was) thrown into disorder, and reserve cohorts were sent (out), but, driven back by the column of those who were in flight, they increased the level of anxiety; and they would have been driven into the marshland, familiar to their victorious (assailants), (but) unfavourable to those who were unacquainted (with it), if Caesar had not brought forth the legions, and marshalled them in battle array: then, terror (struck) the enemy, (and) confidence (came over) our men; and they parted with honours even.  

Then, leading his army back to the Amisia, he carried back the legions by ship, as he had brought (them); a section of cavalry (was) ordered to make for the Rhine by the seacoast: Caecina, who was leading his own forces, (was) advised, although he was returning by a known route, to cross the long causeway as quickly as possible. This was a narrow footpath amid vast swamps, formerly constructed by L. Domitius (i.e. Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, cos. 16 B.C.), all of them slimy, sticky with heavy mud, and (made) uncertain by streams; around (them) were gradually sloping woods, which Arminius now occupied, since by a quick march on short-cutting pathways he had anticipated our soldiers, weighed down, (as they were,) by baggage and arms. Caecina, in doubt as to how he could possibly replace the bridges ruined by old age, and repel the enemy at the same time, decided to lay out a camp on the spot, so that (some) might begin this work, (while) others (might begin) the battle. 

Chapter 64. Confronted by serious difficulties, Caecina determines to hold off the Cherusci. 

The barbarians could only attempt to break through the outposts and advance on them by bridging (the river), then surrounding and attacking (them); the cries of the workers and the fighters intermingled. And everything (was) similarly unfavourable to the Romans: the ground with its deep marshiness, at the same time insecure for (taking) a (firm) stand, and slippery for (those) advancing with their bodies burdened by armour; nor could they hurl their javelins accurately (while standing) amid the waters. On the other hand, fighting amid the marshes (was) customary to the Cherusci, (with) their tall frames, (and) their huge spears, capable of inflicting wounds even at a distance. Night at last released the legions, now giving way in the unfavourable battle. The Germans, (were) unwearied due to their successes, not even then taking any rest, (and) each one of the streams arising in the surrounding hills was diverted to turn into the neighbouring (lands) beneath, and with the ground having been flooded, and by submerging what work had been accomplished, the soldiers' labour (was) doubled. 

This campaign (was) the fortieth, (in which) Caecina had served in the position of a subordinate or a commander, (and he was) aware of successful and doubtful outcomes, and for this reason (he was) undaunted. So, as he pondered future (possibilities in his mind), he could find no other (plan) than to confine the enemy to the woods, until the wounded and the more heavily endowed among the column had gone forward; for in between the mountains and the marshes level ground extended, (something) which permitted a tenuous line of battle. The legions were assigned (their positions): the Fifth (Legion) on the right flank, the Twenty-First on the left, the men of the First (legion) were to lead the column, and the Twentieth to oppose pursuers.  

Chapter 65. Caecina's forces escape from the marshes, but remain in a desperate situation. 

(It was) a restless night for different (reasons), since the barbarians, with their festive banquets, were filling the neighbouring valleys and the echoing glens with joyful song or savage noises, (while) among the Romans the (men) themselves were lying near the ramparts or wandering between the tents, awake rather than vigilant. And a terrible dream alarmed their general: for he seemed to see Quinctilius Varus, smeared with blood and rising out of the swamps, and to hear (him) as if he were calling (him), but he did not comply and repelled (him) with hands outstretched. At first light, the legions (that had been) sent to the flanks abandoned their position through fear or defiance, and hastily occupied a plain beyond the morass. And yet Arminius, though free to attack, did not rush (at them) at once: but, when the baggage became stuck in the mud and the ditches, the soldiers around (it were) in confusion, the order of the standards (was) in disarray, and, (as is usual) in such circumstances, each (man) hastened to follow his own instructions and their ears were slow to meet orders, he ordered the Germans to charge, shouting, "Behold Varus and his legions, overcome once more by the same fate!" At the same time (as he said) this, he cut through our column with his picked (band of) men, and inflicted wounds chiefly on the horses. Staggering in their own blood in the slippery marshes, they shook off their riders and (all) the obstacles in their path, and trampled on the fallen. The struggle (was) greatest around the eagles, which could neither be carried in the face of the storm of missiles, nor planted in the slimy ground. While Caecina was sustaining (his position in) the battle-line, he fell from his horse, (which had been) pierced beneath (him), and he would have been surrounded, if the First Legion had not interposed themselves. The enemy's greed helped (them), as they left the slaughter in search of booty, and towards the evening of the day the legions struggled on to open and solid (ground).    

