Friday 29 October 2021

HOMER: "ILIAD": BOOK XI: THE ACHAEAN RETREAT

HOMER: "ILIAD": BOOK XI: THE ACHAEAN RETREAT 

Introduction:

Book XI sees the beginning of the third successive day of fighting, a very long day, which features the most sustained and violent episode of fighting in the "Iliad", and which continues until the end of Book XVIII, at which point the Achaeans' defensive wall has been breached, their ships fired, and Patroclus has been killed by Hector. All this is in fulfilment of Zeus' promise to Thetis that the Achaeans will be punished because of Agamemnon's mistreatment of her son, Achilles. Book XI is essential to the plot of the "Iliad" because the wounding of the three Greek leaders Agamemnon, Diomedes and Odysseus, which occurs in this book, facilitates the successful Trojan attacks and Achilles' decision to send Patroclus out in support of his countrymen, which is the beginning of the chain of events, which leads to Patroclus' death and the consequent return of Achilles to the field of battle. Although much of the narrative of Book XI is pervaded by an atmosphere of grimness when the slaughter of the many victims is described, the Book also includes the long digression (ll. 670-761), in which Nestor reminisces at length about the experiences of his youth, in which, with the assistance of Athene, he leads the Pylians to victory over the Epeians, their neighbours from the Northern Peloponnese. Book XI is a relatively long book - indeed only three of the Iliad's twenty-four books are longer - , but the variety of content contained in it contributes to its considerable entertainment value. 

Ll. 1-46. Zeus' envoy, Eris, induces the Achaeans to return to battle. Their leader, Agamemon, arms himself for the fray. 

Now, Dawn rose from her couch beside lordly Tithonus (i.e. brother of Priam and husband of the Dawn), in order to bring light to immortals and mortal (men); then, Zeus sent forth cruel Eris (i.e. the Goddess of Strife) to the swift ships of the Achaeans, holding a symbol of war in her hands. She stood by Odysseus' huge-hulled black ship, which was (situated) in the midpoint (of the line, from where) one could shout in both (directions), both to the huts of Ajax (i.e. Aias in Greek), son of Telamon, and to (those) of Achilles, for they drew up their well-balanced ships at the furthest ends, relying on their courage and the strength of their hands. There stood the goddess, and she let out a loud and terrible cry in a high-pitched voice, and she put a great resolve into the heart of every man of the Achaeans to go to war and to fight unceasingly. And from then on war became sweeter to them than to go back in their hollow ships to their dear native land. 

The son of Atreus (i.e. Agamemnon) shouted (orders) to the Argives and commanded (them) to put on their armour; and in (their midst) he himself donned his gleaming bronze. First, he placed greaves around his lower legs; fine (they were) (and) fitted with silver ankle-clasps; next, he put around his chest the breastplate which Cinyras (i.e. king of Cyprus) once gave him as a gift of friendship. For the great news had reached Cyprus that the Achaeans were about to set sail to Troy in their ships; for this reason he gave it to him in order to please the king. Now indeed, it had ten stripes of dark blue enamel, and twelve of gold and ten of tin; and serpents of blue enamel stretched up towards the neck, three on either side like rainbows, which the son of Cronos (i.e. Zeus) has fixed in the clouds (as) a portent for mortal men. And around his shoulders he slung his sword; and on it there gleamed studs of gold, while around (it) was a silver scabbard, hanging from golden straps. Then, he took up the richly wrought shield of a valorous warrior which covered the whole of a man, a beautiful (piece of work), round about which there were ten circles of bronze, and on it there were twenty bosses white with tin, and there was (one boss) of dark blue enamel in the centre. And on it a grim-faced Gorgon's (head) was put as a crown; fearful looking (it was), and round about (it were) Terror and Rout. And from it was (hung) a baldric of silver; but upon it there writhed a serpent of blue enamel, and on it there were three heads growing out from one neck (and) turning in all directions. And on his head he placed a helmet with two horns, four bosses, (and) a plume of horse-hair; and its crest nodded savagely from above. Then, he took up two stout spears, tipped with bronze (and) sharp; and from that very spot the bronze shone far off into the heavens; and, at the sight (of it), Athene and Hera thundered (in response), so as to honour the king of Mycenae, rich in gold (i.e. Agamemnon)

Ll. 47-83. The armies join battle. 

Then, each (man) told his charioteer to keep the horses in good order there by the ditch, and they themselves, arrayed in their armour, hurried forward on foot; and in the early morning an endless cry rose up. Now they were the first to arrive and they got into position on the far side of the ditch much more quickly than the chariot-drivers, but the chariot-drivers followed a little afterwards, and the son of Cronos stirred up an evil noise among (them), and down from on high he sent raindrops of blood from the sky, since he was about to send forth to Hades many valiant heads (of heroes).   

Now, on the other side, the Trojans (were gathered together) at (the point where) the plain was rising around mighty Hector, and peerless Polydamas, and Aeneas, who was honoured by the Trojan people like a god, and the three sons of Antenor, Polybus, and noble Agenor, and Acamas, (still) unmarried, (a man) like the immortals. And Hector bore his shield, round (as it was), amid the foremost, and, like a baleful star which appears out of the clouds gleaming, and then sinks down again beneath the shadowy clouds, so Hector kept on appearing, at one time with the foremost, and at another among the hindmost, urging (them) on; and his whole (body) shone with bronze, like the lightning of father Zeus who bears the aegis.   

And as the reapers drive their furrows opposite one another in a rich man's field of wheat or barley, and the handfuls fall thick and fast, so the Trojans and the Achaeans leapt upon one another and cut (each other) down, nor did either side consider ruinous flight. And the fight was equally balanced, and they raged about like wolves; and the much-sighing Eris rejoiced to see (them); for alone of (all) the gods she was among (them) as they fought, whereas the other gods were not there with them, but sat at ease in their own halls, where fine houses had been built for each one (of them) among the folds of Olympus. They were all blaming the cloud-wrapped son of Cronos, because he wished to give glory to the Trojans. But then the Father was not concerned about them. But, keeping aloof, he sat far away from the others, exulting in his own glory and looking down on the city of the Trojans and the ships of the Achaeans, and the flash of bronze, and (those) doing the killing and (those) being slain. 

Ll. 84-121. Agamemnon cuts down two sons of Priam. 

Now, as long as it was morning and the sacred day was waxing greatly, so did the missiles of both sides continue to hit their targets, and men kept falling; but (at the hour) when a man (who is) a woodcutter makes his dinner in some mountain glade, since his hands are tired (from) cutting trees, and weariness comes over his soul and a longing for sweet food completely takes hold of his heart, then (at that very time), the Danaans, calling to one another through the ranks, broke the (enemy's) battle-line by their valour. And (right in (their midst) Agamemnon rushed forward first and killed a man, the general Bienor himself, and then his charioteer Oïleus (who was) driving (his horses). He verily leapt down from his chariot and stood facing (him); but, as he came straight at him, he stabbed him in the forehead with his sharp spear, nor did his helmet, heavy with bronze, keep out the spear, but it passed through it and through the bone, and the whole of his brain was spattered inside (the helmet), and he overpowered him as he rushed forward. And Agamemnon, king of men, left them there with their (naked) breasts shining brightly, after he had stripped off their tunics; then, he went on to slay Isus and Antiphus, two sons of Priam, (one) a bastard, and (the other) legitimate, both (of them) being in one chariot; the bastard (i.e. Isus) drove the chariot, while in his turn the renowned Antiphus stood beside him as the warrior; Achilles had once captured (them) on the slopes of Ida as they were tending their sheep and bound (them) with willow shoots, and he freed (them) for a ransom. Then, the son of Atreus, wide-ruling Agamemnon, hit (Isus) on the breast with his spear, just below the nipple, while he struck Antiphus by the ear with his sword, and flung (him) from the chariot. Then, he made haste to strip the fine armour from the two of them, knowing (them) well (as he did); for he had seen them before beside their swift ships, when swift-footed Achilles had brought (them) down from Ida. As a lion easily crunches up the young fawns of a swift-running deer, when he has come to their den and has caught (them) in his mighty jaws and has robbed them of their lives; and even if the (doe) happens to be very close by, she cannot be of any help to them; for dire trembling comes upon her; and she swiftly darts away through the forest and its dense thickets, driven into a sweat by the mighty beast's attack. Even so, not one of the Trojans was able to ward off destruction from these two (men), but they themselves were driven to flight by the Argives. 

