Sunday 25 August 2013

PLATO: "REPUBLIC", BOOK X

I.  THEORY OF ART

Book Ten has the appearance of an appendix, written to justify, against anticipated or actual criticism, the attack on poets in Books Two and Three. It has been suggested that it should not be taken too seriously, and should be read as an attack on the extravagant claims made for the poets by Greek opinion, rather than as a serious attempt to state a philosophy of art. It is true that the Greeks treated the works of Homer as their Bible, and also, as we see from Plato's Ion, where Homer is claimed as a teacher of everything from carpentry to morals and generalship, that extravagant claims were made for them. But there is nothing to suggest that Plato is not being serious, though he is often characteristically ironical; and the general contention in Section A below that poetry is illusion fits well into the scheme of the Divided Line in Book Six.

A.  ART AND ILLUSION

The Greek word mimesis, 'representation', used in Book III to describe dramatic as opposed to narrative poetry, is now used to describe artistic creation as a whole, and interpreted to mean a rather unintelligent imitation. The productions both of the painter and of the poet are imitations of a life which has itself only secondary reality, and neither painter nor poet have any knowledge of what they imitate. Pictures and poems are second-hand, unreal, and tell us nothing about life. 

(595) (a) (I)  "And yet," I said, "I realise many other things about it, for instance that we established the state (lit. city) without doubt (lit. more than anything) correctly, and I mean (this) thinking especially (lit. not least) about poetry." 

"What sort of thing (are you thinking of)?" he said.

"In no way to admit that so much of it (is) dramatic representation; for that it particularly (lit. more than anything) ought not to be admitted appears, I think (lit. as it seems to me), even clearer now, since each part of the soul has been separately distinguished."

(b)  "How do you mean?"

"Between ourselves (lit. to address myself to you) - for you will not denounce me to the tragic poets and all the other dramatists - all such things appear to be a corruption of the intelligence of all those listeners who do not possess the knowledge of what they really are (as) an antidote."

"With what in mind, are you speaking?"

"I must (lit. It is necessary [for me] to) speak out," I said; "yet a certain love and reverence about Homer possessing me from boyhood holds me back (me) from speaking. (c)  For he appears to have been the first teacher and initiator of all those tragedies. Yet a man ought not to be honoured beyond the truth, but, as I say, we must speak our minds."

"By all means," he said.

"Listen then, or rather answer (my question)."

"Ask (it)."

"Can you tell me, in general terms, what on earth representation is? For indeed I do not myself understand at all exactly what it means (lit. wishes to be)."

"So doubtless, I suppose, I shall understand (it)," he said.

"(It would) not (be) at all surprising," said I, (596) (a)  "since indeed on many occasions those seeing (things) more short-sightedly see earlier than those seeing more sharply."

"(That) is so," he said; "but, if you are (lit. with you being) present, I should not be keen to speak, if anything becomes clear to me, but do you yourself consider (it)."

"So do you want us to begin from here (by) investigating by our usual method? For we are accustomed, I think, to posit in some way each single form, in respect of each of the multiplicities (viz. collections of objects) to which we attribute the same name, or do you not understand?"

"I do understand."

"Then let us now take whatever multiplicities you wish. (b)  For example, if you will, there are, I think, many couches and tables."

"Of course (lit. How [are there] not)?"

"But with regard to these articles of furniture (there are), I think, two forms, one of a couch, and one of a table."

"Yes."

"And are we not in the habit of saying that the craftsman of each of these articles, (while) fixing his eyes on the form, thus makes, on the one hand, the couches, and, on the other hand, the tables, of which we make use, and other things in accordance with the same (process). For surely no one among the craftsmen produces the form itself; for how (could he)?"

"In no way."

"But consider now what you would call the following craftsman."

(c)  "Which one?"

"(He) who makes all the things, which each one of the workmen makes."

"You are speaking of a certain clever and wondrous man."

"Not just yet, but soon you will say (it even) more. For this same workman (is) able not only to make all implements, but also makes all the things growing in the earth and produces all the animals, both (all) the other things and even himself, and in addition to this he produces earth and heaven and the gods and all things in heaven and in Hades under the earth."

(d)  "You speak of a man (who is) marvellously clever in every way."

"Do you not believe (me)?" I said. "Tell me, do you not think (lit. does it not seem to you) that such a craftsman exists at all, or (do you believe) in some sense that there could be a maker of all these things, and in another sense not? or do you not perceive that you would be able to make all these things yourself in some way?"

"And what way (is) this?" he said.

"(It is) not difficult," said I, "but the producer (could make it) in many places and quickly, and, I suppose, very quickly, if, taking a mirror, you choose to carry (it) around everywhere. (e)  You will speedily make the sun and (all) the things in the sky, and speedily (make) the earth and speedily (make) yourself and all the other animals and implements and plants and all those things of which there was mention just now."

"Yes," he said, "things apparent (to the senses), but not, I think, being the truth."

"Excellently (said)," said I, "and you come at an opportune moment for the argument. For I take it that the painter is one of these producers too. For surely (he is, isn't he)?"

"Of course."

"But you will say, I imagine, that he does not make what he makes real. And yet, in a certain sense, the painter makes a couch also; or (does he) not?"

"Yes," he said, "he also (makes) the appearance (of one)."

(597) (a) (II)  "What of the couch-maker? Were you not saying just now that he does not make the form, which we say is the real couch (lit. what the couch really is), but (only) some particular couch?"

"Yes, I was saying (that)."  

"Then if he does not make what really exists, he cannot be making something that is reality, but something which resembles (lit. is of such a kind as) what is real, but which is not real; but, if anyone should say that the work of the couch-maker or of any other handicraftsman is reality in the complete sense, he would be likely to say what is not true."

"Then," he said, "(it would be) as it would indeed seem to be to those well versed with regard to arguments of such a nature."

"So we should not be at all surprised if this too is actually something dim by contrast with reality."

(b)  "No, (we shouldn't)."

"So, if you wish," he said, "shall we look for whatever representation is in the light of these things?"

"If you wish," said he.

"Then there are these three kinds of couch: one being in the nature (of things is) the one which we would say, I take it, that God produces. Or who else (could)?"

"No one, I think."

"Then (there was) one which the carpenter (made)."

"Yes," he said.

"And one which the painter (made). For (that is so), surely, (isn't it)?"

"Yes" (lit. [So] be it)."

"The painter then, the couch-maker (and) God, (there are) these three responsible for (lit. the superintendents of) three types of couch."

"Yes, (there are) three."

(c)  "Now God, whether he was unwilling, or whether there was some compulsion (upon him) that he should not make more than one couch in the nature (of things), so made only that one thing, which is the (real) couch; and two or more such things were neither created by God nor will come into being."

"How so?" he said.

"Because," said I, "(even) if he should make no more than two, there would still come to light the one of which they both would again possess the form, and that would be that couch which really is, but not those two."

"Right (lit. [You speak] correctly)," he said.

(d)  "God then, I take it, knowing this (and) wishing to be the real maker of what is the real couch, and not of a particular couch, nor yet a particular couch-maker, produced it unique by nature."

"(So) it seems."

"So shall we call him, if you will, its true creator, or some such thing?"

"(That would) certainly (be) just," he said, "since he has made both this and all other things."

"And surely (we should call) the painter the creator and maker of that kind of thing, (shouldn't we)?"

"Not at all."

(e)  "But what will you say he is in relation to the couch?"

"This," said he, "seems to me the most reasonable (name for him) to be called, (namely) the imitator (of those things) of which those others are the craftsmen."

"Very well," said I; "do you call the (maker) of what is produced at three removes (lit. of the third production) from reality an imitator?"

"Absolutely," he said.

"Then the tragic dramatist will be this also, if he is an imitator, someone three removes (lit. third in descent) from the throne of truth (lit. from the king and the truth), and all the other imitators too."

"It seems so."

"Then we are in agreement about the representational artist. (598) (a)  But now tell me this about the painter: do you think (lit. does it seem to you) that he tries to imitate in each case that thing itself in the nature (of things) or the works of the craftsman?"

"The (works) of the craftsmen," he said.

"Such things as really are or such things as appear (to be)? Define this (point) further."

"How do you mean," he said.

"(I mean it) in this way: does a couch itself differ in any way from itself, if you behold it from the side, if (you are) looking straight at it, or from any other angle, or does it not differ at all, while it appears different? And other things (are) the same, (are they not)?"

"(It is) so," he said. "It appears (to be different), but is not different at all."

(b)  "Consider then this very thing: to what is painting concerned with in relation to every (case)? To be directed towards what is, as it is really, or to what appears (to be), as it appears, being a representation of a phantom or of the truth?"

"A phantom," he said.

"Then representational (art) is, presumably, far removed from the truth, and, it seems, it manufactures everything for this reason, because it claims but a small (part) of each (object), and even this (is) a spectre. For example, a painter, we say, will paint us a cobbler, a carpenter, (and) other craftsmen, (c) although he is not knowledgeable about the arts of anyone of them; but, nevertheless, if he were a good painter, and, if he were to paint a carpenter and exhibit (him) from afar off, he would deceive children and foolish men into believing in this, that it really was a carpenter."

"And why not?"

"But I take it, my friend, we need (lit. it is necessary [for us]) to bear this in mind in relation to all such things: when anyone tells us about someone, that he has met a man knowledgeable in all the crafts and everything else that each man knows (individually), (d)  (and) that there is nothing that he does not know more exactly than anybody else, we must (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) reply to such a person that he (is) a simple-minded man, and, it seems, that, (in) meeting some magician and imitator, he has been deceived into believing him to be omniscient, on account of the fact that he cannot distinguish between knowledge, ignorance and imitation."

"Very true," he said.

(III)  "Then," said I, "it is necessary to investigate next (lit. after this) tragedy and its leader Homer, (e)  since we hear from some that these (poets) know all the arts, and all human things relating to virtue and vice, and divine things; for, if he is going to compose well about (the things) of which he writes, the good poet must (lit. [it is] a necessity for the good poet to) compose with knowledge (lit. knowing), or not be able to compose. So we must (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) investigate whether these men, having met with these imitators, have been deceived (by them), and, (when) looking upon their works, (599) (a)  do not perceive that these are three stages removed from reality and that (it is) easy (for a man, even if) he has no knowledge of the truth, to produce - for they are producing phantoms and not the realities -, or whether (there is) even something (in what) they say, and good poets really do know about (those things) which they seem to the multitude to speak of well."

"We must certainly examine (the matter) (lit. [It is] certainly necessary [for the matter] to be examined [by us])," he said.

"Do you imagine, then, that, if a man could produce both the copy and the phantom, that he would be eager to abandon himself to the manufacture of the phantoms, and value this above his own means of livelihood as his most important possession?"

(b)  "(No), I (do) not."

"But, I take it, if he was genuinely knowledgeable concerning those things which he imitates, he would much rather devote himself to those works rather than to imitations and endeavour to leave behind (him) many noble deeds (as) memorials of himself, and would be eager to be the one being praised rather than the one giving the praise."

"I think (so)," he said. "For honour and benefit (are) not (regarded) equally."

"Then, let us not demand from Homer or from any other of the poets an account of other matters, (by) asking (them), (c)  if any one of them was a physician and not merely an imitator of medical talk, what men any poet, among the old or among the new, is said to have made healthy, just as Asclepius (did), or what disciples of the medical (art) he left behind (him), as he (did) his descendants, and again let us not ask them about the other arts, but let them off. But about the greatest and finest things of which Homer undertakes to speak, about wars and generalship, and the government of cities, and (d)  about the education of men, (it is) surely fair (for us) to question him (by) inquiring (thus): 'My dear Homer, if you are not at the third (remove) from reality with regard to (human) virtue (as) that creator of phantoms which we identified as the imitator, but (if you are) even in the second (place) and could judge what sort of activities make men better or worse in private and in public (life), tell us what city was better governed on account of you, just as Lacedaemon was through Lycurgus and many (other cities), great and small, because of other (law-givers)? (e)  What city claims you as having been a good law-giver and as having benefited them? Italy and Sicily (claim) Charondas and we Solon; but who (claims) you?' Will  he be able to mention any?"

"I don't think (so)," said Glaucon; "at any rate it is not mentioned even by the Homerids themselves."

(600) (a)  "Well, then, is any war in the time of Homer recorded (as) having been well conducted under his command or counsel?"

"None."

"Well, then, are several ingenious inventions in relation to the arts or any other practical activities reported (of him) with regard to such actions as are the mark of a wise man, just as (they are) of Thales of Miletus and of Anacharsis the Scythian successively."

"(He did) nothing of the sort at all."

"Well, then, if (he did not do anything) in public (service), is Homer himself reported, (while) living, to have been in private a guide in education to men (b)  who took pleasure in associating with him and handed down to posterity a certain Homeric way of life, just as Pythagoras was especially admired himself for this, and his successors, calling (it) a Pythagorean way of life even now, seem to be conspicuous in some way among other people?"

"Again, nothing of this kind is reported," he said. "For, Socrates, Creophilus, the companion of Homer, would perhaps look even more ridiculous in relation to education than his name, if the things said about Homer (are) true. For it is said that there was some considerable neglect of him by that (friend) of his, when he was alive."

(c) (IV)  "Yes, so it is reported," said I. "But do you suppose, Glaucon, that, if Homer was really able to educate men and make (them) better (men), inasmuch as he was able, not to imitate, but to know of these things, he would not have acquired many companions, and have been honoured and admired by them, but then Protagoras of Abdera and Prodicus of Ceos and very many others are able (when) lecturing in private to those (placed) with them, to suggest (d)  that they will not be able to manage either their own homes or their own city, unless they have been put in charge of their education, and for this wisdom they are so deeply loved that their companions all but carry them around on their shoulders; and, after all, if he had been able to help men in relation to virtue, would his contemporaries have allowed Homer or Hesiod to rhapsodise (while) roaming around, and would they not have held on to them rather than to their gold and compelled (them) to remain with themselves at home, (e)  or if they did not persuade (them), they would have escorted (them) wheresoever they went, until they had acquired a sufficient share of their culture?"