Nor (was) this the end of their miseries. Entrenchments had to be put up (and) materials sought (for earthworks), (but those things) by which the ground is dug and turf cut (had) to a great extent (been) lost; (there were) no tents for the companies, no dressings for the wounded; as they shared their food, soiled, (as it was,) by mud or blood, they bewailed the funereal darkness and the single day that now remained for so many thousands of men. 

Chapter 66. Caecina stems the panic. 

It happened that a stray horse, having broken its tether, and terrified by the uproar, threw into confusion anyone whom it met. Then, so great a panic (arose) from those who believed that the Germans had broken into (the camp), that they all rushed to the gates, of which the main (gate) was (the one) chiefly sought, as it was facing away from the enemy and (so) safer for flight. Caecina had discovered that the panic was without foundation, but, since he could not, either by (by the use of) his authority, or by entreaties, or even by force, stop or resist his soldiers, he threw (himself) down on the threshold of the gate, (and) at last by (an appeal to) their pity, he closed the path, since they would have had to go over their commander's body; at the same time, the tribunes and the centurions convinced (them) that it was a false alarm. 

Chapter 67. Caecina addresses his troops. 

Then, having assembled (them) at his headquarters, and having ordered (them) to listen to his words in silence, he told (them) of the urgency of the situation. Their safety (lay) in their arms alone, but these must be used with discretion, and they must remain within the ramparts, until the enemy should advance nearer in the hope of storming (them); then, they must break out in all directions; by that sortie they might be taken to the Rhine. But, if they fled, more forests, even deeper swamps, (and) the savagery of the enemy awaited (them); but honour and glory (would be theirs, if they were) victorious. He spoke of (the things) that were dear to them at home, and of what was honourable in the camp; he said nothing about their setbacks. Then, beginning with his own, he handed over the horses of the officers and tribunes to each of the bravest fighters, without (fear or) favour, so that these, and then the infantry might charge upon the enemy.     

Chapter 68. The Romans defeat Arminius.

The restless German host was no less disturbed, with its hopes, its longings and the conflicting opinions of its chiefs, with Arminius advising that they should allow (the Romans) to depart, and (then) surround (them) again, once they had gone, on the impassable marshlands, and with Inguiomerus (giving) harsher (counsel), that they should encircle their entrenchments with arms: (thus) there would be a prompt storming (of the camp), more prisoners, (and) the spoil (would be) intact. So. at daybreak they filled in the ditches, threw hurdles into (them), and seized the main parts of the parapet, on the top (of which) the soldiers (were) thinly (distributed) and seemingly paralysed with fear. When they were firmly fixed within the fortifications, the signal was given to the cohorts, and the horns and trumpets sounded. Then, with a shout and a (sudden) charge, they poured down upon the Germans' rear, taunting (them) that here (there were) no woods or swamps, but the gods in their favour on level ground. Because they were so unexpected, the sound of trumpets and the glitter of arms burst upon the enemy all the more greatly, while they were thinking of the easy destruction of a few semi-armed (men), and so they fell, as reckless in adversity as they had been eager for successful outcomes. Arminius unhurt, and Inguiomerus after (being) severely wounded, fled the (field of) battle: the mass (of their men) were slaughtered, so long as wrath and the (light of) day prevailed. At night, the legions returned at last, (and,) although more wounds and the same want of food tormented (them), (they found) that strength, healing, abundance, everything (came to them) in victory.   