 Ll. 122-162. Agamemnon continues to cut down the Trojans. 

Then he (was to slay) Peisander and Hipplochus, staunch in battle, sons of wise Antimachus, who, having received a splendid gift of gold from Alexander (i.e. Paris), was particularly dissuaded from (seeking to) restore Helen to the fair-haired Menelaus; yet now lord Agamemnon captured his two sons, who were in one car and trying together to control their speedy horses; for the shiny reins had slipped from their hands, and their two (horses) were running wild; but the son of Atreus sprang at (them) like a lion; and so the two (of them) began to entreat (him) from their chariot: "Take (us) alive, son of Atreus, and accept a worthy ransom; many treasures are stored in Antimachus' house - bronze and gold, and iron wrought with much toil; of these our father would freely give you a ransom beyond counting, if he should learn that we (were) alive by the ships of the Achaeans."

So, as they wept, the two (of them) addressed the king with gentle words: but they heard a harsh voice (in reply): "Now if you are (indeed) the sons of shrewd Antimachus, (the man), who, once during an assembly of the Trojans, when he had come as an ambassador with the godlike Odysseus, urged (them) to slay Menelaus then and there, and not to allow (him passage) back to the Achaeans, then you will now pay the price for your father's shameful outrage."

(So) he spoke, and he thrust Peisander from his chariot to the ground, hitting (him) with his spear on the chest; and he lay still on his back on the ground. But Hippolochus leapt down, and him he slew on the ground, slicing off his arms and cutting his throat with his sword, and he sent (his trunk) rolling through the ranks like a log. Them he let lie, but where the largest of his battalions were being driven in rout, there he leapt in, and with him other well-greaved Achaeans. Footmen were killing footmen, who were being forced to flee, and chariot-drivers (fell upon) chariot-drivers, and beneath them arose (a cloud of) dust from the plain, which the thundering hooves of the horses stirred up, ravaging the bronze; yet, lord Agamemnon followed after (them), always slaying, and shouting orders to the Argives. And, as when consuming fire falls upon dry woodland, and the whirling wind carries (it) everywhere, and the shrubs collapse root and branch as they are assailed by the onset of the fire, so the heads of the fleeing Trojans fell beneath Agamemnon, son of Atreus, and many horses with high-arching necks rattle empty carriages along the lines of battle, yearning for their peerless charioteers; but they were lying on the ground, much dearer to the vultures than to their wives.  

Ll. 163-209. Zeus sends Hector a message. 

Then, Zeus led Hector away from the missiles, and the dust, and the slaughter of men, and the blood and the din (of battle); and the son of Atreus followed, shouting out loud orders to the Danaans. And they sped over the middle of the plain, past the tomb of ancient Ilus (i.e. the son of Tros, and the founder of Troy and grandfather of Priam), (and) past the wild fig-tree, eager to get to the city; and the son of Atreus followed, shouting all the time, and he smeared his invincible hands with blood. But, when they reached the Scaean gates (i.e. the main gates of the city of Troy) and the oak-tree, there they halted and awaited one another. But some (of the Trojans) were still taking fright in the middle of the plain, like cattle that a lion that has come at the dead of night has entirely put to flight; but one of them faces utter destruction; at first, he seizes her neck in his mighty jaws and breaks (it), and then he gulps down her blood and all her inwards; so did lord Agamemnon, the son of Atreus, pursue the (Trojans), ever slaying the hindmost; and they fled in panic. And many fell headlong on their backs from their chariots under the hands of the son of Atreus; for he raged around and in front of (him) with his spear. But, when he was just about to come beneath the city and its steep wall, then the father of men and gods came down from heaven and took his seat on the peaks of Ida, rich in springs (i.e. the mountain in the centre of the Troad); and in his hands he held a thunderbolt. And he sent forth the golden-winged Iris to take a message: "Be on your way, swift Iris, and say this to Hector. As long as he can see Agamemnon, the shepherd of the host, rushing along amid the foremost fighters, (and) laying waste the ranks of men, so let him keep back and urge the rest of his army to do battle with the foe in the mighty conflict. But when, either struck by a spear or hit by an arrow, he (i.e. Agamemnon) shall jump on his chariot, then shall I give him (i.e. Hector) the strength to go on killing until he comes to the well-benched ships, and the sun sets and the sacred darkness comes on."

So he spoke and swift-footed Iris with her feet as quick as the wind did not disobey, but went down from the hills of Ida to sacred Ilium. She found wise Priam's son, godlike Hector, standing beside his horses and his well-fastened chariot; swift-footed Iris cam close and addressed (him): "Hector, son of Priam, equal to Zeus in counsel, father Zeus has sent me forth to give you this message. As long as you can see Agamemnon, the shepherd of the host, rushing along amid the foremost fighters, (and) laying waste the ranks of men, so you should withdraw from the battle, and urge the rest of your army to do battle with the foe in the mighty conflict. But when, either struck by a spear or hit by an arrow, he shall jump on his chariot, then he (i.e. Zeus) will grant you the strength to go on killing, until you come to the well-benched ships, and the sun sets and the sacred darkness comes on." 

Ll. 210-247. Agamemnon slays Iphidamas.

When she had spoken, the swift-footed Iris departed, and Hector jumped down to the ground in his armour from his chariot, and, brandishing (two) sharp spears, he went everywhere through his army, urging (them) to fight, and he roused the dread din (of battle). Then, they turned around and took their stand facing the Achaeans, and, on the other side, the Argives strengthened their ranks. And the battle (line) was fixed, and they stood opposite (one another); and among (them) Agamemnon rushed forward first, and was eager to fight far in advance of (them) all. 

Tell me now, (you) Muses who have your dwellings on Olympus, who (it was) that first came up against Agamemnon, whether (it was one) of the Trojans or (one) of their famous allies.  (It was) Iphidamas, the valiant and strong son of Antenor, (he) who was nurtured in deep-soiled Thrace, the mother of flocks; His mother's father Cisseus, (he) who begat lovely-cheeked Theano (i.e. the wife of Antenor and priestess of Athene) raised him in his home when he was small,  But, when he reached the stage of ambitious youth, he tried to keep him there, and offered (him) his daughter (in marriage). But, having married (her), he went (straight) from the bridal-chamber, following the news (of the arrival) of the Achaeans, (and he came to Troy) with twelve beaked ships that accompanied him. Then, he left these well-balanced ships at Percote (i.e. a town on the south shore of the Hellespont, to the north-east of Troy), but he, being on foot, had come to Ilium, and now he came face to face with Agamemnon, son of Atreus. But, when they came to close quarters, as they advanced on one another, The son of Atreus missed his mark and his spear was turned aside, and Iphidamas stabbed at the belt beneath his breastplate, and he himself applied all his force (to his own spear), trusting in the strength of his hand. Yet it did not pierce his flashing girdle, but as soon as it struck the silver (in his belt), the point of his spear was bent like lead. And wide-ruling Agamemnon seized the spear in his hand, and drew (it) towards him, furious as a lion, and wrenched (it) from his grip; then, he struck him on the neck with his sword, and loosened his limbs. So there he fell and slept the sleep of the bronze - pitiable man - (far) from his wedded wife, whom he had married to bring help to his countrymen, but of whom he had seen no benefit, despite the many (gifts) he had given (to win her): first he gave a hundred cows, and then he promised a thousand (beasts), goats and sheep together, which were tended by him in unspeakably large numbers. But now, Agamemnon, son of Atreus, stripped (him) and went through the throng of the Achaeans bearing his fine armour. 

Ll. 248-290. Coön wounds Agamemnon, so that he has to leave the battle-field. Hector sees his chance. 