"I think (lit. It seems to me) that you are speaking the truth in every way."

"Shall we lay it down, then, that all the poets, starting from Homer, are imitators of images of virtue and the other things which they make, and do not get hold of the truth, but, as we were saying just now, the painter, not being knowledgeable about the cobbler's art, will construct what appears to be a cobbler (to him), (601) (a)  and likewise to those not knowing (anything), and judging by colours and shapes?"

"Certainly."

"In this way indeed we shall say, I suppose, that the poet also, not knowing anything save how to imitate, lays down, by words and phrases, certain colours on each of the arts, so that it appears to other such people,who judge (things only) by words, that he seems to speak very well indeed, whether he speaks in meter and music about cobbling or about generalship or about anything else whatever. (b)  Thus these very things possess such a great attraction by their very nature. When stripped of the colours of music these sayings of the poets, the things in themselves, I think you know what sort of things they show. For you have observed (them), I presume."

"I have indeed," he said.

"Are they not," I said like the faces of those who have had the bloom of youth, but not of the (really) beautiful, such as they are to behold whenever the bloom abandons them?"

"Absolutely," said he.

"Come then, consider this: the creator of the phantom, the imitator, we say, knows nothing of reality, but (only) of appearance. (Is that) not so?"

(c)  "Yes."

"Then let us not leave it half-said, but consider it properly."

"Speak (on)," said he.

"The painter, we say, will paint both reins and bit, (won't he)?"

"Yes."

"But the cobbler and the blacksmith will make (them), (won't they)?"

"Certainly."

"So does the painter know what sort of things the reins and the bit must (lit. it is necessary for the reins and bit to) consist of? Or (does) not even the maker, both the blacksmith and the leather-worker (know that), but only the man who knows (how) to use them, (that is) the horseman."

"Very true."

"Then shall we not say it is thus about everything (else)?"

"How (do you mean)?"

(d)  "That there are some three arts, that of the user, that of the maker, (and) that of the imitator."

"Yes."

"Then is not the excellence and beauty and correctness of each article, living thing and action (judged) in relation to nothing other than the use for which each thing has been made or fashioned by nature?"

"(That is) so."

"Then the user of each (article) must be (lit. [it is] a strong necessity that the user of each [article] is) the most experienced (person in relation to it) and is a messenger to the maker as to the good and bad things he is effecting in the employment of what he is using; (e)  for example, the flute-player presumably reports to the flute-maker about the flute which may do service in flute-playing, and specifies which kind it is necessary to make, and the (other) will oblige (him)."

"Of course."

"So, the one with the knowledge reports about the good and bad flutes, and the other man, trusting (him), will make them, (won't he)?"

"Yes."

"Then, in respect of the same article, the maker will have a correct belief about its excellent (qualities) and its defects, (by) associating with the man who has the knowledge and (from) being compelled to listen at the side of the man with the knowledge, (602a)  but the user (will have) true knowledge."

"Certainly."

"And will the imitator have either the knowledge from experience about what he portrays as to whether these things are beautiful and right or not, or (will he have) correct opinion through association by compulsion with the man who knows and (through) being given instructions as to what he must (lit. it is necessary [for him] to) portray?"

"Neither."

"Then the imitator will neither know nor will have correct opinions about what he may represent with regard to their beauty or their defects."

"It seems not."

"(Quite) charming would be the dramatic artist in poetry with regard to true wisdom about what he may compose."

"Absolutely not."

(b)  "But he will nevertheless continue to imitate, (although) not knowing with regard to each (case) in what way (it is) bad or good; but, as it seems, he will imitate that thing which appears to be beautiful to the multitude who know nothing."

"Yes, what else (could he do)?"

"This, it seems, is agreed pretty well between us, that the imitator knows nothing worthy of mention concerning what things he imitates, but that this imitation is a form of play, and not a serious (matter), and that those engaging in tragic poetry, in iambics and in epic verse, are all imitators as much as it is possible (to be)."

"(I) entirely (agree)."

B.  THE APPEAL OF ART AND POETRY

Art and poetry appeal to, and represent, the lower, less rational part of our nature. 

(c) (V)  "In the name of Zeus," said I, "is this business of imitation not about something three removes from reality? Surely (it is, isn't it)?

"Yes."

"With regard to what human characteristics (lit. what sort of the (elements) of a man) does it have the power which it possesses?"

"Concerning what sort of thing do you mean?"

"Something of this sort: the same size (of thing), I suppose, in accordance with our vision from nearby and from a distance does not appear the same size to us."

"No, (it doesn't.)"

"The same things (appear) both curved and straight to those who view (them) in water and out (of it), and indeed both concave and convex in turn owing to errors in our vision about colours, and (it is) clear that there is every sort of confusion here in our mind; (d)  through this weakness of our nature, this imposed scene-painting falls nothing short of witchcraft, and (so) also conjuring and many other contrivances."

"(That's) true."

"Then, have not measuring and counting and weighing shone forth (as) most favourable aids in relation to these very things, so that the apparently greater or lesser or more (numerous) or heavier thing does not rule among us, but what is counted and measured or even weighed?"

"Certainly."

(e)  "But surely this would be the function of the reasoning faculty in the mind?"

"Yes, (it is) its (function)."

"And often, with this (faculty) having made measurements and (then) declaring that certain things are larger or some things (are) smaller than the others or equal (to them), there is an appearance of the contradictory (lit. contradictory things appear) about the same things at the one time."

"Yes."

"And we said, did we not, that is impossible for the same (faculty) to hold contradictory opinions about identical things at the same time?"

"And we spoke quite correctly."

(603) (a)  "The (faculty) of the mind, then, which judges contrary to measurements cannot be the same as the (faculty which judges) in accordance with measurements."

"Certainly not."

"But surely the (faculty) which trusts in measurement and reckoning must be the best (part) of the mind."

"Why certainly."

"Then the (faculty) which contradicts it must (belong) in some way to the inferior (elements) within us."

"Undoubtedly (lit. [It is] a necessity)."

"Wishing, then, that this be firmly agreed, I said that poetry and the mimetic (art) in general produces work of its own which is again far removed from the truth, and associates with the (faculty) within us which is again far removed from intelligence, (b)  and is its companion and friend for no sound and true (reason) at all."

"(That's) absolutely (right)," he said.

"Mimetic (art), then, (is) inferior, (and) associating with (something) inferior, begets inferior (offspring)."

"(So) it seems."

"(Is that)," I said, "(art) only in accordance with vision, or in accordance also with hearing, what in fact we call poetry?"

"(In all) probability," he said, (in accordance with) that also."

"Then," said I, "let us not trust solely to the analogy from painting, but let us also go in turn to that (faculty) of the mind (c)  with which the mimetic (art) of poetry is associated, and let us see (whether) it is an inferior or important (one)."

"Indeed we must (lit. it is necessary)."

"Then let us put (the question) in this way: mimetic (poetry), we say, imitates men performing actions under compulsion or voluntarily, and from their actions supposing that they have fared either well or badly, and in all these (matters) feeling either grief or joy. Perhaps there is something else besides these (points)."

"(There is) nothing."

"So then is a man consistently disposed in all these (experiences)?" (d)  or just as he was suffering from inner dissension on account of his sight and held contradictory opinions at the same time about the same things, so also in his actions (a man) is at variance with himself and is himself at war with himself, (is he not)? But I recall that we do not now need to (lit. it is now in no way necessary that we) reach agreement on this (point); for in our earlier discussions we were sufficiently agreed in relation to all these (matters) that our mind is full of countless contradictions of this sort occurring at any one moment."

"Rightly," he said.

"Yes, rightly," said I; "but what we then omitted, I now think (lit. it now seems to me) we should (lit. that it is necessary to) discuss."

(e)  "What('s that)?" he said.

"(When) a decent man," I said, "who experiences such (a stroke) of fortune (as) losing his son or anything else about which he cares very greatly, we said then too, I believe, that he will bear (it) more easily than others."

"Quite right."

"But now let us consider this, will he not feel any sorrow at all, or, (as) this (is) impossible,  will he, in some way, be moderate in his grief?"

"The truth (is) more in the latter direction (lit. thus)."

(604) (a)  "Now tell me this about him: do you think that he (will be) more (likely) to fight against and resist his grief, whenever he can be seen by his fellows or whenever he may himself be alone in solitude by himself?"

"Presumably, he will," he said, "be much more restrained whenever he is on view."

"But when he is left alone, I suppose, he will venture to say many things which, if someone were to hear him, he would feel ashamed, and he will do things which he would not allow anyone to see (him) doing."

"So it is," he said.

(VI)  "Is it not reason and precept which encourages his restraint, (b)  and (is it not) the sorrow itself which draws (him) to (succumb to) his feelings of grief?"

"True."

"There being opposing impulses in a man about the same thing at the same time, we say that there must be  (lit. that it is a necessity that there are) two (things in him)."

"Of course."

"And (is) not the one ready to obey the precept which custom directs?"

"How?"

"The precept states, I believe, that (it is) best to keep quiet as much as possible amid misfortunes and not to lament, as, with the good and the evil in such things not being clear, and no advantage being gained at all (lit. no step forward being taken in any way) by bearing (things) hardly, (c)  and there being nothing in the fortunes of man worthy of great concern, our grief gets in the way of that (very) thing which should support us in these (matters) as quickly as possible."

"What thing do you mean?" he said.

"To reflect," I said, "on what has happened and, as it were, in the fall of the dice to arrange one's affairs in relation to the outcome, in the way that reason directs would be the best, but not, like stumbling children clutching what has been hurt, to waste time in screaming out, (d)  but always to accustom the mind to turn as quickly as possible to healing (ourselves) and to restore what has fallen and has been sick, banishing lamentation by medical (science)."

"(This) would certainly (be) the best way for a man to deal with misfortune," he said.

"Then, we say, the best (part of us) is willing to follow this reasoning."

"(That's) clear."

"Then shall we not say that the (part of us) leading (us) towards the recollection of our suffering and towards lamentation, and being insatiable for these things, is irrational and lazy and the associate of cowardice?"

"(Yes), we shall say so."

(e)  "And then this, the fretful (part of us), admits of many and varied (occasions for) dramatic representation, and the thoughtful and tranquil disposition, itself being always consistent (lit. closely similar to itself), (is) neither easy to portray, nor, having been imitated, (is it) easy to understand, especially by a motley (group of) men assembled in a theatre for a public festival; for the representation is, I suppose, of a condition alien to them."

(605) (a)  "Absolutely."

"Is it (not) clear that the mimetic poet does not naturally turn towards this (faculty) of the mind, and that his expertise is (not) framed to please it, if he is going to have a good reputation among the multitude, but is (devoted) to the the fretful and unstable disposition, because it is something which is easy to imitate."

"(Yes, it's) obvious."

"Then, we can now justly lay hold of him and set him down (as) a counterpart of the painter; for he resembles him in making things (which are) inferior to reality, and, (b)  by associating with this other (part) of the mind and not with the best (part), he is like (him) in this (way) also. And so now we should rightly not admit (him) into a future well-ordered state, because he arouses and fosters this (part) of the mind, and (by) making (it) strong he destroys the rational (faculty), just as in a state, whenever one, (by) making corrupt men powerful, betrays the state and ruins the better (elements); in the same (manner) also we shall say that the mimetic poet implants privately in the mind of each person an evil constitution, (c)  (by) gratifying the mindless (part) of it, and (the part) which distinguishes neither the greater nor the less, but which thinks the same thing now large and now small, (and by) producing phantoms very far removed from reality."

C.  THE EFFECTS OF POETRY AND DRAMA

Poetry, dramatic poetry in particular, has a bad moral effect on its audiences, who learn to admire and imitate the faults it represents. We cannot, therefore, allow poetry in our ideal state.  

"Certainly."

(VII)  "But we have not yet brought our charge against it. For the fact that it is able to corrupt even those who are decent, apart from a very few cases, (is) surely very shocking."

"It certainly is (lit. How is it not going [to be so]), if it can really do that?"

"Reflect as you listen. For you know, I think, that the best of us, when we hear that Homer or some other of the makers of tragedy imitating (d)  one of the heroes who is delivering a long speech amidst his lamentations or even chanting and beating his breast, enjoy (it) and, surrendering ourselves, we follow (it) with sympathy and with enthusiasm, (and) praise as an excellent poet (the one) who can affect us as much as possible in this way."

"I know (it), of course."

"But, whenever a particular affliction befalls something of ours, you are again aware that we pride ourselves on the opposite (emotion), that we should be able to remain calm and endure (it), (e)  (in the belief) that this is characteristic of a man, and that which we were praising before (is) characteristic of a woman."

"(Yes,) I am aware of (that)," he said.

"So then," said I, "is this praise rightly (bestowed), when, contemplating a man such as one not deemed to be worthy in relation to ourself but (one of whom) we should be ashamed, we do not feel disgust (at this) but take pleasure (in it) and approve of (it)?"

"No, by Zeus," he said, "it does not seem reasonable."

(606) (a)

"(Oh,) yes (it might do), if you were to look at it in this way."

"In what way?"

"If you were to reflect that the (part) of the mind which has formerly been forcibly restrained amidst our personal misfortunes and has been hungry to cry and to shed enough tears and to be thoroughly satisfied, because it is by nature such as to desire these things, is that (part) which is then satisfied and entertained by the poets; and (that) the best (element) in our nature, inasmuch as it has not been properly educated by reason or even by habit, relaxes its guard over that querulous element (b)  because it is contemplating someone else's sorrows and it is in no way shameful to it, if another man, who says (he is) good, is extravagant in his grief, to praise and pity this man, but it thinks that this pleasure is gain, and would not consent to be deprived of it (by) disdaining the whole poem. For it is, I think, available to a certain few to calculate that we are bound (lit. that [is is] a necessity) to enjoy the fruits reaped from the (lives) of other people in relation to our own (lives); for, having fostered a strong feeling of pity on them, (it is) not easy to withhold (it) amidst our own sufferings."