Chapter 69. Agrippina's influence troubles Tiberius.

Meanwhile, a rumour had spread that our army (was) surrounded, and that a hostile force of Germans was making for Gaul, and that if Agrippina had not prevented the bridge (that had been) placed over the Rhine from being demolished, there were (those) who would dared, in their fear, (to undertake) such a disgraceful act. But a woman of great spirit assumed the duties of a general, and she distributed clothing and bandages among the soldiers, as each one (was) destitute or wounded. Gaius Plinius, the historian of the German wars, relates that she stood at the head of the bridge, bestowing praises and thanks on the legions as they returned. This made a deep impression on the mind of Tiberius: for (he thought) such concern could not be simple, nor was her attention to the soldiers being sought in opposition to external (foes). (There would be) nothing left to commanders, when a woman could visit the companies, attend the standards, (and) attempt bribery, as though (it showed) too little ambition to parade the general's son in the uniform of a common soldier, and to want him to be called Caesar Caligula (i.e. with the Little Boots). Agrippina (was) now more powerful with the army than officers, or generals; a mutiny, which the name of the sovereign could not check, (had been) suppressed by a woman. Sejanus, with his knowledge of Tiberius' character, inflamed and aggravated these (feelings), (thus) sowing (the seeds of) hatreds for the future, which he might hide away and display when they had increased.   

Chapter 70. Publius Vitellius struggles to rendezvous with the fleet. 

Meanwhile, of the legions which he had conveyed by ship, Germanicus handed the Second and the Fourteenth to Publius Vitellius, to be marched by a land route, in order that a lighter fleet might sail over a shallow sea. or come aground at the ebb-tide. At first, Vitellius had an easy journey, the ground (being) dry or (only) slightly waterlogged; then, his column was harassed and driven by the force of the North Wind, and also by the autumnal equinox, when the sea swells to its highest level. The land was also flooded: sea, shore and fields (all presented) the same aspect, nor could treacherous (quicksands) be distinguished from solid (ground), (nor) shallow from deep (water). (Men) were scattered by waves and swallowed up by abysses; beasts of burden, baggage, (and) lifeless bodies floated around and blocked (their path). The companies were mixed up between one another, (their men) now visible up to the chest, now (up to) the neck; sometimes, after losing their footing, they were separated (from their colleagues) or went under. The voice of mutual encouragement was no help against the waves; (there was) nothing to distinguish the brave (man) from the coward, the wise (man) from the foolish (one), (or) forethought from chance: everything was caught up in the same (level of) violence. At last, Vitellius struggled out on to higher (ground), and led his column to the same (place). (There) they passed the night, without anything of use, without fire, a large part (of them) with bare or battered bodies, no less pitiable than (those) whom an enemy is besieging: for such (men) at least (have) the chance of a glorious death, (while) for them death (was) without honour. Daylight restored the land (to their sight), and they came to the river Visurgis (i.e. the Weser), where Caesar had drawn up his fleet. Then, the legions got on board, while a rumour got around that (they had) drowned; nor was there any belief in their safety, before they saw Caesar and his army returned.

Chapter 71. The loyal provinces make reparations.   

By this time, (Lucius) Stertinius, (who had been) sent out to receive the surrender of Segimerus, the brother of Segestes, had conducted (both) him and his son to the capital of the Ubii (i.e. Cologne). A pardon (was) given to both (of them), readily in the case of Segimerus, with more hesitation in the case of his son, because he was said to have abused the corpse of Quinctilius Varus. Meanwhile, Gaul, Spain and Italy had vied in repairing the losses of the army, offering whatever arms, horses (and) gold (they had) ready at hand. Having praised their zeal, Germanicus only took their arms and horses for the war, and he relieved the soldiers from his own resources. And that he might also soften the memory of the disaster by his kindness, he went around the wounded, extolling the deeds of each one; as he examined their wounds, he strengthened by his words one (man) with hope, another with (his desire) for glory, and all (of them) with a concern for himself and for the battle.   