But, when Coön, pre-eminent among warriors and Antenor's eldest son, saw him, overpowering grief for his fallen brother clouded his eyes. He stood on one side with his spear, escaping godlike Agamemnon's attention, and then he stabbed him on the middle of his arm below the elbow, and the point of his shining spear passed right through. Then, Agamemnon, king of men, shuddered; but he did not stop fighting or (withdraw) from the battle, but, grasping his wind-strengthened spear (i.e. the wood of the tree, from which his spear was made, had been strengthened in the wind), he leapt upon Coön. Now he was striving to drag Iphidamas, his brother and son of the same father, by the foot, and was calling upon the bravest (warriors to help him); but (even) as he was dragging him through the throng, he (i.e. Agamemnon) smote (him) beneath his bossed shield with his bronze-tipped spear-shaft; then he came close and hacked off his head over (the body of) Iphidamas. Then did the sons of Antenor fulfil their destiny and go down into the house of Hades. 

But he (i.e. Agamemnon) went through the ranks of the other warriors, with spear and sword and huge stones, as long as his blood was still gushing forth hot from his wound. But, when the wound became dry and the blood ceased (to flow), then sharp pains began to depress the ardour of the son of Atreus. But, as when a sharp dart (of pain) may take hold of as woman in travail, the piercing (pain), which the Eilithyiae, the goddesses of childbirth, (and) the daughters of Hera send, (as it is they) who keep these bitter pangs, so sharp pains depressed the ardour of the son of Atreus. Then, he leapt upon his chariot, and told the charioteer to drive to the hollow ships; for he was sick at heart. And he cried out in a loud (piercing (shout) so he could be heard by (all) the Danaans: "O my friends, rulers and leaders of the Argives, now (it is) you who must ward off this grim battle from our sea-going ships, since Zeus the counsellor has not allowed me to fight all day long against the Trojans."     

So he spoke, and his charioteer lashed the lovely-maned horse back to the hollow ships; and they sped on their way not unwillingly; and their chests were covered with foam, and (their bellies) beneath (them) were covered with dust, as they bore the wounded king far away from the battle(-field). 

But, when Hector saw Agamemnon going away, he urged on the Trojans and the Lycians, shouting out loudly: "(You) Trojans, and Lycians, and Dardanians that fight hand-to-hand, be men my friends, and remind yourselves of your strength in attack. The best of their men is gone, and Zeus, the son of Cronos, has granted me great glory; but now, drive your uncloven-hooved horses straight towards the mighty Danaans, so that you may win an (even) higher glory."  

Ll. 291-335. Odysseus and Diomedes stand against the Trojans. 

So speaking, he aroused the ardour and the spirit of every man. And, as when a huntsman sets his white-toothed hounds on a wild boar or a lion, so did Hector, son of Priam (and) the peer of Ares, the bane of men, set the great-hearted Trojans upon the Achaeans. He himself had gone with a high heart among the foremost, and he fell upon the conflict like a hard-blowing storm-wind that rushes down and lashes the violet-coloured deep. 

Who then did Priam's son, Hector, slay first and who (was) the last (that he slayed), when Zeus granted him glory? Asaeus (died) first, then Autonoüs and Opites, and Clytius's son, Dolops, and Opheltius and Agelaus, and Aesymnus and Orus, and Hipponoüs, staunch in battle. These, then, (were) the leaders of the Danaans (that) he slew, and then (he fell upon) the throng, as when the West Wind batters the clouds which the South Wind has set bright (in the sky), smiting (them) with a violent squall; and many a swollen wave rolls onwards, and above (it) the spray is scattered by the blast of the much-roving wind. So many (were) the heads of the host laid low by Hector.  

Then, there was havoc and irresistible deeds were happening (to them), and now would the Achaeans have fallen into their ships in flight, if Odysseus had not called out to Diomedes, the son of Tydeus: "What has come over us, son of Tydeus, that we forget our impetuous valour? But come hither, my friend, (and) stand by my side; for it will be a disgrace if Hector of the flashing helmet should capture our ships."

Then, mighty Diomedes spoke to him in reply: "Of course I shall stay and endure; but our gain will be for a short time (only), since Zeus the cloud-gatherer plainly wishes to give victory to the Trojans rather than us."

He spoke, and thrust Thymbraeus from his chariot to the ground, striking (him) on the left breast with his spear, and Odysseus (slew) Molion, the godlike comrade-in-arms of that prince. Then, when they ceased fighting, they left them (where they lay); but the two of them (i.e. Odysseus and Diomedes) went through the throng (of the enemy) creating havoc, as when two high-spirited boars fall upon the dogs that hunt (them); so they turned again upon the Trojans and slew (them); and the Achaeans gained a welcome respite, as they were fleeing from the godlike Hector. 

Then, they took a chariot and its men, the best of their race, the two sons of Merops of Percote, who had knowledge of the art of divination beyond all (others), and (who) would not suffer his sons (i.e. Adrastus and Amphius) to go to deadly war; but the two of them would not listen (to him) at all; for the fates of black death were leading (them) on. The son of Tydeus, Diomedes, famed for his spear, deprived them of life and breath, and took away their splendid armour; and Odysseus slew Hippodamus and Hypeirochus.  

Ll. 336-367. Diomedes' spear hits Hector on the helmet. 

Then, the son of Cronos pulled tight the battle on equal (terms), as he looked down on them from Ida; and they kept on slaying one another. Now indeed, the son of Tydeus wounded Agastrophus, the heroic son of Paeon, on the hip with his spear; but his horses were not close-by (to help him) flee, and with regard to his life he made a great mistake. For his squire kept them at a distance, and he was rushing along on foot amid the foremost fighters, until he lost his life. But Hector (was) quick to notice (this) through the ranks, and he charged at them shouting; and the battalions of the Trojans followed after (him). And, when he saw him, Diomedes, good at the war-cry, shuddered, and quickly called out to Odysseus, who was nearby: "That bane, the mighty Hector, is rolling towards us; but come, let us stand our ground, and defend ourselves where we stand."  

So he spoke, and he raised his long-shafted spear and flung (it), and, aiming at his head, he hit (him) - he did not miss - on the top of his helmet; but bronze was turned aside by bronze, and it did not reach his fair flesh; for his three-layered plumed helmet stopped (it), (that helmet,) which Phoebus Apollo had given him. But Hector quickly ran back a long way and mingled with the throng, and, falling on his knees, he stayed (there), and leant on the earth with his stout hand; and dark night shrouded his eyes. But, just as the son of Tydeus was following the cast of his spear at a distance through the foremost fighters (to the place) where it had fallen to earth, so Hector came to his senses, and, leaping back into his chariot, he drove into the crowd and escaped black fate. Then, rushing at him with his spear, mighty Diomedes addressed (him): "Now, (you) dog, you have escaped from death once more; but in truth your end came near; now Phoebus Apollo has saved you again, (he) to whom you probably pray whenever you go towards the sound of spears. I shall surely make an end of you when I meet you next, if anyone of the gods (i.e. here Diomedes has Athene in mind) shall be my helper too. But now I will attack any of the others, with whom I shall meet."     

Ll. 368-410. Paris wounds Diomedes, who returns to the ships, leaving Odysseus unaccompanied.  

(So) he spoke, and began to strip the son of Paeon, famed for his spear. But Alexander, the husband of fair-haired Helen, aimed an arrow at Tydeus' son, the shepherd of the host, (while) leaning on a block of stone on a burial mound that had been built for Ilus, son of Dardanus, an ancient elder (of the people). Now the former (i.e. Diomedes) was taking the gleaming breastplate of valiant Agastrophus from his chest, and the shield and strong helmet from his shoulders; then, the latter (i.e. Alexander) drew back the centre-piece of his bow and shot, and the shaft did not leave his hand in vain, (but hit him on) the flat of his right foot; and the arrow (went) right through (it) and stuck firmly in the ground; then, laughing very merrily, he leapt up from his hiding place (i.e. behind the pillar of Ilus' tomb) and spoke these boastful words: "You have been struck, and that shaft did not leave (my hand) in vain; (but) how I wish I had hit you in the bottom of your belly and had taken the life from (you). Then would the Trojans have had respite from their woe, (they) who shudder (before) you like bleating goats (before) a lion."   