(c)  "(That's) very true," he said.

"Then, does not the same principle (apply) also with regard to the ridiculous, (namely) that (in relation to those things) which you would be ashamed of yourself, if you were to do (them) for a laugh, (but which) if you were to hear (them) in comic representation or even in private (conversation), you would be pleased and not detest as base, you are doing the same thing as in the cases of the pitiable? For again, what you restrained in yourself by reason, fearing the reputation of a buffoon, when you were wishing to raise a laugh, you then in turn relax there (i.e. in the theatre), acting in an impudent manner, and you are often carried away at home without being aware of it, so that you become a comedian."

"Most certainly," he said.

(d)  "Then with regard to the loves and disputes and with regard to all the (feelings of) desire and of pain and of pleasure in the mind, which we say accompany our every action, (this is) what produces poetic imitation; for it lubricates and fosters these (emotions) when we ought (lit. it being necessary) to dry (them) up, and it establishes (them as) our rulers, when we ought (lit. it being necessary) to rule them, in order that we may become better and happier men instead of worse and more miserable (ones)."

"I cannot say otherwise," he said.

(e)  "Then, Glaucon," said I, "whenever you meet admirers of Homer, who tell (us) that this poet has educated Greece and that, with regard to the conduct and guidance of human affairs, (he is) worthy of study by taking (him) up repeatedly, and of us living our entire life organised in accordance with this poet, (607) (a) we should (lit. it is necessary to) love and salute (them) as being the best men they can (be), and agree that Homer is the most poetic and the first of the tragic dramatists, but (we must) know that we should admit no poetry into our state but hymns to the gods and the praises of good men; and, if you admit the honeyed Muse in lyric or epic (verse), pleasure and pain will be the rulers in your state, instead of law and the principal (of reason) which has, by common (consent) always been deemed to be the best."

"(How) very true," he said.

(b) (VIII)  "Now," I said, "let this be our defence as we have been reminded about poetry, (namely) that we justifiably dismissed her from our state, since such was (her character); for reason constrained us. And let us say further to her, lest she accuses us of harshness and rudeness, that (there is) of old a particular quarrel between philosophy and poetry. For that 'yelping hound barking at her master' and 'mighty in the babbling of fools', (c)  and 'the mob that rules the learned', and 'those subtly working out' that 'they are poor', and countless other (expressions are) marks of the ancient opposition between these things. But, nevertheless, let it be said that, if the poetic (art) for the purpose of pleasure and dramatic representation can expound any argument that she should exist in a well-governed state, we should gladly admit (her), as we are conscious ourselves that we are charmed by her; but yet (it would) not (be) rightful to betray what we believe to be the truth. For surely, my dear (fellow), are you not enchanted by her also, (d)  and especially whenever you may be observing her by means of Homer?"

"Very much (so)."

"Then is it not just that she should thus return from exile, having pleaded her defence in lyric or in any other metre?"

"Absolutely."

"We should, I suppose, allow her advocates, who (may) not (be) poets but lovers of poetry, to plead the case on her behalf without metre, as she is not only delightful but also helpful to governments and human life; and we shall listen benevolently. (e)  For we shall surely gain if she appears not only pleasing but also useful."

"We are certainly going to gain, "he said.

"But if not, my dear (friend), just like those who have fallen in love with something at sometime, if they think that the thing they desire is not helpful, they nevertheless refrain (from it) forcibly, so we also, owing to the love of this kind of poetry implanted (in us) by our diet of fine city states, will be delighted that she appears as very good and very true, but so long as she is unable to make good her defence we shall listen to her (while) chanting to ourselves this argument which we recite, and that charm, as we fear to slip back into the childish passion of the multitude. So we have come to see that we must (lit. it is necessary [for us]) not be enthusiastic about such poetry as a serious (thing) that lays hold on truth, but the man who is (lit. it being necessary  for the man) listening to her to be on his guard, fearing for the polity within himself, and he must (lit. [it being] necessary  [for him] to) believe what we have said about poetry."

"I agree entirely," he said.

("Yes,") I said, "for great (is) the issue (at stake), my dear Glaucon, (whether) to be good or bad, (is a) great (issue) and not as small as it appears, so that, induced neither by honour, nor by wealth, nor by any powerful office, nor even by the poetic (art), (is it) worth neglecting justice and (every) other virtue."

"I agree with you," he said, "on the basis of what we have gone through in detail; and I think that anyone else (would do so) too."

II.  THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL AND THE REWARDS OF GOODNESS

A.  THE IMMORTAL SOUL

The soul is immortal because its own specific fault, moral wickedness, cannot destroy it. 

(c) (IX)  "And yet," said I, "we have not discussed the very great recompense and prizes proposed for virtue."

"You speak," he said, "of a quite inconceivable magnitude, if there are any other things greater than the things we have been talking of."

"What," said I, "could (ever) be great in a short (space of) time? For all that time from (being) a boy until (being) an old man would surely be but a short (time) compared with the whole (of time)."

"Indeed, (it would be) nothing at all," he said.

"What then? Do you think that one should (lit. it is necessary [for one] to) be concerned about an immortal object for so short a (space of) time, (d)  but not for the whole (of time)?"

 "(Yes,) I think (so)," he said; "but why do you ask this?"

"Do you not realise," said I, "that our soul is immortal and never dies?"

And looking at me straight in the face, he said in amazement: "By Zeus, I (do) not; are you (really) able to say this?"

"(Yes, I can,) unless I am making a mistake," I said. "And I think you (can) too; for (it is) not a difficult thing at all."

" (It) certainly (is) for me," he said; "but I should gladly hear from you about this thing which (is) not difficult."

"(Then) you should listen," said I.

"Just speak," he said.

"Do you speak of something good and something evil?"

" I (do) indeed."

"So, do you think of them as I (do)."

"What (is) that)?"

"The thing which destroys and corrupts is evil in every case, and the thing which saves and benefits is the good thing."

"(Yes,) I (agree)."

"What (about this) then? Do you say that for each thing (there is) something evil and (something) good? (609) (a)  For example, (there is, is there not,) ophthalmia for the eyes, disease for the whole body, mildew for corn, rotting for wood, and rust for bronze and iron, and, as I say, in almost everything else its inherent evil and disease?"

"(Yes,) I (agree)," he said.

"Then, whenever anything is affected by any of these (evils), does it not make (the thing) which it has affected bad, and in the end dissolve and destroy the whole (of it)?"

"Certainly."

"So, the evil and the vice inherent in each destroys each thing, or, if it is not going to destroy (it), absolutely nothing else can destroy it. (b)  For obviously the good will never destroy anything, nor yet again (will) that (which is) neither evil nor good."

"How could (it)?" he said

"So, if we discover any of these things, which has (lit. to which there is) an evil which makes it wretched, but (is) not able to dissolve and destroy itself, shall we not then know that there is no destruction of the thing thus constituted?"

"(It's) likely (to be) so," he said.

"Why then," he said, "does the soul not have (anything) which makes it evil?"

"Certainly," he said; (there are) all the things which we have been going through: wrongdoing and intemperance and cowardice and ignorance."

(c)  "So, does any one of these things dissolve and destroy (itself)? And reflect, lest we are deceived (by) supposing that an unjust and foolish man, whenever he is caught doing wrong, is then destroyed by the wickedness which is the vice of his soul. But look at (it) in this way: just as the vice of the body, which is disease, weakens and then utterly destroys the body and leads (it) to being a body no longer, likewise (it leads) all the things, (d)  of which we were speaking just now, to come to annihilation through their own corruption which utterly destroys (them) by settling in and dwelling (in them) - (is) this not so?"

"Yes."

"Come then, and consider the soul in the same way. Do injustice and the other evils dwelling within it corrupt and reduce it by their living in and settling in (it), until they can bring (it) to death and separate (it) from the body?"

"They certainly do not do this in any way," he said.

"But yet it (is) surely illogical," said I, "that the vice of something else destroys a thing, but its own (vice) does not."

"(Yes, it is) illogical."

(e)  " So consider, Glaucon," said I, "that we do not imagine that the food should (lit. it is proper for the food to) be destroyed by the badness of the food, which may be within the thing itself, whether it is staleness or rottenness or whatever else; but, if the badness of the food itself implants in the body the defect of the body, we shall say that it has been destroyed owing to that food by its own device, which is disease; (610) (a)  but, the body being one thing (and the food) being something else, we shall never expect (the body) to be destroyed by the badness of the food, (that is) by an alien evil which has not implanted (within it) its natural evil."

"You speak most correctly."

(X)  "Then, in accordance with the same principle," said I, "if the badness of the body may not implant within the soul the badness of the soul, let us never claim that the soul is destroyed by an alien evil separate from its own particular badness, (namely) one thing (being destroyed) by the evil of another."

"Yes, that's reasonable," he said.

"Either then let us refute this (by showing) that we are mistaken (lit. we do not speak well), or, (b)  so long as it may remain unrefuted, let us never say that by fever or again by any other disease or again by violent death or, if anyone cuts up the whole body into the smallest possible pieces, (there is) any more likelihood that the soul will be destroyed because of these things, until anyone can prove that, owing to these weaknesses of the body, the soul itself becomes more unjust and more unholy; but with the evil of an alien thing occurring in something else, and an internal evil not being inherent within it, (c)  we should not suffer it to be said that either the soul or anything else is (so) destroyed."

"But yet, said he, "no one will ever prove this, that the the souls of the dying become more wicked through their death."

"But, if anyone," said I, "dares to come to grips with the argument and say, in order to avoid being compelled to admit that souls (are) immortal, that a dying man becomes more wicked and unjust, we shall claim, I suppose, if the speaker says these things truly, that injustice, like disease, is fatal to its possessor, (d)  and that those catching it die on account of it by its own nature, those (having it) the most more quickly, and those (having it) less more slowly, and not as (happens) now that the unjust die because of this, (that is) by the agency of others inflicting the penalty."

"By Zeus," he said, "that injustice will not seem a very terrible thing, if it is going to be fatal to the man possessing (it) - for it would be a release from his troubles - but I rather think that it will be shown (to be) entirely the opposite, killing others, if it can, and actually making the man possessing (it) very lively, and further (making him) alert in addition to this liveliness; so far, it seems, is it encamped from anything which is fatal."

"You are correct (lit. You speak well)," I said. " For since enough of its own particular vice and its own particular evil cannot kill and destroy the soul, the evil designed for the destruction of another thing will scarcely (be able to) destroy the soul or anything else, except the thing for which it has been designed."

"Scarcely at all, in all probability (lit. as the probability [is])," he said.

"Then, since it cannot be destroyed by a single evil, (611) (a)   whether inherent or external, (it is) clear that it must (lit. the necessity is that it will) exist forever; and, if it exists forever, (it must be) immortal."

"(Yes,) it must (lit. [it is] a necessity)," he said.

(XI)  "Then let this be so," I said; "but, if it is, you will reflect that (these souls) must always be the same. For, if none (of them) perishes, they could not, I presume, become fewer, nor yet more numerous; for, if any (group) of immortal beings becomes more numerous, you are aware that it would come from the mortal, and that everything would, in the end, be immortal."

"You are speaking the truth."

"But," said I, "we should not suppose this - for reason will not suffer (it) - (b)  nor yet (should we suppose) that the soul in its truest nature is the sort of thing that is full of great variety and irregularity and disagreement in itself (and) with itself."

"How do you mean?" he said.

"(It's) not easy," I said, "for a thing to be immortal, as the soul now appears to us, that is composed of many elements and not to be in need of the best composition."

"Indeed, (it's) not likely."

"Well then, that the soul (is) immortal, both our recent argument and our other dialogues (viz. the 'Meno' and the 'Phaedo') would compel (us to admit); (c)  but we must (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) view it as it is in reality, not marred by association with the body and other evils, as we now behold (it), but it must be examined thoroughly by reason, such as it is in its original purity (lit. when created pure), and you will find it to be a far more beautiful thing, and it will distinguish between (different examples of) justice and injustice more clearly, and likewise all the things which we have discussed in detail. And now we have stated the truth about it as it appears at present; however, we have viewed it in this condition (lit. being disposed), just as those looking at the sea-god Glaucus cannot easily see his original nature for this reason, that the old parts of his body have been broken off and crushed and marred by the waves in every way, and other things, including shells and seaweed and rocks have stuck to him, so that he is more like every wild beast than what he was by nature, (and) so we see the soul affected likewise by countless evils. But we must (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) look in that direction, Glaucon."

"Where?" he said.

"To its love of wisdom, and to be aware of (the thing) which it grasps and the associations for which it yearns, as being closely related to the divine and the immortal and eternal being, and (to consider) what it might be if it followed such (principles) whole-heartedly, and if it were drawn by this impulse out of the open sea, in which it now is, and were scraped free of the rocks and the barnacles (612) (a)  which, earthy and rock-like, have sprung up in wild profusion around it, inasmuch as it feeds on earth, by reason of these banquets which are termed happy. And then one could see its true nature, whether complex or simple, or where it is and how; but, for the present, we have, I think, described well enough its sufferings and forms in this human life (of ours)."

"(We have done) so in every way," he said.

B.  THE REWARDS OF GOODNESS IN THIS LIFE

The purpose of this whole argument has been to show that goodness is its own reward, irrespective of consequences. But, now that this has been proved, we may add that in fact the good man is rewarded by society in this life.

(XII)  "Then," said I, "did we not refute in our discourse the other (imputations) (b)  and abstain from approving (lit. not approve) the rewards and reputes of justice, as you say Hesiod and Homer (do), but have we (not) proved that justice in itself (is) the best thing for the soul itself, and that it must (lit. is necessary for it to) do justice, whether it has the ring of Gyges, or not, and even, in addition to such a ring, the helmet of Hades?"

"You speak very truly," he said.