D. TIBERIUS ESTABLISHES HIMSELF AS EMPEROR (Chs. 72-81).

Chapter 72. Tiberius tightens his grip. 

In that year triumphal honours (were) decreed to Aulus Caecina, Lucius Apronius, and Gaius Silius for the things (they had) achieved with Germanicus. Tiberius refused the title of 'Father of his Country', so often heaped on (him) by the people; nor did he allow oaths to be sworn with regard to (ratifying) his actions, although the senate had voted for (this), (and) he kept on saying that all human affairs (were) uncertain, and the more a man acquired, the more he was in a precarious (position). But he did not thereby create a belief in his democratic way of thinking; for he had reintroduced the law against treason, which had existed among the ancients under the same name, but other things came under its jurisdiction: (for instance) if any (man) had impaired the majesty of the Roman people by betraying an army or stirring up the people into rebellion, and, in short, any evil actions against the republic; (but only) deeds were actionable, words went unpunished. Augustus (was) the first (to) apply a judicial inquiry under the guise of this law to libellous writings, provoked, (as he had been,) by the wilfulness of Cassius Severus, in which he had defamed men and women of distinction in his insolent writings; then, Tiberius, with the praetor (Quintus) Pompeius Macer (i.e. pr. 15 A.D.) consulting (him) as to whether prosecutions for treason should be resumed, replied that the laws must be enforced. Some notorious verses of uncertain ownership, (drawing attention) to his cruelty and his arrogance, and his difference of opinion with his mother (i.e. Livia Augusta), had exasperated him as well. 

Chapter 73. Tiberius comes out at first against misuse of the treason laws.  

It will not be a matter of regret, if I recall the charges initially brought against Falanius and Rubrius, Roman knights of moderate (means), in order that it may be explained from its beginnings, how, through Tiberius' cunning, this most disastrous scourge insinuated itself (among us), (how) it were then checked, (and how) finally it burst into flames and took hold of everything. In the case of Falanius, his accuser claimed that among the worshippers of Augustus, who across all households were joined into a kind of fellowship, he had admitted a certain Cassius, an actor (who led) an infamous life (i.e. he was a male prostitute), and that, when selling his gardens, he had, at the same time, disposed of a statue of Augustus. In the case of Rubrius, it was stated in the charge that (he had) violated by perjury the divinity of Augustus. When this became known to Tiberius, he wrote to the consuls that (a place in) heaven (had) not (been) decreed to his father in order that this honour might be directed at the ruin of his (fellow-)citizens. The actor Cassius, among others of the same profession, used to take part in the games which his mother had consecrated to the memory of Augustus; nor was it contrary to their religion that his effigies, like other images of deities, should be included in the sale of gardens and mansions. In the same way, the oath (i.e. in relation to the charge of perjury made against Rubrius) should be assessed as if (the man) had deceived Jupiter: wrongs (done) to the gods (were) the gods' concern.   

Chapter 74. The charges against Granius Marcellus.

Not long afterwards his own quaestor, (Aulus) Caepio Crispinus applied for a writ to prosecute (Marcus) Granius Marcellus, the governor of Bithynia, for treason, with the support of Romanus Hispo; he embarked on a kind of life, which the miseries of the times and men's audacity afterwards made notorious. For, while, needy, unknown and restless (as he was), he wormed his way into the favour of a vindictive prince by his secret writings, he soon was the cause of danger to all the most distinguished (citizens), and, having gained influence with one (man) and the hatred of all (others), he gave an example,  in following which (men became) rich from (being) paupers and feared from (being) scorned, and contrived the ruin of others, and, at last, their own. But he alleged that Marcellus had made some disrespectful remarks about Tiberius, a charge not to be avoided, since the accuser selected all the worst (features) of the emperor's character, and (thus) he made his case against the accused. For, because they were true, they were also believed to have been said. Hispo added that a statue of Marcellus (had been) stationed more highly than (those) of the Caesars, and that a bust of Tiberius (had been) placed on another statue after the head of Augustus (had been) removed. 