But mighty Diomedes replied to him without alarm: "(You) pretty bowman, (you) leering seducer of maidens with your curly locks, if you were to try to face (me) in your armour, (then) your bow and your swift arrows would be of no help to you; but now, having grazed the flat of my foot, you boast in such a manner as this. (But) I am (as) untroubled as if a woman or a silly child had hit (me); for blunt (is) the dart of a feeble and worthless man. (Very) different indeed (is one cast) by me, and, even if (there is) but a slight touch, my spear is sharp, and immediately makes a man lifeless. Then are his wife's cheeks torn (with sorrow) on both sides, and his children (become) orphans; and he, reddening the ground with his blood, starts to rot, and vultures (are) around (him) rather than women."  

So he spoke, and Odysseus, famed for his spear, drew near to him and took his stand before (him); and he (i.e. Diomedes) sat down behind (him) and pulled the sharp arrow from his foot, and a grievous pain shot through his flesh. Then, he climbed into his chariot and told his charioteer to drive to the hollow ships; for he was sick at heart.

Then, Odysseus, famed for his spear, was left alone, nor did any of the Argives stay with him, since fear had taken hold of (them) all; then, heavy at heart, he spoke to his great-hearted spirit: "Woe (is) me, what is to become of me? (It would be) a great evil, if, fearing the throng, I were to flee; but it would be (even) more horrible if am caught alone; for the son of Cronos has put the rest of the Danaans to flight. But why is my heart debating these (matters) within me? For I know that (it is) cowards (who) depart from the battle, whereas (he) who is pre-eminent in fighting in truth he should boldly stand his ground among (them), whether he is smitten or smites another."   

Ll. 411-455. In his isolated situation, Odysseus continues to slay Trojans, even after he is injured.  

While he pondered these (things) in his mind and in his heart, so the ranks of the shield-bearing Trojans came on and penned (him) in their midst, (thus) causing trouble for themselves. And, as when hounds and sturdy huntsmen are crowding round a wild boar, and he comes forth from a deep thicket, whetting the white tusks in his curving jaws, and they rush (all) around (him), and at that there occurs a grating of tusks, but they stand their ground forthwith, however dread he is, so then did the Trojans crowd around Odysseus, beloved of Zeus; but, firstly, he sprang upon the peerless Deïopites, and wounded (him) on the shoulder from above with his sharp spear, and then he slew Thoon and Ennomus. And then, when Chersidamas jumped down from his chariot, he stabbed him in the crutch with his spear beneath his bossed shield; and he fell in the dust and clawed the earth with the palm of his hand. These he let lie, but he smote with his spear Charops, the son of Hippasus and the full brother of the wealthy Socus. That godlike man Socus came to his defence, and took his stand, coming very close (to Odysseus), and he spoke these words to him: "O much-praised Odysseus, (you) glutton for cunning and toil, this day you will either boast over both the sons of Hippasus, as you will have slain these men and stripped (them) of their armour, or, having been smitten by my spear, you will have lost your life."

So saying, he struck at his shield, rounded (as it was) on every side. Through the shining shield the mighty spear went, and through his richly-wrought breastplate it forced its way, and it tore off all the flesh from his ribs, but yet Pallas Athene did not allow (it) to reach the man's inwards. And Odysseus was aware that in his case the spear had not touched any fatal spot, and he drew back and spoke these words to Socus: "Ah, (you) poor wretch, for sure has sheer destruction met up with you. You have certainly caused me to cease to fight against the Trojans; but I know that here on this day death and black fate will come upon you, and that, overcome by my spear, (you) will give the glory to me and your life to Hades, renowned for horses." 

He finished speaking, and the other turned to flight and began running back, but, as turned, he (i.e. Odysseus) fixed the spear in his back between the shoulders, and drove (it) through his breast, and he fell with a crash, and the godlike Odysseus exulted over (him): " O Socus,  son of wise Hippasus, the horse-tamer, the end of death was quick to come upon you, nor did you escape (it). Ah, (you) poor wretch, your father and your queenly mother will not (be there) to close your eyes in death, but birds that eat raw flesh will rend (you) as they beat their thick wings around (you). But, in my case, if I should die, the noble Achaeans will give (me) burial."   

Ll. 456-488. Menelaus and Ajax rescue Odysseus.

So saying, he pulled bold Socus' mighty spear out of his flesh and his bossed shield, and blood shot up from him as (it) was drawn out, and it gave his heart pain. But the great-hearted Trojans, when they saw Odysseus' blood, called out (to one another) across their lines and rushed at him all (together). And he was driven back and shouted to his comrades. Thrice then did he shout as loud as the head of any man can manage to do, and thrice did Menelaus, dear to Ares, hear (him) calling. And at once he spoke to Ajax, who was close at hand: "Ajax, Zeus-born son of Telamon, captain of the host, the cry of stout-hearted Odysseus has rung in my (ears), as though the Trojans are overpowering him, alone as he is, having cut him off in the fierce conflict. But (come), let us make our way through the throng; for to come to his assistance (is) the better (course of action). I fear lest some (evil) has befallen (him), alone as he is among the Trojans, brave (man) though he is, and that would be a great (source of) regret to the Danaans."   

So speaking, he led (the way), and the godlike man accompanied him. Then, they found Odysseus, beloved of Zeus; and the Trojans were crowding round him, like tawny jackals in the mountains around a horned stag that has been wounded and which a man has struck with an arrow from the string; but itha escaped the (man), fleeing on its feet, so long as its blood (is) warm and its knees are light; but, when the swift arrow overpowers it, the flesh-eating jackals devour it in a shady glade in the mountains, but some god brings a ravenous lion against (them); and the jackals flee in all directions, and the (lion) consumes (the stag). So (it was) then that many brave Trojans crowded round the warlike (and) resourceful Odysseus, but the hero, darting (at them) with his spear, warded off the pitiless day. Then, Ajax drew near, bearing his shield like a tower, and he took his stand beside (him); then the Trojans fled in terror in all directions. Now, the warlike Menelaus took him by the hand and led (him) from the throng, while his squire drove his chariot up close. 

Ll. 489-530. Ajax and Nestor are in the thick of the fighting.

Then, Ajax sprang at the Trojans and slew Doryclus, a bastard son of Priam, and then he wounded Pandocus, and likewise Lysander, and Pyrasus, and Pylartes. As when a river, swollen by winter snow, comes down from the mountains to the plain, driven on by the heavy rain of Zeus, and carries with it many dried oaks, and many pines, and casts much driftwood into the sea, so then did glorious Ajax sweep tumultuously over the plain, cutting down both horses and men. Nor yet did Hector know (anything about it), since he was fighting on the left of the whole battle by the banks of the river Scamander, where the warrior's heads were mainly falling, and a ceaseless clamour arose around great Nestor (i.e. the old king of Pylos) and the warlike Idomeneus (i.e. the king of Crete). With these (men) Hector was joined (in battle), performing terrible (deeds) with his spear and his skill in chariot-driving, and he was destroying the ranks of young (men; but the noble Achaeans would still not have been forced to give ground from their position, if Alexander, the husband of fair-haired Helen, had not put a stop to brave Machaon, shepherd of the host, (i.e. together with his brother Podalirius, a famous healer and surgeon to the Greek army) by hitting (him) on the right shoulder with a three-barbed arrow. Then did the boldly-breathing Achaeans fear greatly for him, lest (progress in) the battle shifted to the other side and they should capture him. Then, Idomeneus spoke at once to godlike Nestor: "O Nestor, son of Neleus, great glory of the Achaeans, come now and get up upon your chariot and let Machaon get up beside (you), and drive your single-hooved horses to the ships as swiftly as you can; for a healer is a man worth as much as many other (men put together), (as he has the skill) both to cut out arrows and to sprinkle healing herbs.   