"So then, Glaucon," said I, "it is no longer open to objection, (is it,) (lit. now already unexceptionable [is it not,]) to assign to justice and to any other virtue, in addition to those (blessings which justice itself provides), the rewards, (c)  however many and however great (they are), as are provided (lit. it provides) to the soul both by men and by gods, both while the man is still living and whenever he may die?"

"It most certainly is (not)," he said.

"Then will you give back to me (the points) which you borrowed in the argument?"

"What in particular?"

"I granted to you that the just man should seem to be unjust, and the unjust man just; for you claimed that even if it was not possible to conceal these things from both gods and men, nevertheless it must be conceded for the sake of the argument, in order that pure justice (lit. justice in itself) could be distinguished in relation to pure injustice (lit. injustice in itself). (d) Or don't you remember?"

"I should indeed be to blame, if I (did) not," he said.

"Then, since," said I, "they have been (so) distinguished, I demand back (from you) on behalf of justice the reputation that she has both with gods and with men, (and I ask) that we too admit that it should be so deemed with regard to her, so that she may win the prizes which she gets from the appearance (of upright living) (and) which she bestows upon those possessing her, since she has been shown to bestow the blessings (which she gets) from the actuality (of upright living) and not to deceive those who truly possess her."

(e)  "You are demanding just things," he said.

"Then," said I, "will not the first thing you give up (be) that the nature of what each of these two is is not hidden from the gods?"

"We shall give (that) back," he said.

"And if they are not concealed, the one will be beloved of the gods, (and) the other hateful (to them), just as we agreed at the beginning."

"That is (so)."

"And shall we not agree that all things which come from the gods (613) (a)  work out for the best for him who is beloved of the gods, except that some necessary evil from sin in a former life was his from birth?"

"Absolutely."

"So we must (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) suppose thus about the just man, whether he falls into poverty or into illness or any other supposed evil, that these things will end in something good for him, when he is living or, at any rate, when he is dead. For he is never neglected by the gods who is willing to be righteous and (by) practising virtue to be likened to a god, (b)  in so far as (that is) possible for a man."

"Is it proper," he said, that such a man is not neglected by his like?"

"And must we not (lit. is it not necessary [for us] to) think the opposite of these things with regard to the just man?"

"Definitely."

"Such things then are the prizes (given) by the gods to the just man."

"(That is) certainly in accordance with my opinion," he said.

"And what," said I, "(is given) by men? Is it not as follows, if we should (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) present what is real? Do not your clever rogues fare like those runners (do), who run well at the start but not at the turn? They sprint nimbly away from the start, (c)  but in the end they become ridiculous, running away ungarlanded, with their tails between their legs (lit. having their ears on their shoulders); but the true experts at running, when they have come to the finish, take the prizes and receive the garlands. Does it not usually happen like this: that towards the end of every action and association and of this life (in general) they bear away the honours and win the prizes (given) by men?"

"Yes indeed."

"So, will you bear with me if I say of them what you yourself have said of the unjust? (d)  For I am going to say that the just, when they become older, control whatever offices they choose in their own state, and marry someone from whatever (family) they want, and give (their children) in marriage to whomever they wish; and everything which you said about the former (i.e. the unjust) I now say about them. And, again, (I shall say) of the unjust that the majority of them, even if they escape when they are young, at the end of their course they are caught and are (made to look) ridiculous, and (as) miserable old men they are abused by both strangers and fellow-citizens, (e)  being flogged and (suffering all the things) which you, speaking truthfully, said were savage - after that they were racked and branded. Imagine that you have in fact heard from me that they suffer all those things. But consider whether you will bear with what I am saying."

"Certainly," he said, "for you are speaking justly."


C.  THE MYTH OF ER

This section tells of the Good Man's rewards in the life after death, of the responsibility of the individual and the doctrine of the transmigration of souls. The concluding part of the dialogue is cast in the form of a myth, as is Plato's habit when he wishes to convey religious or moral truths for which plain prose is inadequate. Much of the detail is borrowed from contemporary sources, probably Orphic. 

(XIII)  "Such then," said I, (614) (a)  "are the prizes, the wages and the gifts which come from both gods and men to the just man, in addition to those blessings which justice herself has bestowed."

"Yes, indeed," he said, "(these are) fair and lasting (rewards)."

"Well, these," said I, "are nothing in number and magnitude compared with those which await both (i.e. the just and the unjust) after death; for we must (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) hear about these, in order that each of them may receive in full what is due to be heard (of him) by our argument."

(b)  "You may tell (me)," he said, "as there are not many things which I would hear more gladly."

"But I shall not, however, tell you the (sort of) story (told) to Alcinous, but of a valiant man all the same, (namely) of Er, the (son) of Armenius, a Pamphylian by birth; once upon a time, he, having been slain in battle, with the already decomposing corpses having been collected, was taken up (still) intact after ten days, and, when he had been brought home with the intention of being buried, and, as he was lying on the pyre, on the twelfth day he came back to life, and, having returned to life, he told (them) what he had seen in the other world. He said that, when his soul went forth from his (body), he journeyed with a multitude (of souls), (c) and that they came to some mysterious place where there were two openings in the earth adjoining one another and again (two) others opposite (and) above (them) in the sky. (He said) that judges were sitting between these (openings), who, when they had given their judgements, bade the just proceed to the right and upwards, hanging tokens of the judgment passed (upon them) in front (of them), and (bade) the unjust (proceed) to the left and downwards, with them also holding behind (them) tokens of all the things which they had done. (d)  And, when he had drawn near, they told (him) that he must be the messenger to men of that other world, and they directed (him) to listen to and observe everything in that place. Then (he said) that he saw in this way the souls departing at each opening of the heavens and of the earth when judgement was passed on them, while at the other (pair of openings) there came up out of the one in the earth (souls) full of dirt and dust, and from the second one there came down from the heavens other pure (ones). And (he said) that those which were arriving from time to time appeared to have come, as it were, from a long journey, and, departing gladly to the meadow, they encamped as at a religious festival, and those (who were) acquaintances greeted one another, and those which had come from the earth inquired from the others about affairs in the other world and those from the heavens (inquired) from those which had come from beneath about their affairs. And they recounted their stories to one another, (615) (a)  some weeping and wailing as they remembered how many and what kind of things they had suffered and seen in their journey beneath the earth - and the journey was a thousand years long - while, in turn, those from heaven recounted their glorious experiences and sights of unimaginable beauty. To recount these many things, Glaucon, would be a long business (lit. is [a matter] of a long time); but he said that the nub of it was this, that, as many things as they had ever done wrong and as many people (as they had ever wronged), they had each paid the penalty for everything in turn tenfold for each one - and this was in accordance with (the measure) of a hundred years for each, (b)  as such was the length of the life of a man - so that the penalty could be exacted (at a level) ten times greater than the crime, for example, if anyone was responsible for many deaths or had betrayed cities or armies and had thrown (them) into slavery or (had been) party to any other iniquity, they might receive requital pains for each wrong (at a level) ten times as great as all of these (crimes), and, again, (so that) if those dutifully performing any good deeds had been just and pious men, they should receive their reward in accordance with the same (measure). And of those who (had died) as soon as they were born and those living for a short time, he said no other things worthy of record. But he gave accounts of still greater requitals for impiety towards both gods and parents and of murder by one's own hand.

"For he said that he was standing by as one man was asked by another where Ardiaeus the Great was. Now this Ardiaeus had been tyrant of a certain city of Pamphilia just a thousand years before that time, having put to death his old father and his elder brother, and having performed many other unholy deeds, (d)  as it was reported. So he said that the man questioned replied: 'He has not come nor is he likely to come here. (XIV) For indeed this (was one) of the dreadful sights we beheld: when we were near the mouth (of the opening and) about to go up (through it), and after we had suffered all our other (experiences), we suddenly saw him and others - the majority of them almost (being) tyrants; but there were some private individuals among those (e) who had sinned very greatly, whom, as they were thinking that they were about to go up, the mouth would not admit, but bellowed whenever anyone among those so incurably inclining towards wickedness, or not having paid a sufficient penalty, tried to go up. At this point,' he said, 'men (who were) wild and fiery to look at, who were standing by and taking note of the sound, seized hold of them and led (them) off, and, (616) (a)  binding Ardiaeus and others hand and foot and by the head (i.e. gagging them), (and) throwing (them) down and flaying (them), they dragged (them) along the road outside, carding (them) on thorns, and indicating to those passing by from time to time for what reason they were been led off and that they were about to be hurled into Tartarus.' Then," he said, "many dread things of every description having happened to them, this fear was the greatest, lest the sound should befall each one when it sought to go up, and each went up most gladly if it were silent. And the penalties and punishments were rather of this kind, (b)  and in turn the blessings were their counterparts.

(N.B. The paragraph which follows gives, in brief and allusive form, a picture of the universe, in which the rings on the spindle-whorl are the orbits of the planets and the sphere of the fixed stars. A brief note on the details is given in the the appendix at the bottom of this translation.)

"When eight days had been passed by each in the meadow, on the eighth (day) they had (lit. it was necessary [for them]) to arise and journey on from there, and they arrived on the fourth day (at a spot) where they looked down on a straight light, like a pillar, stretched from above through all the heaven and the earth, especially resembling the rainbow, but brighter and purer. To this they came after going forward a day's journey, and there they saw (c)  at the middle of the light the ends of its fastenings stretched from heaven - for this light was the girdle of the heavens, thus holding together the entire circumference (of the universe) like the braces (i.e. the undergirding) of a trireme - and from its ends stretched the spindle of Necessity, through which it turned all the orbits; its shaft and its hook were (made) of the hardest metal, and the whorl (was) mixed from this and other kinds (of material). (d)  Now the nature of the whorl was as follows: its shape (was) like the one in our world, but, from what he said, we must (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) conceive it to be such as, if in one big whorl, hollow and scooped out, there lies enclosed all the way through a second one, similar (but) smaller, fitting (into it) like boxes fitting into one another, and so indeed another third one and a fourth one and four others. For there were eight whorls altogether, fitting in one another, showing their rims (e)  (as) circles from above, (and) forming the continuous back of a single whorl about the shaft; and this was driven home right through the middle of the eighth. The first and outermost whorl had the broadest circle for its rim, and the next (broadest was) that of the sixth and that of the fourth (was) third, and that of the eighth fourth, fifth that of the seventh, sixth that of the fifth, seventh that of the third, and eighth that of the second.  Now the (whorl) of the greatest (was) multi-coloured, that of the seventh the brightest, (617) (a) that of the eighth took its colour from the seventh illuminating (it), that of the second and of the fifth (were) very similar to one another and yellower than the preceding ones, the third had the whitest colour, the fourth (was) rather red, and the sixth (was) second in whiteness. The whole spindle turned in a circle as it revolved in one and the same direction, but within the whole as it turned the seven inner circles revolved gently as a whole in the opposite (direction), and of these themselves the eighth revolved the swiftest, and second (in speed), and (all moving) together with one another, (were) (b)  the seventh, the sixth and the fifth; third in speed revolved the fourth, and fourth (was) the third, and fifth (was) the second. And it (i.e. the spindle) turned on the knees of Necessity. And up above its circles a Siren is perched on each (of them), being carried around (with it and) giving out a single sound, a single musical note; and they sang in harmony, there being a single scale from all eight (of them). (c)  And (there were) three others sitting round about at equal intervals, each on her throne, the Fates, the daughters of Necessity, clothed in white (and) having garlands on their heads, Lachesis and Clotho and Atropos, (who) sang in accordance with the scale of the Sirens, Lachesis (about) the past, Clotho (about) the present, and Atropos (about) the future. Clotho, grasping (it) with her right hand helped to revolve the outer circle of the spindle, pausing for a time (lit. leaving a period in between), and Atropos with her left (hand) in turn (helped to revolve) the inner (circle) in a similar manner; (d)  and Lachesis with each hand helped to revolve each one (of these) in turn. (XV)  Now, when they arrived, they were supposed (lit. it was necessary for them) to go at once before Lachesis. Then a certain prophet first put them in order, then, taking from Lachesis' lap (lit. knees) (a number of) lots and patterns of lives (and) mounting a rather lofty platform, said -

" '(This is) the word of the maiden Lachesis, the daughter of Necessity: "Souls that live for a day, (here is) the beginning of another cycle of mortal birth which leads to death. (e)  No attendant spirit will cast lots for you, but you will choose your own attendant spirit. Let him who draws the first lot choose first a life to which he will cleave of necessity. But virtue is without a master, (and) every man who honours or dishonours her will have more or less of her. The responsibility (is) with the chooser: God (is) not responsible.'

"Having said this, he (i.e. the prophet) threw the lots out among (them) all, and each one took up the one which fell beside him, except him (i.e. Er), and he did not permit him (to do so). (618) (a)  And after this, he again placed the patterns of lives on the ground before them, far more than those present. They were of every kind: for (there were) lives of all (types of) animal, and moreover of all sorts of human being. For there were tyrannies among them, some lasting (throughout life), others destroyed midway and ending in poverty, and banishment, and in beggary; and there were also lives of men distinguished for their appearance and in respect of their beauty and their bodily strength (b)  and gymnastic fitness, and for their birth and for the virtues of their ancestors, and (lives) of those undistinguished in respect of these things, and likewise of women also. But there was not any fixed pattern of character in (them), because (the soul), (when) choosing another life, must necessarily become different; but (all) other things (i.e. things other than a fixed pattern of character) were mingled with one another, wealth with poverty and sickness with health, and intermediate conditions (lit. things which were in the middle of these) also. There indeed, my dear Glaucon, it seems, (is) the supreme (lit. the whole) hazard for a man, and especially for these reasons (c)  we must (lit. it is necessary [for us] to) take care that each of us, neglecting (all) our other studies, should be a student and pupil of this (subject of) study, if he should be able, from some source, to learn and discover who will make him able and wise (enough) to distinguish between a good and a bad life, (and) always and everywhere to choose the better (life) from what is available (to him); taking into account how all the things which have just now been mentioned, having been both combined together with one another and separated, bear upon the goodness of life, he should know what (effect) beauty (has when) combined with poverty or wealth, (d)  and with what sort of disposition of the soul it produces a bad or a good (result), and what (effects) noble and humble birth, and private citizens and public office, and strength and weakness, and quickness of mind and dullness, and all those qualities of the things which are there in the soul by nature and of the things (which are) acquired produce (when) blended with one another, so that, having taken thorough account of all those things, he will be able, (when) turning his attention to the nature of his soul, to distinguish between the worse and the better life, (e)  calling the worse (that) which will lead him in the direction of being more unjust, and the better (that) which (will lead him) towards (being) more just. And all other considerations he will renounce (lit. let go); for we have seen that the same choice (is) best both for the man who is alive and for the man who is dead. (619) (a)  He must (lit. It is necessary [for him] to) go to Hades possessing this conviction inflexibly, so that even there he may be unshaken by riches and any such evils, and not, (by) falling into tyrannies and other similar doings, work incurable ills and suffer still greater (ones) himself, but (so that) he may know how always to choose the middle (course) between such things in life, as far as possible, and to shun the extremes in both directions, both in this life and in all of (the life) hereafter; (b)  for man becomes happiest in this way.