At this, (the emperor) was so inflamed with anger that, setting aside his usual silence, he announced that in such a case he too would give his vote openly and on oath, (and) for this (reason) the same requirement was imposed on the rest (of them). Even then, some traces of liberty remained. So, Gnaeus (Calpurnius) Piso (i.e. cos. 7 B.C.) asked, "In what position will you be voting, Caesar? If first, I know what I should go with: if after everyone else, I fear that I may differ from you unknowingly." He was greatly moved by these (words), and suffering from regret at how thoughtlessly he had boiled over (with anger), he allowed the defendant to be acquitted of the charges of treason; (charges) of extortion were referred to the special court of justice.     

Chapter 75. Tiberius interferes in the legal process.   

Not satisfied with the proceedings in the senate, he began to attend the lawcourts, (sitting) on the end of the tribunal in order not to displace the praetor from his official chair; and many pleas against corruption and the abuse of power (were) upheld in is presence. But while the (interests of) truth were promoted, freedom was compromised. Among such (cases), a senator, Aurelius Pius, complained that (the foundations of) his house had been weakened by the construction of a public roadway and an aqueduct, and he called for the senate's assistance. When the praetors of the treasury resisted, Caesar helped (him)  and paid Aurelius the value of his house, (for he was) eager that money should be expended on good (causes), a virtue which he retained for a long time, when he had shed all others. To Propertius Celer, an ex-praetor, who sought to be excused from his rank (as a senator) on account of his poverty, he bestowed a million sesterces, when he was sufficiently satisfied that his lack of means was inherited. Any others who tried the same (thing), he instructed to prove their case to the senate, (and,) from his love of strictness, (he was) harsh, even in those (cases) where he acted correctly. As a result, others preferred silence and poverty to (public) confession and charity.    

Chapter 76. Drusus the Younger shows his brutality. 

In the same year, the Tiber, swollen by continuous rainfall, had flooded the low-lying parts of the city; the collapse of buildings and (the loss of) human (life) followed the subsidence (of the flood-water). So, Asinius Gallus proposed that the Sibylline books should be consulted. Tiberius declined (to do so), (thereby) concealing divine (affairs just as he did those of) humans; but the task of how to control the river (waters was) entrusted to (Gaius) Ateius Capito (i.e. cos. suff. 5 A.D.) and Lucius Arruntius. Since they were complaining of their burdens, it was agreed that Achaea and Macedonia  should be relieved for the present from proconsular government and transferred to Caesar. Drusus presided over a show of gladiators, which he had arranged in the name of his brother Germanicus and his own, and yet he gloated too much over cheap bloodshed; this (was) alarming to the populace, and his father, it was said, had rebuked (him). Why he himself (i.e. Tiberius) had kept away from the spectacle was variously explained: some (said it was) due to his loathing of a crowd, others to his melancholy character, and to fear of comparison, since Augustus had attended happily. I cannot believe that the opportunity (was) given to his son to display his ferocity and provoke the people's disgust, although even this was said. 

Chapter 77. Control of the theatres.

Now, the disorders in the theatre, which had recently started in the previous year, then erupted on a more serious scale, (for) not only (were several members) of the public killed, but also some soldiers and a centurion, (and) a tribune of the praetorian cohort (was) wounded, while they were trying to stamp out insults to the magistrates and the strife of the mob. (There was) a debate in the senate about this disturbance, and opinions were expressed that the right to scourge should be (given) to the praetors with regard to actors. (Decimus) Haterius Agrippa, tribune of the people, interposed his veto, and was rebuked in a speech by Asinius Gallus, with no word from Tiberius, who wished to give the senate such an appearance of freedom. Still, the veto prevailed, because the divine Augustus had once pronounced that actors (were) immune from the lash, and (it was) not lawful for Tiberius to infringe his decisions. Numerous (measures) were passed concerning the amount of their pay, and to check the irresponsible conduct of their patrons; of these the main requirements (were) that no senator should enter the houses of ballet-dancers, no Roman knights should escort (them) as they walked around in public, or that they (i.e. the actors) should be seen anywhere other than in the theatre, and that power should be given to the praetors to punish with exile any riotous conduct by the spectators.  