So he spoke, and the Gerenian horseman Nestor did not disobey (him). He mounted his chariot at once, and Machaon, the son of Asclepius, the peerless healer (i.e. the god of medicine), got up beside (him); and he whipped up the horses and, they, not unwillingly, sped to the hollow ships; for (that was) where it was dear to their hearts to be. 

But Cebriones (i.e. Hector's bastard brother and squire), standing beside Hector (in the chariot) saw that the Trojans were being thrown into confusion, and spoke these words to him: "Hector, we two are consorting here with the Danaans on the edge of this dreadful battle, but the rest of the Trojans, both horses and men, are being driven in confusion all over the place. And (it is) Ajax, son of Telamon, (who) is driving (them); and I know him well; for he has a broad shield around his shoulders; but let us also drive our horses and car to that place, where horsemen and footmen are especially exposing their wicked rivalry and are slaying one another, and the cry (of battle) goes up unquenched."

Ll. 531-574.  Ajax retreats to the Achaeans' ships.

So saying, he whips up his fair-maned horses with his shrill-sounding lash, and, hearing (the crack of) the whip, they quickly bore the swift car among the Trojans and Achaeans, trampling on bodies and shields (as they ran); and all of the axle and the rails (which were) around the chariot were bespattered with blood, which was thrown up in gouts from the horses' hooves, and (with other drops) which (came) from the wheels. And he (i.e. Hector) was longing to make his way into that mass of men, and to charge in and break (it) up. And he caused a terrible commotion among the Danaans, and he (only) held back from the spear for a short time (i.e. his spear had little rest). Yet, he went through the ranks of the other warriors (i.e. the Achaeans) with spear, sword and huge stones, but he avoided combat with Ajax, son of Telamon. [For Zeus would have been displeased with him, whenever he fought a (man) better (than himself). n.b. this line, which is no. 543, is now omitted from most editions.

But father Zeus, who sits on high, stirred Ajax into flight. And he stood astonished, and slung his shield of seven ox-hides behind (his back), and he trembled and looked sharply around (him) towards the mass (of his own army), and, like a wild beast, he kept on looking round, slowly exchanging knee for knee (i.e. retreating step by step). And, just as country-men and their dogs drive a tawny lion from an inner cattle-yard, and they keep watch all night long and do not allow him to seize the pick of the cattle: now he, in his hunger for meat, goes straight in, but achieves nothing: for showers of darts and burning faggots from sturdy hands fly to meet (him), and he flees from these, however eager he may be: and at dawn he departs with a sorrowful heart; so then did Ajax depart from the Trojans, distressed at heart and much against his will; for he feared for the ships of the Achaeans. And, as when a donkey, a lazy (creature), on whom many cudgels have been broken on both of his sides, gets the better of some boys, when he goes by a cornfield, and he goes in and consumes the deep corn: and the boys beat him with their cudgels, but their strength is weak; and they drove (him) out with difficulty when he was full of food; so then did the high-spirited Trojans and their numerous allies keep crowding round great Ajax, Telamon's son, stabbing the middle of his shield with their spears. And every so often Ajax would be mindful of his attacking strength, and he would turn around again and check the battalions of the horse-taming Trojans, and at other times he would turn to flee (again). But he prevented (them) all from making their way to the swift ships, and he, himself, stood between the Trojans and the Achaeans and fought furiously; and (of) the spears (thrown) by bold hands, some were stuck in his great shield as they sped onwards, and many, before they could taste his white flesh, stood (fixed) in the midst of the earth, eager (as they were) to glut themselves with flesh.      

Ll. 575-615. Eurypylus is wounded while assisting Ajax; then Achilles asks Patroclus to get information about the identity of Nestor's wounded companion. 

But, when Euaemon's splendid son Eurypylus saw him beset by a thick (shower of) missiles, he came and stood beside him and hurled his shining spear, and he hit Phausius' son Apisaon, shepherd of the host, in the liver below the midriff, and loosened the limbs under (him); and Eurypylus sprang at (him) and began to strip the armour from his shoulders. But, when godlike Alexander saw him taking Apisaon's armour, he fired his bow at Eurypylus at once and hit him with an arrow on the right thigh. Then, he (i.e. Eurypylus) fell back again into the body of his companions, avoiding his fate, and he let out a piercing cry, shouting (thus) at the Danaans: "My friends, leaders and rulers of the Argives, turn around and take your stand and ward off the pitiless day (of doom) from Ajax, who is beset with missiles, and I do not think he can escape from this hateful war; but (now) take your stand quite openly around mighty Ajax, son of Telamon." 

So spoke Eurypylus, wounded (as he was); and they stood close beside him, leaning their shields on their shoulders, and lifting up their spears; and Ajax came to meet them, and turned and took his stand, when he reached the body of his companions. 

So they fought like a blazing fire; but the mares of Neleus, full of sweat, bore Nestor from the battle, and they (also) bore Machaon, shepherd of the host. And swift-footed godlike Achilles saw him and took note; for he had been standing on the stern of his huge ship, watching the hard stress (of battle) and the tearful pursuit. And he suddenly addressed his companion Patroclus, speaking from beside the ship; and, when he heard (him), he came forth out of the tent, (looking) like Ares, and for him this was the beginning of his doom. The valiant son of Menoetius spoke to him first: "Why are you calling me, Achilles? What need (do) you (have) of me? " And, in answer, swift-footed Achilles spoke to him (thus): "Godlike son of Menoetius, you who are most welcome to my heart, now do I think that the Achaeans will stick fast around my knees in supplication, for a need has come upon (them that is) no longer bearable. But go now, Patroclus, dear to Zeus, and ask Nestor what man (is) this (that) he brings wounded from the battle; to be sure, from the back he looks in all respects like Machaon, the son of Asclepius, but I did not see the man's eyes; for the horses darted by me, as they pressed eagerly onward."

Ll. 616-654. As Nestor and Machaon are entertained by the lovely Hecamede, Patroclus arrives and recognises Machaon. 

So he spoke, and Patroclus obeyed his dear comrade, and set off running by the huts and ships of the Achaeans. But when they (i.e. Nestor and Machaon) came to the hut of the son of Neleus, they stepped down on to the much-nourishing earth, and the squire Eurymedon unyoked the horses from the chariot; and the two of them dried the sweat from their tunics, as they stood in the breeze by the sea-shore; and then they went into the hut and sat down on the chairs. And lovely-haired Hecamede prepared a potion for them, (she) whom the old man had taken from Tenedos (i.e. a small island in the Aegean near the Trojan coast) when Achilles sacked (it), (she who was) the daughter of great-hearted Arsinoüs (i.e. the ruler of Tenedos), whom the Achaeans had chosen (as a special gift for him), since in counsel (i.e. tactical planning) he was the best of (them) all. Firstly, she set out for them a beautiful polished table table with feet of cyanus (i.e. a dark blue substance used to adorn works of metal), and on it (she placed) a bronze vessel, and on (it) also a onion as an appetiser for the drink, and some fresh honey, and beside (it) the grain of sacred barley, and beside (it) too (was) a very beautiful goblet, which the old man had brought from home, pierced (as it was) with golden rivets; and there were four handles on it (i.e. almost certainly in pairs with two on each side), and on each side (of it) two golden doves were feeding, and beneath (it) there were two foundation platforms. Now another (man) could scarcely have moved (that cup) from the table when it was full, but the old man Nestor raised (it) without effort. Then  that woman who looked like the goddesses stirred up (a potion) of Pramnian wine (i.e. from Mount Pramne on the island of Icaria; it was often used as a medicine) in it for them, and on it she grated some goats' cheese with a bronze grater, and on (it) too she sprinkled some white barley (meal), and then, when she had prepared the potion, she told (them) to drink (it). So, when the two of them had drunk and they had dispatched their parching thirst, they delighted in telling tales to one another, and that godlike man Patroclus stood by the doors. But, when he saw him, the old man sprang from his shiny chair, and, taking (him) by the hand, he led (him) in and bade (him) sit down. But Patroclus, (standing) opposite (him), refused, and spoke these words: "There is no sitting-place (here for me); old man, cherished by Zeus, nor will you persuade me. Worthy of awe and quick to anger (is he) who sent me out to learn who this man (is) that you bring (back) wounded: but I even recognise (him) myself, and I see (that it is) Machaon, shepherd of the host. And now, as his messenger, I shall go back again to give the word to Achilles. And you well know, old man, cherished by Zeus, what a fearful man he (is); he would quickly find fault even with the blameless."