(XVI)  "And also at that time the messenger from the other world (i.e. Er) reported that the prophet spoke thus: 'Even for him who comes forward last, if he chooses wisely (and) if he lives earnestly, a desirable life lies in store, not a bad (one). Let not the foremost in the choice be careless, and let not the last be discouraged.'

"When the prophet had spoken these (words), he said that the man who drew the first lot came forward at once and chose the greatest tyranny, and through his own folly and greed he chose (it) without examining everything sufficiently, (c)  and it escaped his notice what his fate was, (namely) eating his own children and other horrors; and, when he inspected (it) at his leisure, he beat his breast and lamented his choice, not remembering the prior warning by the prophet; for he did not blame himself for his woes, but fortune and the gods and everything rather than himself. He was (one) of those who had come from heaven (and) who had lived in a well-ordered republic in his previous life, (d)  (and) who had got his share of virtue by habit and not by (lit. without) philosophy. A greater (lit. Not a smaller) (number), as one might say, of those who were caught in such (ways) were those who had come (down) from heaven, inasmuch as they were untrained in suffering; but the majority of those (who had come) from the earth, inasmuch as they had suffered themselves and had seen others (suffer), did not make their choice in a rush. For this reason also there was an interchange of good and evil for the majority of souls, as well as by the fortune of the lot; since, if a man, whenever he reaches the life of this world, always pursues wisdom soundly, (e)  and the lot of his choice does not fall to him amongst the last, it is likely from the things reported from the other world that he might not only be happy here, but also that he may not travel a journey from here to there and back here again (which is) underground and rough but (which is) both smooth and through the heavens.

"For he said that this sight was worth seeing, (620) (a)  (that is) how each soul choses their lives; for to see (it) was pitiful and ridiculous and amazing. For they chose for the most part in accordance with the habit of their former life. For he said that he saw the soul that had once been that of Orpheus choosing the life of a swan, (as) it hates the tribe of women because of his death at their hands, (and) it is not willing to be conceived by being born of a woman; and he saw the (soul) of Thamyras choosing (that) of a nightingale; and he also saw a swan changing to the choice of the life of a man, and other musical animals similarly. (b) The soul drawing the twentieth lot chose the life of a lion: it was the (soul) of Ajax, the (son) of Telamon, avoiding becoming a man because he remembered the judgment of the arms (of Achilles). And for this reason (too came) the (soul) of Agamemnon: also through hatred of the human race, because of his sufferings, his (soul) took in exchange the life of an eagle. And, drawing (one of) the lots in the middle, the soul of Atalanta, spotting the great honours belonging to a male athlete, could not go past (them) but snatched (them) up. (c)  After her, he saw the (soul) of Epeus, the (son) of Panopeus, entering into the nature of an artistic woman; and, afar off in the rear, he saw the (soul) of the buffoon Thersites, clothed (as) a monkey. Then, in accordance with chance, the (soul) of Odysseus, drawing the last lot of all, came to make his choice, and, forsaking ambition in memory of his former tribulations, went about seeking the life of a detached private citizen,  and found (it) lying in some spot, disregarded by the others, and, (when) seeing (it), he said that he would have done the same even if he had drawn the first lot, and he chose (it) gladly. And in the same way (some) of the other beasts entered into men and into one another, the unjust being transformed into wild (creatures) and the just into tame ones, and they were mixed together in every (sort of) combination.

"But, when all the souls had chosen their lives, they came before Lachesis in the order in which they had drawn lots; and she sent to each one that attendant spirit which it had chosen (as) the guardian of its life and the executor of the things which it had chosen, and this led it to Clotho to ratify by her hand and the revolving of the whirling of the spindle the destiny which it had chosen (when) drawing lots; and, after greeting (lit. making contact with) her, it led (them) again to the spinning of Atropos to make unalterable the (threads) which had been spun; and then it passed, without turning, under the throne of Necessity, and, having passed through that, when the others had passed through also, they all journeyed to the Plain of Lethe (i.e. Oblivion) through a terrible and stifling heat (lit. through a terrible heat and suffocation); for it was bare of trees and vegetation (lit. such things as grow in the earth). And then towards evening (lit. with evening coming on) they encamped by the River of Unmindfulness, whose water no pitcher can hold. And all were compelled (lit. it was required of all) to drink a certain measure of its water, and those who were not saved by their good sense drank more than the measure; and as soon as each one drank it forgot everything. And, when they had fallen asleep and it was the middle of the night, there was thunder and an earthquake, and then suddenly they were borne upwards, one (in this direction), (one) in another, to their birth, like shooting stars. But he himself was prevented from drinking the water; but in what (way) and how he reached his body he did not know, but, suddenly opening his eyes, he saw himself at dawn lying on the pyre.

"And so, Glaucon, his tale was preserved and not lost, (c)  and it can save us, should we believe it, and we shall safely cross the river of Lethe and not be defiled in respect of our souls. But, if we should follow my guidance, and think that the soul (is) immortal and capable of enduring all evil and all good, we shall always hold to the upward path and pursue justice with wisdom in every way, in order that we may be dear both to ourselves and to the gods, (while) remaining here in this world, and (d)  when we receive our rewards like the victors (in the games) going around collecting (their prizes), and both in this world and in that thousand year journey, which we have been describing, we shall do well."



                                                                                                                            



APPENDIX:   THE SPINDLE OF NECESSITY

This passage (see paragraphs 616b - 617d above) has been much discussed but the following points are generally agreed. 

(1)  The 'Spindle of Necessity' is intended, however imperfectly, to give a picture of the working of the Universe. 

(2)  Plato thought that the Universe was geocentric, with the fixed stars on a sphere or band at the outside, the earth at the centre, and the orbits of the sun, moon, and planets between earth and stars. 

(3)  The rims of the whorl are intended to represent these orbits and have the following equivalences;  
1.  The fixed stars
2.  Saturn
3.  Jupiter
4.  Mars
5.  Mercury
6.  Venus
7.  Sun
8.  Moon.

Thus, for example, we are told that 'the fourth (Mars) was reddish', and 'the eighth (Moon) was illuminated by the seventh (Sun)'. 

(4)  The breadth and relative motion of the rims represent the distances and relative speeds of the planets, though it is difficult to be certain about details. 

(5)  The singing Sirens are Plato's version of the Pythagorean doctrine of the 'harmony of the spheres', which Aristotle describes in his 'De Caelo', II, 9. 
   










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Wednesday 7 August 2013

CAESAR: "DE BELLO GALLICO": BOOK VI.

Introduction.

Book Six is the last of the seven books of "The Gallic War" written by Caesar to be translated by Sabidius. (Book Eight was written by Aulus Hirtius shortly after Caesar's assassination in 44 B.C.). Book Six covers the events of the year 53 B.C. when Caesar was mainly engaged in stifling the embers of the rebellion led by the Eburones in the previous year, which had seen the destruction of the 5,000 strong force led by Sabinus and Cotta. Caesar had sworn to exact vengeance on the Eburones for what he considered to be their treachery, and indeed he inflicts a terrible punishment on them by inviting other tribes to devastate their territory (See Chapters 34-35 below.)

While the campaign details recorded in this book are perhaps less memorable than those in most of this work as a whole, the Book does contain, in the fashion of Herodotus, a long digression in Chapters 11-28 into the customs of the Gauls (Chapters 11-20) and of the Germans (Chapters 21-24), and Chapters 25-28 concern the mysteries of the so-called Hercynian Forest and its mythical beasts. Some scholars have considered these four chapters to be an interpolation. Most of the information contained in this long digression comes from books, maps or hearsay, with very little arising from Caesar' own personal observation, and much of the detail is both incredible and erroneous. However, Chapters 13 and 14 give some important information about the Druids, which together with some passages from Tacitus and Pliny the Elder, give us our main source material on these mysterious Celtic holy men. Caesar's precise purpose in supplying the information in these excursuses is not entirely clear, but the passages were evidently written for the entertainment and edification of his readers. The inhabitants of Rome were greatly excited by Caesar's more exotic adventures such as building a bridge across the Rhine (this he did twice, in 56 and in 53 B.C. - see Chapter 9 below) and his two expeditions to Britain in 55 and 54 B.C. and the details of the strange people and creatures contained in the digression in Book VI will have fascinated his readers and thereby increased the aura of his renown. 


The Latin text for this translation is that edited by T.Rice Holmes, Oxford Clarendon Press, 1914, as available on the website www.Perseus.tufts.edu. In his translation below, Sabidius has followed his by now usual practice of highlighting the main verbs and underlining ablative absolutes, which he renders in accordance with the original Latin construction. While this may lead to a somewhat cumbersome English, it will assist any student seeking to translate the Latin for himself. However, in relation to this book Sabidius does not generally seek to provide literal translations of the impersonal passive construction or the gerundive when this is used to denote necessity or obligation, since this would lead to English expressions verging on the incomprehensible; but where the gerundive is used as an attributive adjective to qualify a noun, effectively in lieu of a present participle passive, it is translated in such a way as to draw out its passive sense. Furthermore, where Caesar uses the historic present, as he does very frequently for the purpose of emphasis or vividness, Sabidius  retains the tense of the actual Latin. 

At the end of the translation of this book, Sabidius provides a list of the dates on which he has published the other books of Caesar's "De Bello Gallico". This will allow any follower of this blog to read these books in order if he wishes to do so.

Chapter 1.  Caesar increases his army by three legions.


Expecting a greater disturbance in Gaul for many reasons, Caesar arranged to hold a levy through the agency of his legates, Marcus (Junius) Silanus, Gaius Antistius Reginus (and) Titus Sextius. At the same time he requested the proconsul Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus), since he was remaining near to the City with a command in the service of the Republic, (to) order (those men) whom he had enlisted to join the colours, and come to him, considering that it was of great importance, (for the present and) for the future as well, with regard to the thinking of Gaul, that the resources of Italy should seem so great that, if any loss should be received in war, this could not only be repaired in a short time, but (his force could) even be augmented by greater forces. When Pompeius had conceded this (loan) both (in the interests) of the Republic and to the (claims) of friendship, with the levy having been swiftly completed by his (officers), three legions having been formed and brought to (him), (and) the number of those cohorts which he had lost with Quintus Titurius (Sabinus) having been doubled, he taught (the Gauls) both by his dispatch and by (the size of) his forces what the Roman people could accomplish through their discipline and resources.

Chapter 2.  Caesar calculates why he needs to prepare for war. 

Indutiomarus having been slain, as we have stated, the ruling power is offered to his kinsmen by the Treviri. They do not cease to incite the neighbouring Germans and to promise (them) money. When they cannot obtain (their object) from those nearest (to them), they try those further away. Some states having been found (to meet their wishes), they confirm (the engagement) between them by an oath and give security for the money by hostages: they attach Ambiorix to themselves by an alliance and a covenant. These actions having been ascertained (by him), Caesar, since he saw that war was being prepared everywhere, that the Nervii, the Aduatuci and the Menapii, with all the Germans on this side of the Rhine having been attached (to them), were under arms, that the Senones were not coming to him at his command, (and) that the Germans were being incited by the Treviri in frequent embassies, thought that he ought to take measures for war (lit. that it was necessary that measures for war should be taken by him) earlier (than usual).

Chapter 3.  Caesar takes early action to suppress rebellion. 

Accordingly, with the winter having not yet ended, the four nearest legions having been collected together, he marched unexpectedly into the territories of the Nervii, and, before they could either assemble or escape, with a large number of cattle and men having been captured and that booty having been granted to the soldiers, and their lands having been ravaged, he compelled them to come to a surrender and to give him hostages. That business having been speedily effected, he led the legions back into wither quarters again. A council of Gaul having been proclaimed at the beginning of spring, as he had arranged (before), when, with the exception of the Senones, the Carnutes and the Treviri, the rest had come, judging this to be the commencement of war and rebellion, he transfers the council to Lutetia of the Parisii (i.e. Paris), in order that it might appear that he was subordinating everything (else). These were neighbours to the Senones and had united their state (to them) in the memory of their fathers, but were thought to have kept aloof from this plot. This decision having been proclaimed from the tribunal, he sets out on the same day towards the Senones with his legions on the same day, and arrives thither by forced marches.

Chapter 4.  Both the Senones and the Carnutes surrender to Caesar. 

His arrival having been discovered, Acco, who had been the leader in this plot, orders his people to assemble in their strongholds. (With them) trying (to do this), it is reported that Caesar is at hand before it can be accomplished. Of necessity they abandon their intention and send ambassadors to Caesar, beseeching his (clemency): they approach (him) by means of the Aedui, under the protection of whom their state was of old. With the Aedui requesting (it), Caesar readily grants (them) pardon and accepts their pleas, because he considered that summer (was) the time for impending war, not for an investigation. A hundred hostages having been requisitioned, he delivers these to the Aedui to be held in custody. The Carnutes send ambassadors and hostages to the same place, employing the Remi, under the protection of whom they were, (as) their intercessors: they elicit the same answers. Caesar concludes the council and levies cavalry on the states.