Chapter 78. The military reforms are cancelled. 

When the Spaniards requested that a temple to Augustus should be constructed in the colony of Tarraco (i.e. Tarragona), permission was granted, and a precedent (was thus) given in relation to all provinces. When the people were deprecating the one percent (duty) on all saleable commodities, instituted after the civil wars, Tiberius declared by edict that the military exchequer depended on that subsidy, and, furthermore, that the state (was) unequal to the burden unless veterans were to be discharged after twenty years of service. So, the unfortunate consequences of the recent mutiny, by which they had extorted a limit of sixteen campaigns, were abolished with regard to the future.   

Chapter 79. The debate on diverting the Tiber.

Then, (it was) raised in the senate by Arruntius and Ateius whether, in order to check the inundations of the Tiber, the rivers and lakes, by which (its water-level) is swelled, should be diverted; delegations (were) heard from municipal towns and colonies, and the people of Florentia (i.e. Florence) begged that  the Clanis (i.e. the Chiana) should not be turned aside from its usual channel and transferred into the river Arnus (i.e. the Arno), and that, (if this happened,) it would bring utter ruin upon them. The inhabitants of Interamna (i.e. Terni) used arguments in harmony with them: the most fertile plains of Italy would be lost, if the river Nar (i.e. the Nera) should overflow, after being split into (several) streams. Nor did the people of Reate (i.e. Rieti) stay silent, but they objected to the damming of the Veline Lake (i.e. the Piediluco), (at the point) where it is made to flow into the Nar, since it would burst over the adjacent (countryside); nature had admirably provided for the interests of humanity, as it had assigned their mouth (and) their courses to rivers, and, as (it had assigned them) a source, so (it had assigned them) limits; regard must also be paid to the religious scruples of the allies, who had dedicated sacred rites, and groves, and altars to their country's rivers; but the Tibet itself would not wish to be entirely deprived of its neighbouring streams and (therefore) flow with less splendour. Either the entreaties of the colonies, or the difficulty of the works, or superstition prevailed, so they yielded to the opinion of Piso (i.e. Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, cos. 7 B.C.), who had advised that nothing should be altered.   

Chapter 80. Tiberius' attitude to preferment. 

The (government of) the province of Moesia was extended in the case of (Gaius) Poppaeus Sabinus (i.e. cos. 9 A.D.), with Achaea and Macedonia being added. It was also (a feature) of Tiberius' character to prolong military commands and to keep very many (men) in charge of the same armies or jurisdictions to the end of their life. Various reasons have been attributed (to this): some (say) that out of an aversion to any fresh anxiety he preserved what he had once approved as a permanent (arrangement); others (say it was) through envy that too many were enjoying (their promotion), (and) there are (those) who think that, (while) his character (was) a shrewd (one), so (was) his judgment troubled; for he did not pursue (those of) eminent merit, and yet he detested vice. Finally, he went so far in this hesitancy that he entrusted provinces to certain (men) whom he had not allowed to leave the city.   

Chapter 81. Tiberius manipulates consular elections. 

I scarcely venture to say anything positive about the consular elections, which then occurred for the first time under this emperor and subsequently: so conflicting (are the accounts which) are found not only among historians, but (also) in his own speeches. Sometimes, the names of the candidates were withheld, (but) he described the origin of each one and his life and military career, so that it might be understood who they were; occasionally, even these indications were withheld, (and), after urging the candidates not to disrupt the elections by canvassing, he promised his own attention to (ensuring) this. Generally, he stated that only those whose names he had passed on to the consuls had declared themselves (as candidates); and that others could declare their candidacy, if they had confidence in their own influence and merits: (this sounded) plausible (enough) in words, but in reality (it was) meaningless and disingenuous, and the more (his remarks) were masked by the appearance of liberty, the more they would lead to a most dangerous servitude.