Ll. 655-695. After censuring Achilles for his lack of concern for the fate of his colleagues in the Greek army, Nestor begins to reminisce.

Then, the Gerenian horseman Nestor replied to him: "Why then does Achilles show such pity for those sons of the Achaeans who have been wounded by flying weapons? He knows nothing at all of the grief which has arisen throughout the army; for the best (warriors) lie (here) in the ships, shot (by arrows) or stabbed (by spear-thrusts). The mighty Diomedes, son of Tydeus, has been smitten, and Odysseus, renowned for his spear, has been wounded, and (so has) Agamemnon; Eurypylus, too, has been hit by an arrow in the thigh; another (is) this (man, whom) I have just brought in from the battle, hit by an arrow from the string. Now, Achilles, although he is a great (warrior), shows no concern or pity for the Danaans. Is he really waiting until the swift ships by the sea are blazing with destructive fire, despite the efforts of the Argives, and we are all slain one by one? For my strength is not such as it once was in my supple limbs. Would that I were (still) in the prime of life, and my strength were steadfast, as when strife broke out between the Eleans and ourselves over cattle-lifting, when I slew Itymoneus, the valiant son of Hypeirochus, (a man) who dwelt in Elis, as I was driving off what was seized in reprisal; and, as he was fighting for his cattle at the head (of his men), he was hit by a spear (thrown) from my hand, and down he fell and his rustic forces fled in terror. Then, did we drive a very large quantity of booty from the plain - fifty herds of cattle, as many flocks of sheep, as many droves of swine, as many wide-ranging herds of goats, and a hundred and fifty chestnut horses, all (of them) mares, and foals were under many (of them). These then we drove into (the city of) Nelean Pylos, (and) into the city at night; and Neleus was happy at heart because I had obtained (so) much, despite having gone to war as a youth. When dawn showed herself, heralds cried out in a loud voice that those (men) should come forward, to whom a debt was owed in goodly Elis; and the leading men of the Pylians gathered together and divided up (the spoils); for to many did the Epeians (i.e. the inhabitants of Elis and Buprasium in the North-Western Peloponnese) owe a debt, as we in Pylos were few (in number) and had been mistreated; for the might of Heracles had come and oppressed (us) in the  previous years and all our best (men) had been slain; for we had been the twelve sons of Neleus; (but,) of these, I was (now) the only (one) left, and all the others had perished. In their arrogance at these (things), the bronze-coated Epeians ill-treated us and devised reckless (schemes at our expense). 

Ll. 696-736. Nestor continues to reminisce. 

"And, from (the spoil), the old man (i.e. Neleus) took for himself a herd of cattle and a great flock of sheep, selecting three hundred (of them) and their herdsmen (with them). For to him a great debt was owed in goodly Elis - four prize-winning horses, together with their chariot, which had gone to the contest; for they were intended to race for a tripod; but then Augeas, king of men (i.e. king of Elis, and warlord of the Epeians), held them back, but he sent back their driver, grieving, (as he was,) at (the loss) of the horses. Because of those (things), (both) words and deeds, the old man had become very angry, and he took out an unspeakably large amount for himself; but the rest he gave to the people to distribute, so that none of them should be deprived of an equal (share). So, we were settling everything and offering sacrifices to the gods around the city; then, on the third day, they (i.e. the Epeians) all came together, many (men) themselves and their single-hooved horses with all their speed; and among them, the two Moliones (i.e. Augeas' nephews, Eurytus and Cteatus) put on their armour, though they were still boys and not yet very skilled in the strength of attack. Now, there is a certain steep hill-town (called) Thyroëssa far away on the Alpheus (i.e. a river in the Western Peloponnese) on the border of sandy Pylos. They laid siege to the (town) with the intention of utterly destroying (it). But, when they had crossed the plain, then did Athene come speeding down to us in the night from Olympus, with the message that we must arm ourselves, and throughout Pylos she raised an army (that was) in no way reluctant, but very eager to fight. But Neleus would not let me put on my armour, and he hid my horses. For he said that as yet I had no knowledge of the deeds of war. But even so, I distinguished myself among our horsemen, even though I was on foot, since Athene so directed the strife. Now, there is a certain river, (called) the Minyeius, that flows down to the sea near Arene (i.e. a city of Pylos), where we, the horsemen of the Pylians, waited for bright Dawn, and the companies of our foot-soldiers came streaming up (too). From there (we went) at full speed, clad in our armour, and at midday we reached the holy stream of the Alpheus. There, we made some fine sacrifices to almighty Zeus, and (we offered) a bull to Alpheus and a bull to Poseidon, but to Athene a heifer from the herd; then, we took our supper in our divisions across the army, and lay down to sleep, each (man) in his own armour, along the banks of the river. But the great-hearted Epeians were surrounding the city, intent on utterly destroying (it); but before (they could do that), they witnessed a great feat of arms: for, when the shining sun rose up above the earth, we joined battle, and offered prayers to Zeus and Athene.    

Ll. 737-779.  Nestor reminds Patroclus that he met him and his father in the house of Achilles' father, Peleus.  

But, when the strife of the Pylians and the Epeians began, I (was) the first (to) kill a man, (namely) the spearman Mulius; now, he was the son-in-law of Augeas and was married to his eldest daughter, Agamede, (she) who knew all the drugs that the wide earth nourishes. As he came at (me), I smote him with my bronze-tipped spear, and he fell into the dust; then, I jumped into his chariot and took my place with the foremost fighters; but the great-hearted Epeians fled in all directions, when they saw this man had fallen, as he was the leader of their horsemen and their best (man) at fighting. And I came on (at them) like  a black hurricane and took fifty chariots, and around each (one) two men bit the ground with their teeth, having been overcome by my spear. And now I would have slain the two Moliones, the sons of Actor, if their (true) father, the wide-ruling Earthshaker (i.e. Poseidon), had not saved (them) from the battle and shrouded (them) in thick mist. Then, Zeus granted a great victory to the Pylians; for we chased (them) as I have described so far across the wide plain, killing the (men) and gathering up their fine armour, until we drove our horses to Buprasium, rich in wheat, and the Olenian rock, and then the hill (that is) called (the hill) of Alesium; (and) there Athene turned our army back again. (Then,) I slew my last (man) and left (him) there; and the Achaeans drove their swift horses back from Buprasium to Pylos, and they all glorified Zeus among the gods and Nestor among men.    

"Such (a man) was I, if ever I was, among my (fellow-)men. But Achilles alone will get the benefit of his courage: indeed, I think that he will greatly lament hereafter, when his people are destroyed. Oh my friend, Menoetius surely gave you this advice on the day when he sent you from Phthia to (join) Agamemnon; we were inside (the house), myself and the godlike Odysseus, and in the halls we heard everything, just as he enjoined (you). For we had come to the comfortable house of Peleus, as we were gathering our host throughout Achaea. And then we found there in the house the hero Menoetius, and you, and Achilles with (you); and the old charioteer Peleus was burning the fat-wrapped thigh-bones of an ox (as a sacrifice) to Zeus who delights in thunder in the eating-place of the courtyard; and (in his hands) he was holding a golden cup, as he was making a drink-offering of flaming wine to accompany the burnt offerings. The two of you (i.e. Patroclus and Achilles) were busy with the flesh of the ox, but, when we (i.e. Nestor and Odysseus) stood in the doorway, Achilles, struck with wonder, leapt up, and, taking (us) by the hand, he led (us) in and bade us sit down, and he set before (us) that good hospitality which is the due of guests. 