Chapter 5.  Caesar proceeds against the Menapii.

This part of Gaul having been pacified, he wholly applied himself, both in heart and mind, to the war with the Treviri and Ambiorix. He orders Cavarinus, (together) with the cavalry of the Senones to march with himself, lest any disturbance should emerge from his anger or from that hatred in the state which he had earned. These matters having been arranged, as he considered (it) certain that Ambiorix would not contend with him in battle, he began to contemplate in his mind his other intentions. The Menapii were close to the borders of the Eburones, having been protected by continuous marshes and woods, (being people) who alone in Gaul had never sent ambassadors to Caesar on the subject of peace. He knew that there was a friendship to Ambiorix amongst them; likewise he had learned that (he) had entered into alliance with the Germans through the agency of the Treviri. He thought that these auxiliaries ought (lit. were needing) to be detached from him before he provoked him to war, lest, his security having been despaired of, he should conceal himself amongst the Menapii or be compelled to form an alliance with those (tribes) living across the Rhine. This plan having been entered into, he sends the baggage of the whole army to (Titus Atius) Labienus in (the territories of) the Treviri and orders two legions to march to him; he himself with five legions in light order proceeds against the Menapii. They, no force having been assembled, (but) relying on the protection of their ground, flee into the woods and marshes and convey their property thither.

Chapter 6.  The Menapii are quickly subdued.  

Caesar, his forces having been divided with his legate Gaius Fabius (Maximus) and his quaestor Marcus (Licinius) Crassus, and bridges having been speedily constructed, enters (their lands) in three columns, burns buildings and villages (and) takes possession of a large number of cattle and men. Constrained by these actions, the Menapii send ambassadors to him to sue for peace (lit. for the sake of peace being sought). Their hostages having been received, he assures (them) that he would consider (them) in the number of his enemies, if they should receive either Ambiorix or his envoys within their territories. These matters having been settled, he leaves Commius the Atrebatian with some cavalry amongst the Menapii in the position of a guard; he himself proceeds against the Treviri.

Chapter 7.  By feigning fear, Labienus seeks to tempt the Treviri into an engagement. 

While these things are being undertaken by Caesar, the Treviri, large forces of infantry and cavalry having been assembled, were preparing to attack Labienus with the one legion which had wintered in their territories. And already they were no further away from him than a two-day journey when they learn that two legions had arrived by Caesar's despatch. Their camp having been pitched fifteen miles away, they decided to await the reinforcements of the Germans. The enemy's intention having been ascertained, Labienus, hoping that through their rashness there would be some opportunity of engaging (them), a guard of five cohorts for the baggage having been left, advances against the enemy with twenty-five cohorts and a large (contingent of) cavalry, and, with an interval of a mile intervening, fortifies his camp. Between Labienus and the enemy there was a river, difficult to cross and with steep banks. He neither had (it) in mind to cross this himself nor did he imagine that the enemy would cross (it). Their expectation of reinforcements was daily increasing. He openly states in a council that, since the Germans are said to be approaching, he would not endanger his own and the army's fortunes and that he would strike camp at dawn the next day. These (words) are conveyed to the enemy, as out of (so) great a number of Gallic horsemen nature compelled some to favour the interests of the Gauls. The military tribunes and senior centurions having been assembled at night, Labienus declares what his plan is, and, so that he may the more easily give the enemy a suspicion of his fear, he orders the camp to be struck with more noise and commotion than the custom of the Roman people demonstrates. By these means he makes his departure (seem) like a flight. These things also are reported to the enemy by scouts before dawn in the circumstances of the very great proximity of the camps.

Chapter 8.  Labienus routs the Treviri, who then return to their allegiance.

The rear of the column had scarcely proceeded outside of the fortifications when the Gauls, encouraging one another not to let slip from their hands the expected booty - (they said) it would be tedious, with the Romans being panic-stricken, to await the assistance of the Germans, nor (would) their dignity allow (them) not to venture to attack with such great forces so small a band, especially (when it was) retreating and encumbered - do not hesitate to cross the river and join battle on unfavourable ground. Suspecting that these things would happen, Labienus was quietly proceeding, using the same pretence of a march to entice (them) all to his side of the river. Then, the baggage having been sent forward and positioned on some eminence, he says: "Soldiers, you have the chance which you have sought: you have the enemy in an awkward and unfavourable position: display to (us) your leaders the valour which you have so often shown to your commander-in-chief (i.e. Caesar), and imagine that he is present and is seeing these (exploits) in person." At the same time he orders the standards to be turned towards the enemy and the battle-line to be formed, and, a few troops (of cavalry) having been detached as a guard for the baggage, he deploys the rest of the cavalry on the flanks. Our men, a shout having quickly been raised, hurl their javelins at the enemy. They, when contrary to their expectations they saw (those) whom they believed to be retreating coming towards them with hostile standards, were not able even to withstand the attack, and, having been thrown into flight at the first charge, sought the woods. Pursuing them with the cavalry, Labienus, a large number having been slain, and several having been captured, recovered the state (to its allegiance) a few days afterwards. For the Germans, who were coming to their assistance, the flight of the Treviri having been ascertained, betook themselves homewards. With them the kinsmen of Indutiomarus, who had been the instigators of the rebellion, departed from the state in their company. To Cingetorix, whom we have shown to have remained firm in his allegiance from the beginning, the chieftaincy and the supreme power were delivered.

Chapter 9.  For the second time Caesar builds a bridge over the Rhine and leads his troops across. 

Caesar, after he had come from (the territories of) the Menapii into (those of) the Treviri, decided to cross the Rhine for two reasons; one of these was because they had sent assistance against him to the Treviri, (and) the second, in order that Ambiorix should not have a refuge amongst them. These matters having been determined, he began to construct a bridge a little above that place where he had led his army across previously. The design having been known and approved, the work is undertaken in a few days through the zeal of the soldiers. A strong guard having been left at the bridge, lest any disturbance should be suddenly stirred up by them, he takes the rest of his forces and the cavalry across. The Ubii, who had given him hostages and had come to a submission before, send ambassadors to him to vindicate themselves (lit. for the purpose of themselves being vindicated), (and) to inform (him) that auxiliaries had not been sent to the Treviri by their state, and that their allegiance had not been been violated by themselves: they beg and entreat (him) to spare them, lest in his general hatred of the Germans the innocent should pay penalties in place of the guilty; the case having been investigated, Caesar finds that the auxiliaries have been sent by the Suebi; he accepts the pleas of the Ubii, (and) searches for approaches and routes into (the territories of) the Suebi.

Chapter 10.  The Suebi retreat into the depths of their territories. 

In the meantime, he is informed by the Ubii a few days afterwards that the Suebi are congregating all their forces in one place, and are ordering those tribes which are under their sway to send reinforcements of infantry and cavalry. These things having been ascertained, he provides a supply of corn, (and) selects a suitable place for his camp; he commands the Ubii to bring in their cattle and convey all their (possessions) from the fields into their strongholds, hoping that such barbarous and untrained people, having been constrained by a want of provisions, can be induced to (accept) conditions for battle; he instructs (them) to send numerous scouts into (the territories of) the Suebi and find out what things are being done among them. They carry out these orders, and, a few days having elapsed, they report back: (they say) that all the Suebi, after definite accounts of the army of the Romans had come (to them), had retreated with all their forces and (those) of their allies into the utmost extremities of their territories: (they add) that there was a forest there of very great size, which is called the Bacenis; that it stretches a long way into the interior, and, having been interposed as a natural wall, defends from raids and incursions the Cherusci from the Suebi and the Suebi from the Cherusci: (and) that at the entrance to the forest the Suebi had resolved to await the coming of the Romans.

Chapter 11.  The Gallic states are divided into factions.


Since we have (lit. it has been) arrived at this point, it does not seem out of place to set forth (an account) of Gaul and Germany and in what (way) these nations differ from each other. In Gaul there are factions, not only in every state and in all the cantons and districts, but almost in each household as well, and the leaders of these factions are (those) who are considered, in accordance with their judgment, to have the greatest influence, (and) to whose will and judgment the supreme (issue) of all affairs and policies is referred (lit. goes back). And so the reason for this custom seems to have been instituted in ancient times, (namely) that no one of the common people should be in want of support against the powerful: for not one (of these leaders) allows his (followers) to be oppressed and defrauded, and, if he does otherwise, he does not possess any authority among his own (men). This same principle exists in general throughout the whole of Gaul: for all the states are divided into two factions.

Chapter 12.  With Caesar's help, the Aedui recover their position as the premier tribe in Gaul.

When Caesar came to Gaul, the leaders of one faction were the Aedui, (the leaders) of the other the Sequani. Since the latter were less powerful by themselves as the chief influence was of old among the Aedui and (the number) of their clients was great, they had allied the Germans and Ariovistus to themselves and had brought them over to their (side) by great sacrifices and promises. Indeed, several successful battles having been fought and all the nobility of the Aedui having been slain, they had so much surpassed (them) in power that they brought over from the Aedui to themselves a large part of their clients and received from them (i.e. the Aedui) the sons of their leading men (as) hostages and compelled (them) to swear publicly that they would not enter into any plot against the Sequani, and they occupied a large part of the neighbouring land (which they had) seized by force and obtained the chieftaincy of the whole of Gaul. Induced by this exigency, Divitiacus, having journeyed to Rome to the Senate, had returned, his business unfinished. A change of circumstances having happened on Caesar's arrival, with the hostages having been returned to the Aedui, their former clients having been restored (and) new (ones) acquired through Caesar, because those who had attached themselves to their alliance saw that they had enjoyed better conditions and a fairer rule, (and) with their influence and their reputation having been enhanced in other respects, the Sequani lost the chieftaincy. The Remi succeeded in their place: because it was understood that they were equal in favour with Caesar, those, who, on account of their old animosities, could in no way ally with the Aedui, devoted themselves to the Remi in clientship. They carefully protected them: thus they possessed an influence both newly and suddenly acquired. The situation was then in that state that the Aedui were considered by far the leading people, (and) the Remi held the second position of importance.

Chapter 13.  The powers and customs of the Druids.

In all of Gaul there are two classes of men, who are of some rank and dignity. For the common people are held almost in the position of slaves, who venture nothing by themselves and are not summoned to any council. The majority (of them), whenever they are pressed either by debt or the size of the tribute or by the wrongdoing of the powerful, commit themselves in servitude to the nobles: there are the same rights over them as masters (have) over slaves. But of these two classes one is (that of) the Druids, the other (that) of the knights. The former are concerned with sacred matters, conduct public and private sacrifices, (and) interpret religious questions: a large number of young men flock to them for the sake of instruction, and they are (held) in great esteem among them. For they determine almost all of the public and private disputes, and, if any crime has been committed, if a murder (has been) done, if there is a dispute about an inheritance or about boundaries, the same people decide (it), (and) determine the rewards and punishments; if anyone, either (in) a public or private (capacity) does not abide by their decision, they ban (him) from the sacrifices. This is the heaviest punishment among them. Those who have been so interdicted (lit. to whom it has been so interdicted) are considered (to be) in the ranks of the impious and the criminal, all men shun them (and) avoid their approach and their conversation, lest they receive some evil from contact (with them), nor is justice given to them if they seek (it) nor is any honour bestowed (on them). Over all these Druids, one man presides and he possesses supreme authority among them. Upon his death, either if anyone is pre-eminent among them in dignity he succeeds, or, if there are many of equal (standing), they contend for the primacy by a vote of the Druids, (and) sometimes even with arms. They assemble at a fixed time of year at a consecrated place in the territories of the Carnutes, which is reckoned (to be) the central region in the whole of Gaul. Hither all who have disputes gather from every direction, (and) submit to their decisions and judgments. Their rule of life is supposed to have been discovered in Britain and to have been transferred thence to Gaul, and now (those), who wish to understand this subject more thoroughly, generally proceed thither for the purpose of studying (it).  

Chapter 14.  The Druids' educational system.

The Druids are accustomed to hold aloof from war, nor do they pay taxes together with the rest; they have exemption from military service and immunity from all liabilities. Induced by such great rewards, many both come to this way of life and are sent by their parents and relatives. There they are said to learn by heart a great number of verses. Therefore, some remain in training for twenty years. Nor do they think that it is proper to commit these (words) to writing, although in almost (all) other matters, in their public and private transactions, they employ Greek letters. They seem to me to have adopted that (practice) for two reasons, because they neither wish their way of life to be divulged to common people, nor (do they wish) that those who learn (by) trusting to written words should pay less attention to the memory;  it does generally occur to most men that with the assistance of writing they relax their diligence in learning by heart and (the use of) the memory. They especially wish to persuade (people) of this, that souls do not perish, but transfer after death from one body to another, and that by means of this (belief) (men) are particularly aroused to valour, the fear of death having been disregarded. Besides (this), they discuss and hand down to the youth many things concerning the stars and their motion, concerning the size of the universe and of the world, concerning the nature of things and concerning the strength and power of the immortal gods.

Chapter 15.  The Gallic order of knights.

The other order is (that) of the knights. These, whenever there is occasion and any war occurs ([something] which before Caesar's arrival was generally wont to happen annually, as they were either inflicting injuries or repulsing [those who had been] inflicting [injuries upon them], are all engaged in warfare, and, as each of them is the more powerful by birth and in resources, so the greater number of vassals and dependants he has around him. They acknowledge (only) this one (form of) influence and power.

Chapter 16.  The Gauls' practice of human sacrifice. 


The whole nation of the Gauls is very devoted to religious observances, and for that reason (those) who are smitten with the more serious illnesses and (those) who are engaged in battles and dangers either sacrifice men as victims or vow that they will sacrifice (them), and employ Druids as the ministers for these sacrifices, because they believe that, unless the life of a man is given up in return for the life of a man, the will of the immortal gods cannot be propitiated, and they hold established sacrifices of the same kind for the purposes of the state. Some have figures of immense size, the bodies (lit. limbs) of which, having been woven out of twigs, they fill with living men; these (figures) having been set on fire, the trapped men perish in the flames. They believe that the execution of those who have been caught in theft or robbery of some (other) crime are more pleasing to the immortal gods; but, whenever the supply of this kind is wanting, they resort to the execution even of the innocent.