Ll. 780-821. Nestor encourages Patroclus to go into battle wearing Achilles' armour; while returning, Patroclus encounters the wounded Eurypylus.  

"And, when we had had our fill of food and drink, I was the first to speak, and I urged you both to come with (us); and the two of you were very eager (to do so), and both your (fathers) gave you much advice. The old man Peleus bade his son Achilles always to be the bravest, and to be pre-eminent above (all) others. And this then was the advice that Menoetius, son of Actor, gave to you: 'My child, by birth Achilles is your superior, but you are the elder; and in might he is by far the better. But speak to him well-made words of wisdom, and give him counsel and guidance; and he will follow your lead very much for the good.' Thus did the old man advise (you), but you are forgetting (it), but yet even now you should speak such (words) to bold Achilles, and, if so, he may be persuaded. But who knows if with a god's (help) you might arouse his spirit with your persuasion? For a friend's persuasion is a good (thing). But, if in his heart he is avoiding some prophecy and some (message which) his queenly mother (i.e. Thetis) has brought him from Zeus, at least let him send you out, and let the rest of the host of the Myrmidons (i.e. the people of Phthia in Southern Thessaly, ruled by Peleus) follow after (you), and, if so, you should prove (to be) a light (of deliverance) to the Danaans. And let him give you his fine armour to be borne into battle, and, if so, the Trojans may mistake you for him and hold aloof from battle, and the warlike sons of the Achaeans may draw breath, worn out (though they are); for any respite in battle (is) brief. You, (who are) fresh, could readily drive men who have been exhausted by battle towards the city from the ships and the huts."     

So he spoke, and he stirred the heart in his (i.e. Patroclus') breast, and he went running (along) beside the ships to Achilles, the grandson of Aeacus (i.e. the father of Peleus). But when, as he ran, Patroclus came by the ships of godlike Odysseus, where their meeting-place and court were, and there too their altars to the gods had been built, Eurypylus, the Zeus-born son of Euaemon, who had been wounded in the thigh by an arrow, met him there, as he limped out of the battle; and streams of sweat flowed from his head and shoulders, and dark blood was gushing from his grievous wound; yet his spirit was unshaken. When he saw him, the valiant son of Menoetius took pity on (him), and, in his sorrow, he spoke these winged words: "Oh you wretched leaders and rulers of the Danaans, so were you destined, far away from your families and your native land, to glut the quick dogs of Troy with your white fat. But come, tell me this, Eurypylus, (you) warrior cherished by Zeus, will the Achaeans still (be able) perhaps to hold back mighty Hector, or are they now going to perish, conquered by his spear?" 

Ll. 822-848. Patroclus tends Euryplus' wound. 

Then, the wounded Eurypylus answered him: " Zeus-born Patroclus, there can no longer be any defence of the Achaeans, but they must fall, back on their black ships. For all those who were our bravest (men) lie in the ships, smitten and wounded at the hands of the Trojans; and their strength is growing all the time. But do you rescue me and take (me) to my black ship, and cut the arrow from my thigh and wash the black blood from it with warm water, and sprinkle on (me) those good soothing medicines, which they say you have learned from Achilles, whom Chiron, the most civilised of Centaurs, taught. (As for) our healers, Podalirius and Machaon, I think that one has a wound and is lying in his hut, in need himself of an excellent healer, and the other (i.e. Podalirius) steadfastly awaits sharp battle with the Trojans on the plain."  

Then, the valiant son of Menoetius answered him: "How can these things be? What shall we do, heroic Eurypylus? I am on my way to bold Achilles to give (him) a message, which Gerenian Nestor, the guardian of the Achaeans, has urged (on me); but, even so, I shall not desert you in your distressed (state)."

(So) he spoke, and, clasping the shepherd of the host beneath his chest (i.e. around the waist), he led (him) to his hut, and his squire, when he saw (him), spread ox-hides on (the ground). There he laid (him) down, and cut the very sharp arrow from his thigh with a knife, and he washed the dark blood from it with warm water, and on it, (as) a pain-killer, he applied a bitter root, after rubbing (it) hard in his hands, and it stopped all his pains; and the wound dried, and the blood ceased (to flow).  




  

Wednesday 20 October 2021

SENECA: DE CLEMENTIA ("ON MERCY")

Introduction:

Lucius Annaeus Seneca (c. 4 B.C. - 65 A.D.), sometimes known as Seneca the Younger, was born in Corduba in Spain, but came to Rome as a very young child and resided there with his father, Seneca the Elder (54 B.C. - 39 A.D.), a well-known writer and orator. In 41 A.D. he was exiled to Corsica by the Emperor Claudius, because of an alleged affair he had with Claudius' niece, Julia Livilla, but in 49 he was allowed to return to Rome at the instigation of Claudius' new wife, Agrippina, Julia Livilla's sister, and he became tutor to her son Nero, who was Claudius' designated successor. When Claudius died in very suspicious circumstances in 54, Nero duly became emperor at the very young age of sixteen, and Seneca, together with his close friend and ally, the Praetorian Prefect, Sextus Afranius Burrus, became his main political adviser. For the first five years of Nero's reign, the advice of these two men helped to  ensure a period of relatively stable and tranquil government, but after Nero's murder of his mother Agrippina in 59, which Seneca had accepted with some considerable reluctance and was afterwards forced to justify, his influence began to wane, particularly after the death of Burrus in 62. Seneca then sought to retire from court, but Nero rejected such requests in 62 and 64. However, in 65 Seneca was caught up in the wake of the failed conspiracy of Piso, and an increasingly paranoid Nero ordered him to commit suicide. After a number of unsuccessful attempts to do so, he succeeded in suffocating himself in a hot bath. Also executed in the aftermath of this conspiracy was Seneca's nephew, the poet Lucan, author of "Pharsalia". 

Seneca was a versatile writer of Stoic philosophical works, letters and tragic plays. "De Clementia" ("On Mercy"), the work which Sabidius has translated below, was one of twelve moral essays or dialogues that he wrote. It was written in 55-56, and addressed to the young emperor Nero himself, in order to demonstrate the importance of clemency as a necessary virtue in an emperor. But it was actually written shortly after Nero's murder of his own half-brother Britannicus in 55, and another motive for its writing may have been to reassure the Roman public that this murder was the end, not the beginning, of bloodshed; and, although it does flatter the youthful Nero, and his apparently merciful nature, excessively, its main intention is to set out the correct Stoic path of virtue for a ruler. Nevertheless, a very considerable irony was to follow the compilation of this work: Nero was eventually to become a monstrous tyrant, who murdered at whim and without mercy whomever he liked, for instance the Christians, whom he allegedly sought to scapegoat for the disastrous Great Fire of Rome in 64, and his victims also included his mother, two wives and all living members of the Julio-Claudian family, so that, when he committed suicide in 68, there was no one left to succeed him. Poor Seneca! Can any advice, however well-intentioned, ever have been so flagrantly rejected by its recipient?   

After his death, Seneca was to enjoy a great reputation as a writer and dramatist throughout the remaining classical period, the Middle Ages and during the Renaissance. However, despite the renown of his well-described Stoic beliefs, as set out in his moral essays and in his famous "Epistulae morales ad Lucilium", a collection of 124 letters written in 64, the last year of his life, his reputation as a philosopher has always been vitiated, both during his lifetime as well as subsequently, by the enormous wealth which he acquired during his time with Nero, much of it based on making loans at very high rates of interest. The apparent hypocrisy which this wealth creation involved inevitably called into question the sincerity of his Stoic convictions, and he was subject to criticism by the historians Tacitus and Cassius Dio. 

As a piece of work to translate, Sabidius has found "De Clementia" reasonably straightforward. The arguments are usually set out in very accessible vocabulary, although sometimes, when abstract moral or mental qualities are involved, Seneca's precise meaning can become a little obscure. It is mostly highly readable, as well as persuasive, although at times the points are made in unnecessarily exaggerated language, and perhaps the content is somewhat repetitive. However, as is the case with so many of Seneca's essays and letters, this work would have been a gold-mine for any Latin writer looking for a suitable quotation on the subject in question.  