Chapter 17.  How the Gauls honour the gods.

They worship (as) their god Mercury in particular. There are numerous images of him: they consider him (as) the inventor of all the arts, (they regard) him (as) the guide for their journeys and marches, (and) they deem him to have the greatest influence for the making of money and (for) commercial transactions. After him (they worship) Apollo and Mars and Jupiter and Minerva. With regard to these (deities) they have generally the same view as other nations: that Apollo wards off diseases, that Minerva imparts the basic elements of arts and crafts, that Jupiter holds sway over the gods, and that Mars controls war. To the latter, when they have decided to engage in battle, they usually dedicate those things which they will take in war: when they are victorious, they sacrifice any captured animals and gather together the rest of the plunder into one place. In many states you may (lit. it is permitted to) see piles of these things heaped up in consecrated spots; nor does it often happen that someone, religious scruples having been disregarded, dares to conceal in his house things (which have been) captured or to remove things (which have been) deposited, and the most grievous punishment (together) with torture is ordained for such a deed.

Chapter 18.  Other unusual customs of the Gauls. 

The Gauls declare that they (are) all descended from Father Dis, and they say that this (is) handed down by the Druids. For that reason they calculate every period of time by the number, not of days, but of nights; they observe birthdays and the beginnings of months and years in such a manner that day follows night. Among the other usages of life they differ generally from other (nations) in this (respect), that they do not allow their sons to approach them openly until they have grown up sufficiently that they can bear the burden of military service, and they consider (it) shameful that a son of boyish age should stand in public in the presence of his father.


Chapter 19.  Gallic customs relation to dowries and funerals. 

As much money as husbands have received from their wives in the name of a dowry, an estimate (of it) having been made, they place a similar amount from their own estate with these dowries. An account of all this money is kept conjointly and any profits are saved: whichever of them survives (the other) in life, the portion of both comes to that person (together) with the profits of previous times. Husbands have the power of life and death over their wives as (they have) over their children; and, whenever the father of a family, born in an illustrious rank, has died, his relatives come together, and, if the circumstances come under suspicion, they hold an investigation of the wives in the manner relating to slaves (i.e. they torture them), and, if (foul play) is discovered, they are put to death, having been tortured by fire and every (kind of) torment. Their funerals are, in relation to the civilisation of the Gauls, are grand and extravagant; and they cast into the fire everything, even animals, which they think were dear to (the departed when) alive, and (but) a short time before this present age slaves and dependants, whom it was known were beloved by them, were burned, the formal funeral rites having been completed.


Chapter 20.  The Gauls are expected to treat matters of public concern confidentially. 

Those states, which are considered to conduct their public business more judiciously, have (it) prescribed by law that, if anyone hears anything about public matters from his neighbours by rumour or by report, he shall bring (it) to a magistrate and not share (it) with anyone else, because it has been discovered that rash and inexperienced men were often alarmed by false rumours and driven to crime or to take decisions concerning the most important matters. Magistrates conceal (those things) which it seems proper (to them to be concealed) and reveal (those things) which they have judged to be of service to the people. To speak about public affairs is not allowed, except by means of an assembly.

Chapter 21.  Different social customs of the Germans.

The Germans differ considerably from this way of living. For they neither have Druids to preside over divine matters, nor do they give their attention to sacrifices. They reckon among the number of the gods only those whom they see and by whose offices they are obviously helped, (that is) the Sun, the Fire-God  and the Moon, and they have not heard of the others even by report. Their whole life consists of hunting and of the pursuits of the military art: from childhood they devote themselves to toil and hardship. (Those) who have remained chaste for the longest time win the greatest praise among their own (people): through this some think that stature, others that strength and sinews, are reinforced. Indeed, to have had (carnal) knowledge of a woman before one's twentieth year they consider amongst the most shameful acts; (but) there is no secrecy in relation to this matter, because they both bathe promiscuously in the river and (only) use hides and small coverings of deer-skin, a large part of the body (remaining) bare.

Chapter 22.  Their practice of land allocation.

They do not pay (much) attention to agriculture, and a large part of their diet consists of milk, cheese and meat. Nor has anyone a fixed quantity of land or estates of his own; but the magistrates and leading men assign every year to the tribes and families of men who have assembled together as much land and in such place (as) seems good  (to them), and compel (them) to transfer to (somewhere) else the year after. For this practice they put forward many reasons: lest, captivated by continuous familiarity, they may exchange their zeal for waging war (lit. for war being waged) for agriculture; lest they may be keen to obtain extensive estates, and drive the humbler (sort) from their holdings; lest they may build houses with too much care for the avoidance of cold and heat (lit. for the purpose of cold and heat being avoided); lest any desire for money should arise, from which cause divisions and dissensions should spring; (and) so that they may keep the common people in a contented state of mind, when each man sees his own resources to be equated with (those of) the most powerful.

Chapter 23.  The values and customs of the Germans. 

To the states it is the greatest distinction, their borders having been laid waste, to have wildernesses as widely as possible around them. They consider this a particular (sign) of their valour, that their neighbours are driven from their lands and abandon (them) (lit. having been driven from their lands, abandon [them]), and that no one dares to settle near (them); at the same time they think that they shall be for this (reason) the more secure, the fear of a sudden incursion having been removed. Whenever a state either resists a war having been waged (against it), or wages (war itself), magistrates are chosen to preside over that war, such that they have the power of life and death. In peacetime, there is no common magistrate, but the leading men of districts and cantons deliver justice and settle disputes among their own (people). Robberies which occur beyond the boundaries of each state have no stigma, and they avow that these are committed for the sake of the youth being kept busy and sloth being reduced. And, whenever one of their chiefs has said in a public assembly that he would be their leader, (and) "let (them) who wish to follow (me), declare (it)," those who approve both the cause and the man arise and promise their assistance, and are applauded by the people. Anyone of them who has not followed is reckoned a deserter and a traitor, and in everything afterwards trust is denied to him. They do not consider (it) right to injure a guest; they protect from harm any people who have come to them for whatever reason and consider (them) inviolable, and the houses of all are open to them, and their food is shared (with them).

Chapter 24.  The Gauls are gradually overtaken by the Germans in respect of valour. 

Now there was formerly a time, when the Gauls exceeded the Germans in valour, (and) waged war (upon them) of their own accord, (and), on account of the great number of their people and the lack of land, they sent colonies across the Rhine. Accordingly, the Volscae Tectosages seized those places, which were the most fertile in Germany, around the Hercynian Forest, which, I am aware, was known to Eratosthenes and some (other) Greeks, (and) which they called the Orcynian (Forest), and there they settled; this tribe maintains itself to this day in these settlements, and possesses the highest reputation for justice and military merit. Now, because they abide in the same scarcity, poverty (and) hardihood as the Germans, they use the same food and dress; but the proximity of our provinces and familiarity with overseas commodities bestows upon the Gauls many things (tending) towards luxury as well as need, (and), having been gradually accustomed to being worsted, and having been defeated in many battles, they do not even compare themselves with them (i.e. the Germans) in valour.

Chapter 25.  The mysteries of the Hercynian Forest.

The breadth of this Hercynian Forest, which has been mentioned above, extends to a journey of nine days for an unencumbered (person): for it cannot otherwise be determined, nor have they learned the measurements of journeys. It begins at the borders of the Helvetii and the Nemetii and the Rauraci, and extends in a straight line along the River Danube to the borders of the Daci and the Anartes; thence it bends leftwards in a different direction from the river, and, on account of its extent, touches the borders of many nations; nor is there anyone from this (part) of Germany who says that he has either gone to the end of that forest, although he has travelled a journey of sixty days, or has heard in what place it begins. And it is known that many kinds of wild beasts, which are not seen in other places, are born in it; of these the following are such as differ especially from other (animals) and seem worthy to be handed down to posterity.

Chapter 26.  The appearance of the reindeer.

There is an ox in the shape of a stag, from the middle of whose forehead (and) between the ears a single horn stands forth, taller and more straight than such as are known to us: from its top they are spread out widely like branching antlers (lit. like hand-palms and trees). The shape of the female and the male is the same, the shape and size of their horns (is) the same.

Chapter 27.  Elks and their strange habit of leaning against trees to rest. 

There are also (animals) which are called elks. Their shape and the varied (colour) of their skins are much like goats, but their size surpasses (them) a little and they are stunted in respect of their horns and have legs without any ligatures and joints, nor do they lie down for the sake of rest, nor, if they have been distressed due to some accident and collapse (lit. if, having been distressed due to some accident, they collapse) can they raise or lift themselves up. Trees are in place of beds to them: they lean themselves against them and, having reclined only a little, they take their rest. When it has been noticed by the huntsmen from their footmarks whither they are accustomed to betake themselves, they either undermine all the trees by their roots at that spot, or they cut into (them) so far that (only) the perfect appearance of them standing is left. When they have supported themselves upon them in accordance with their custom, they throw down the weakened trees by their weight and fall down themselves together (with them).

Chapter 28.  Aurochs and their capture.

There is a third species (consisting) of those (animals) which are called aurochs. These are a little below elephants in size, with the appearance and colour and shape of a bull. Their strength is great and their speed (is) great, and they spare neither any man nor any wild beast which they have caught sight of. These, having been caught in pits, they eagerly kill. Their young men harden themselves by such work, and train (themselves) in this kind of hunting, and (those) who have killed the greatest (number) of them, their horns having been brought to a public (place) to serve as evidence, win great renown. But not even (when) caught very young, can they be accustomed to men and tamed. The size and shape and appearance of their horns differs greatly from the horns of our oxen. These, having been zealously collected, they encase with silver at the rims, and use in their most sumptuous banquets.

Chapter 29.  Caesar sets out against Ambiorix. 

After he learns by means of Ubian scouts that the Suevi have retired into their woods, Caesar, fearing a scarcity of corn, because, as we have mentioned above, all Germans pay very little attention to agriculture, decides not to advance any further; (but) so that he might not altogether lift from the barbarians the fear of his return, and so that he might delay their reinforcements, the army having been led back, breaks down the further section of the bridge, which touched the banks of the Ubii, to the length of two hundred feet, and at the end of the bridge builds a tower of four stories and stations a garrison of twelve cohorts for the sake of the bridge being protected, and strengthens that position with great fortifications. He himself, when the corn begins to ripen, having set out for war with Ambiorix through the forest of the Ardennes, which is the largest in the whole of Gaul and stretches from the banks of the Rhine and the territories of the Treviri to (those of) the Nervii and extends in length for more than five hundred miles, sends forward Lucius Minucius Basilus with all the cavalry, (to see) whether he can profit in any (way) through speed of march and the advantage of time; he warns (him) to prohibit fires being made in the camp, lest any indication of his approach be given from afar: he says that he will follow immediately.

Chapter 30.  Basilus nearly surprises and almost captures Ambiorix.

Basilus does as he was commanded. The march having been completed speedily, contrary to everyone's expectation, he catches many persons in the fields off their guard: through their information he marches towards Ambiorix himself in the place where he was said to be with a few horsemen. Fortune is most powerful both in all matters and in military (affairs in particular). For, just as it happened by a remarkable chance that he fell upon (the man) himself off-guard even and unprepared and that his arrival was seen by everyone before a report or message (about it) was brought (to him), so it was by means of extraordinary good fortune that, with every (piece of) his military (equipment) which he had around himself having been seized, and his chariots and horses having been captured, that he escaped death. But it happened owing to this (circumstance), that, his house having been surrounded by a wood, as the dwellings of the Gauls generally are, (as) they, for the sake of heat being avoided, mostly seek the neighbourhood of woods and rivers, his retainers and friends withheld the attack of our cavalry for a short time in this confined spot. While they were fighting (lit. with them fighting), one of his (men) set him on a horse: the woods concealed the fleeing (man). Thus fortune prevailed greatly both with regard to danger being encountered and with regard to (it) being evaded. 

Chapter 31.  The Eburones flee from the Romans and Catuvolcus kills himself. 

It is doubtful (whether) Ambiorix did not assemble his forces by design, because he did not think that he should engage in a battle, or (whether he was) bebarred by time and (was) prevented by the sudden arrival of our cavalry, when he believed that the rest of our army was following closely. But certainly, messengers having been despatched through the countryside, he ordered that each (person) should take care of himself. Some of them fled into the Forest of the Ardennes, others into the extensive marshes; (those) who were nearest to the Ocean hid themselves in such islands as the tides are accustomed to form; many, departing from their territories, entrusted themselves to complete strangers. Catuvolcus, king of a half part of the Eburones, who had entered into the plan together with Ambiorix, now broken down by age, since he could not endure the toil either of war or of flight, cursing Ambiorix with every formal imprecation, because he had been the deviser of that plan, killed himself by (a concoction of) the yew-tree, of which there is a large supply in Gaul and Germany.

Chapter 32.   Caesar accepts the pleas of the Segni and Condrusi that they had not been involved in Ambiorix's plot, and appoints Quintus Cicero to command the legion which was to guard the army's baggage.


The Segni and Condrusi, of the nation and number of the Germans, (and) who are between the Eburones and the Treviri, sent ambassadors to Caesar to entreat (him) not to regard them in the number of his enemies nor to consider that the case of all the Germans who were on this side of the Rhine was one (and the same): (they pleaded) that they had made no plans of war at all, and had sent no auxiliaries to Ambiorix. Caesar, the matter having been investigated by an examination of his prisoners, ordered that, if any of the Eburones should have repaired to them in their fight, they should be sent back to him; (and) he said that, if they acted thus, he would not damage their territories. Then, his forces having been divided into three parts, he conveyed the baggage of all the legions to Aduatuca. That is the name of a fort. This is almost in the middle of the territories of the Eburones, where Titurius  and (Lucius) Aurunculeius (Cotta) had taken up position for the purpose of wintering. He approved this place both for other reasons and, because its fortifications remained intact from the previous year, in order that he might relieve the toil of the soldiers. He left the fourteenth legion, one of those three, which, having been recently enrolled, he had brought over from Italy, as a guard for the baggage. He places Quintus Tullius Cicero in command over that legion and camp, and assigns (him) two hundred horsemen.

Chapter 33.  Caesar gives instructions to Labienus and Trebonius. 

The army having been divided,  he orders Titus Labienus and Gaius Trebonius to proceed with three legions in the direction of those districts which border on (the territories of) the Menapii. He sends Gaius Trebonius with an equal number of legions with the purpose of that district which lies adjacent to (the territories of) the Aduatuci being ravaged; he himself determines to go with the remaining three (legions) to the river Scheldt, which flows into the Meuse and the the remotest parts of the Ardennes, whither he heard that Ambiorix (had) gone with a few horsemen. (On) departing, he guarantees that he will return after the seventh day; at that time he was aware that corn was due to that legion which was being left in the garrison. He urges Labienus and Trebonius to return on that (same) day, if they could do (so) to the advantage of the republic, so that, their plans having been shared together and the tactics of the enemy having been examined, they could take a different approach to the war.

Chapter 34.  Caesar plans to take a terrible revenge on the Eburones.

There was, as we have observed above, no definite body of men, no stronghold, (and) no garrison, which was capable of defending itself by arms, but the people (were) scattered in all directions. In the case of each man, he takes position where either a hidden valley or a wooded location or an entangled morass offered some hope of protection or safety. These places were known to their neighbourhoods, and the matter demanded great attention, not with regard to the whole (body) of the army being protected [for no danger could occur to men (gathered) in one body from frightened and scattered (men)], but in relation to individual soldiers being preserved; however, this consideration tended to (some) degree to the safety of the army. For both the passion for plunder was likely to draw many men too far (afield), and the woods, with their uncertain and hidden routes, prevented (them) from going in groups (lit. gathered together). If he wanted the business to be completed and the race and name of those wicked people to be cut down, more bands of men (were) needing to be sent out, and more soldiers were needing to be detached; if he wished to keep the companies with their standards, as the established tactic and custom of the Roman army required, this very situation served as a protection to the barbarians, nor was there wanting to individuals the daring of laying ambushes in secret and of surrounding scattered (detachments). (Considering) that (they were) in such difficulties, as much care as could be taken was taken, so that some (opportunity) with regard to injuring (the enemy) was forgone, although the minds of all were burning for revenge being taken, rather than that harm should be done (to the enemy) with some loss to our soldiers. Caesar despatches messengers to the neighbouring states: he summons all (of them) to him in the hope of booty for the purpose of the Eburones being plundered, in order that the life of the Gauls might be put at hazard in the woods rather than a legionary soldier, (and) at the same time in order that, with (so) great a multitude having been drawn about (them), the race and name of that state might be annihilated in return for such a crime. A large number speedily assembles from all quarters.

Chapter 35.  The Sugambri cross the Rhine to join in the plunder of the Eburones. 

These things were being done in every part (of the territories of) the Eburones, and the seventh day was approaching, on which day Caesar had resolved to return to the baggage and the legion. Here it could be learned how much fortune can achieve in warfare and what great chances she brings. The enemy having been scattered and alarmed, as we have related, there was no body of men that could produce even a small occasion for fear. The report reaches across the Rhine that the Eburones are being pillaged and that all were being summoned to plunder freely. The Sugambri, who are nearest to the Rhine, by whom, as we have mentioned above, the Tencteri and the Usipetes were received after their flight, collect two thousand horsemen. They cross the Rhine in boats and rafts thirty miles below that spot where the bridge (had been) built and a garrison (had been) left by Caesar: they come to the frontiers of the territories of the Eburones; they catch many (who had been) scattered in flight, (and) take possession of a large amount of cattle, of which barbarians are most covetous. Tempted by booty, they advance further. Neither morass nor forests check these men, (who have been) born amid war and depredations. They inquire of their prisoners in what location Caesar is; they discover that (he has) gone on further and learn that his entire army has departed. Then one of their prisoners says, "Why do you pursue such wretched and trifling plunder, (you) who can now (lit. [you] to whom it is now permitted to) be most fortunate? In three hours you can come to Aduatuca: here the army of the Romans has collected all its belongings: there is so feeble a garrison that not even a wall can be manned (lit. be surrounded [with defenders]), nor does anyone dare to go outside the fortifications." Hope having been offered (to them), the Germans leave the plunder, which they have obtained, in a secret (place); they themselves hasten to Aduatuca, employing (as) their guide the same man through whose information they had learned of these things.

Chapter 36.  Contrary to Caesar's instructions, Cicero sends out a foraging party from the camp.

Cicero, who, in accordance with Caesar's instructions, had kept his soldiers in camp with the greatest care during all the previous days, and had not allowed even one of the camp-followers to go out beyond the fortification, distrusting on the seventh day that Caesar would keep faith with regard to the number of days, because he heard that (he had) advanced further, nor was any report about his return brought to (him), (and) at the same time having been influenced by the remarks of those who called his patience almost a siege, since (no one) was allowed (lit. it was not permitted [for anyone) to out of the camp, (although he was) expecting no disaster of such a kind that he could be attacked within three miles (of his camp), with nine legions and a very large (force of) cavalry having been placed in the way, (and) the enemy having been scattered and almost destroyed, sends five cohorts into the neighbouring cornfields, between which and the camp just a single hill was interposed, in order to forage. Several men from the legions had been left behind sick; of those who had recovered in this space of time, about three hundred, are sent together under (one) standard; in addition a large mob of camp-followers, and a great number of pack-animals, whey hich had stayed in the camp, permission having been given, follow (them).

Chapter 37.  The attack of the German cavalry takes Cicero's men by surprise.  


At this very time the German cavalry by chance come on the scene, and immediately, with that same speed with which they had come, attempt to burst into the camp at the rear gate, nor were they seen, some woods having been thrown up on that side, until they approached the camp, such that the traders who had spread (their booths) under the rampart, had no chance to withdraw. Our men, being caught unawares by this sudden event, are thrown into confusion, and the cohort on guard scarcely sustains the first attack. The enemy pours around (the camp) on the other sides (to see) whether they could find any entry.Our men defend the gates with difficulty, (and) the very position of the fortification protects itself on its own account. There is agitation (lit. it is agitated) in the entire camp, and one man inquires of another the reason for the uproar; nor did they determine whither the standards should be borne nor into what area each man should assemble. One man announces that the camp (has) already (been) taken, another maintains that, the army, and the commander-in-chief as well, having been destroyed, the barbarians have come (as) conquerors; the majority picture to themselves fresh superstitions from the spot, and set before their eyes the disaster of Cotta and Titurius, who (as they recalled) had fallen in the same fortress. All having been terrified by such fear, the belief is strengthened in the case of the barbarians that, as they had learned from their prisoner, there is no garrison within. They endeavour to break through and encourage one another not to let so great a chance slip from their hands.

Chapter 38.  The garrison is saved by the heroism of the centurion Sextius.

Publius Sextius Baculus, who had been serving with Caesar (as) the principal centurion (of his legion), (and) of whom we have made mention in earlier engagements, had been left behind with the garrison sick, and had now been without food for five days. He, doubtful of his own safety and (that) of everyone (else), goes forth from his tent unarmed: he sees that the enemy are close at hand and that the situation was in the greatest danger: he takes arms from those nearest (to him) and stations himself in the gateway: the centurions of that cohort which was on guard follow him: for a short while they sustain the fight together. Sextius faints (lit. Consciousness leaves Sextius), grave wounds having been received (by him): he is saved with difficulty, having been dragged (along) by the hands (of his comrades). This space (of time) having been interposed, the rest assert themselves so far as to venture to take their place on the fortifications and to present the aspect of defenders.

Chapter 39.  The return of the foragers leads the Germans to suspend their attack temporarily. 

In the meantime, the foraging having been completed, our soldiers clearly hear the shouting: the cavalry speed forward; they discover in what great danger the situation is. But here there is no fortification to receive (them) in their alarm: only just enlisted, and unskilled in the practices of war, they turn their faces towards the military tribunes and the centurions; they await what may be ordered by them. No one is so brave that he is not alarmed by the strangeness of the situation. The barbarians, catching sight of the standards from a distance, halt their attack: they suppose that the legions, which they had learned from their prisoners had gone quite a long way off, had returned; afterwards, their small number having been despised, they make an attack (on them) from all sides.

Chapter 40.  The differing fates of the foraging party. 

The camp-followers, dash forward to the nearest hillock. Having been speedily driven hence, they throw themselves among the standards and the maniples: they scare the frightened soldiers (all) the more. (Of these) some propose that, a wedge having been formed, they should break through speedily, since (as they say) the camp is so close, and they trust that, if some part (of them) should be surrounded and slain (lit. having been surrounded should be slain), yet the rest could be saved; others (propose) that they should take their stand on a ridge and all endure the same fate. The veteran soldiers, whom we have stated (had) set out together under a standard, do not approve of this latter (plan). Therefore, encouraging each other, with Gaius Trebonius, a Roman knight, (N.B. he is a different man to the one mentioned in Chapter 33) who had been put in command of them, (as) their leader, they break through the midst of the enemy and all arrive safe in the camp to a man. The camp-followers and the cavalry, following them closely in the same onrush, are saved by the courage of the soldiers. But those who had taken up position on the ridge, no experience of military matters having been gained even now, could neither persevere in that plan which they had approved, (namely) to defend themselves on this higher ground, nor imitate that vigour and speed which they had observed had benefited others, but, attempting to retreat into the camp, descended on to unfavourable ground. Their centurions, some of whom had been transferred, because of their valour, from the lower ranks of other legions into the higher ranks of this legion, in order that they should not lose the reputation for military exploits which they had previously acquired, fell together, fighting most courageously. The enemy, having been driven back by their valour, some of the soldiers arrive in the camp unharmed, (but) some are surrounded by the barbarians and perish (lit. having been surrounded by the barbarians perish).

Chapter 41.  Despite the Germans' retreat across the Rhine, the garrison remains petrified with fear. 

The Germans, the storming of the camp having been despaired of, because they saw that our men had now taken up their positions on the fortifications, retreated across the Rhine with that booty which they had deposited in the woods. But fear of the enemy, even after their departure, was so great that on that night, when Gaius Volusenus, (who had been) sent with the cavalry, had arrived at the camp, he could not make (them) believe (lit. could not create the belief) that Caesar was close by with the army unharmed. Fear had so completely seized hold of their minds that, their reason having been almost deranged, they said that, all (other) forces having been destroyed,  the cavalry (alone) had retreated in flight, and they maintained that, if the army were safe (lit. with the army [being] safe), the Germans would not have attacked the camp. This fear Caesar's arrival removed.

Chapter 42.  Caesar is displeased that his orders had been disregarded. 

On his return, he, not being unaware of the fortunes of war, (and) complaining of (only) one thing, that the cohorts had been sent away from their post and their garrison (duty), was of the opinion that room for even the slightest mischance ought not to have been left and that fortune had shown herself very powerful in the sudden arrival of the enemy, (and) was even greater, inasmuch as she turned away the barbarians almost from the very rampart and gates of the camp. Of all these events it seemed the most remarkable (lit. the most worthy of wonder) that the Germans, who had crossed the Rhine with this object, that they might ravage the territories of Ambiorix, having been led to the Romans' camp, had rendered Ambiorix the most acceptable service.

Chapter 43.  Caesar devastates the lands of the Eburones, but Ambiorix manages to escape. 

Caesar, marching forth once more for the purpose of the enemy being harassed, a large number (of auxiliaries) having been collected from the neighbouring states, dispatches (these) in all directions. Every village and every building that anyone had seen was set ablaze; plundered (cattle) were driven from every place; the corn-crops had been consumed by so great a host of beasts of burden and humans, but also had fallen (to earth) owing to the time of year and storms, so that, even if any had concealed themselves for the present, still it seemed that, the army having been drawn off, they must perish through want of all things. And it often came to such a pass that, so great (a body of) cavalry having been dispersed in all directions, that prisoners looked around for Ambiorix (who had) just (been) seen by them in flight, and they maintained that he had not even quite gone out of sight, so that, the hope of overtaking (him) having been offered, and unbounded exertions having been undertaken, (those) who thought that they should win favour from Caesar almost surpassed (the bounds of) nature in their zeal, and always only a little thing seemed to be wanting to (achieve) complete success, but he rescued himself by means of hiding-places and glades, and, concealed by night, he made for other districts and quarters with no greater guard than the four horsemen to whom he ventured to entrust his life.

Chapter 44.  Having held an investigation into the conspiracy of the Senones and Carnutes, Caesar returns to Italy. 

These districts having been devastated in such a manner, Caesar leads his army back with the loss of two cohorts to Durocortorum of the Remi (i.e. Reims), and, a council of Gaul having been proclaimed at that place, he resolves to hold an investigation with regard to the conspiracy of the Senones and the Carnutes, and, a heavier (than usual) sentence having been pronounced in the case of Acco, who had been the leader of that plot, he exacted punishment in accordance with the custom of our ancestors (i.e. he was flogged to death). Fearing a trial, some fled. When he had banished them (lit. he had forbidden them water and fire), he placed in winter-quarters two legions at the frontiers of the Treviri, two among the Lingones, (and) the other six at Agedincum (i.e. Sens) in the territories of the Senones, and a corn-supply having been provided for the army, he set out for Italy (i.e. Cisalpine Gaul), as he had arranged, for the purpose of assizes being held.

                                                                                                                                       


Dates of Sabidius's translations of the Books of Caesar's "De Bello Gallico":


Book I:   01/01/2011

Book II:  18/06/2011

Book III:  01/05/2012

Book IV:  06/10/2012

Book V:   31/08/2010

Book VI:  07/08/2013 (see above)

Book VII:  03/12/2013