The text for this translation has come from the edition of "L. Annaeus Seneca: volume 1", edited by John W. Basore (Heineman), 1928, and available on the Perseus' website. Another text of "De Clementia" is also available on line: see "Original texts of Seneca's works at 'The Latin Library.' "

DE CLEMENTIA ("ON MERCY"):

BOOK I.

Chapter 1. (1) I have arranged, Nero Caesar, to write on the subject of mercy, in order that I may, in some way, perform the function of a mirror, and (so) show you to yourself as you are about to attain the greatest pleasure of (them) all. For, although the real enjoyment of good deeds lies in the doing (of them), and there is no fitting reward for virtues beyond (the virtues) themselves, (still) it is a pleasure to visit and examine a good conscience, (and) then to cast one's eyes upon the vast mass (of mankind), quarrelsome, factious, (and) headstrong (as they are), (and) ready to exult alike on their own ruin and (that of) others, if they should break the yoke (of your government), and thus to commune with oneself: (2) "Have I, of all mortals, been approved and chosen to act on the earth in place of the gods? (I am) the arbiter of life and death for its peoples; what lot and position (in life) each man has is placed in my hands; from my lips fortune proclaims what (gift) should be bestowed on each mortal; from my utterances people and cities find reasons for rejoicing; no place prospers at all without my good-will and favour; all these thousands of swords, which my peace has restrained, would be drawn at my nod; it is my right to declare which tribes shall be utterly exterminated, which shall be transported (elsewhere), which shall be given their liberty and which shall be deprived (of it), which kings shall become slaves and the heads of which should be crowned, which cities shall be destroyed and which (ones) shall rise. (3) Amid this very great abundance of powers, neither anger, nor youthful impulse, nor the rashness and obstinacy of men, which has often exhausted the patience of even the most tranquil of minds, has impelled me to (hand out) unjust punishments, nor (has) that dread pride in power which shows itself by (inspiring) terror, but which is so common among great sovereigns. The sword is hidden, nay it is sheathed, in my presence; I (am) sparing, to the greatest degree, of the blood of even the lowest (of my subjects); no one with the name of a man, to whom (all) other (things) are lacking, is not in favour with me. (4) Sternness I keep hidden, but mercy (I have) at hand; I keep watch on myself in such a way as though I am about to render an account to those laws, which I have brought out of neglect and darkness into the light (of day). I have been moved (to pity) by  the fresh youth (of one), (and) by the extreme (old age) of another; one (man) I have condoned due to his high rank, (and) another due to his lowly (estate); whenever I could find no excuse for mercy, I have spared myself. Today, I am ready to give (an account) of the human race to the immortal gods, if they should require such a reckoning from me."  

(5) This, Caesar, you can boldly proclaim, that all these (things) which have come into your trust and protection are kept safe, (and) that they have suffered no loss through you, either through violence or in secret. You have coveted a reputation (that is) most rare, and which has been acquired by no other emperor until now, (that of) innocence (of any wrong-doing). That extraordinary goodness of yours does not damage your work, nor does it meet with ungrateful or spiteful evaluators. Gratitude is given to you in return; no one man was ever so dear to another man as you are to the people of Rome, (you being) its great and lasting blessing. (6) But you have imposed a huge burden upon yourself; no one now talks of the deified Augustus or the early years of Tiberius Caesar, or is looking for a model which he would wish you to copy, other than yourself; your principate is thought to (provide) our (standard) taste. This would have been difficult, if that goodness had not been natural to you, but (merely) adopted for a time. For no one can wear a mask for long, and false (impressions) quickly lapse back into one's own character; whatever truth underlies such (things), grows, so to speak, from solid ground, (and the passage of) time itself turns (it) into something bigger and better. 

(7) The Roman people faced a great hazard, when it was (still) uncertain in what (direction) that noble nature of yours would take itself; now the prayers of the community are assured; for there is no danger that forgetfulness of yourself should take you by surprise. Too much prosperity makes (men) greedy, nor are our desires ever so moderate that they cease at the point when there has been success; (this) creates stepping(-stones) from great to (even) greater (successes), and, once they have gained unexpected (things), they embrace the most perverse of hopes; yet now, this confession is extorted from all your citizens, both that they are happy, and this as well, that nothing can be added to their blessings, except that they should be continuous. (8) Many (circumstances) force them to (make) this admission, and nothing less hasty than this is (likely to be said) among men: (there is) a security deep (and) abounding, (and) justice (has been) placed above all wrong; the most welcome form of government is to be seen by the eyes (of men), from which nothing is lacking to (provide) the highest degree of liberty, except the power of (self-)destruction. (9) Above all, however, admiration of your (quality of) mercy, extends from the highest to the lowest (of your subjects); for each man experiences or expects a larger or smaller (measure) of other blessings in proportion to his luck, (but) from your mercy they all expect the same; nor is there any man whose own innocence is so greatly satisfying, that he does not rejoice that your mercy remains in view, ready (to accommodate) human errors.   

Chapter 2. (1) Yet I know that there are some who think that all the worst (men) are sustained by mercy, since it is superfluous, unless (it comes) after some crime (has occurred), and (since) alone of all the virtues it has no function among the innocent. But, first of all, just as (there is) a use for medicine among the sick, (yet) it is also held in honour among the healthy, so, (in the case of) mercy, though (it is those who are) worthy of punishment (who) invoke (it), the innocent also cherish (it). Then, this (virtue) has a place even in the person of the guiltless, because sometimes misfortune takes the place of guilt; and mercy not only succours innocence, but often virtue, since indeed in the circumstance of the times certain (actions) which can be praised happen to incur punishment. Add (to that) that there is a large part of mankind that could be returned to innocence if (only) there were a remission of punishment. (2) Nevertheless, to pardon ought not (to become too) common; for when the distinction between the bad and the good is removed, disorder follows and (there is) an eruption of the vices; therefore a moderate approach should be applied, which is capable of distinguishing curable characters from hopeless (ones). Neither should we have indiscriminate and general mercy, nor (should it be) exclusive; for (it is) as cruel to pardon everyone as to pardon nobody. We ought to maintain a middle course; but, since the perfect mean is difficult (to achieve), whatever the more reasonable (course) should be, let the emphasis be placed on the side of humanity.  

Chapter 3. (1) But these (matters) will be better discussed in their own place. I shall now divide this whole subject into three parts. The first will be about emancipation; the second will show the nature and disposition of mercy: for, since there are certain vices which seek to resemble virtues, they cannot be separated unless you stamp marks upon (them) by which they can be distinguished; in the third place, we shall inquire how the mind may be induced to (practise) this virtue, how it may strengthen it and by habit make (it) its own.  

(2) It is necessary to agree that none other of all the virtues befits a man more (than) mercy, since none is more humane, not only among us who wish that man should appear (as) a social creature begotten for the common good, but also among those who give man over to pleasure, and whose words and deeds all tend towards their own advantage; for, if (a man) seeks quiet and repose, he has found this virtue (suited) to his own nature, which loves peace and stays the hand. (3) Yet, of all (men), mercy becomes no one more than a king or prince. For it is the case that great strength has grace and fame (only) if it has the power to do good; for it is the power of a pestilence that has the strength to (do) harm. That (man's) greatness is only secure and well-established, whom everyone knows is as much on their (side) as (he is) their superior; and his watchful care of each one of them, and of all of them, they experience on a daily basis, and upon his approach they do not flee, as if some monster or deadly beast had sprung forward from its lair, but they flock to (him) eagerly as if towards a bright and beneficent star. In his (defence, they are) quite prepared to throw themselves before the swords of assassins, and to offer their bodies on his behalf, if his path to safety is strewn with human carnage, (and) they protect his sleep by nightly vigils, and, (while) offering up their own bodies, they surround and defend (him), and expose themselves to the dangers that he faces. 

(4) It is not without (good) reason that (there is) this accord of peoples and cities in thus protecting and loving their kings and of sacrificing themselves and their (property), whenever the safety of their ruler should require (it); nor is it self-depreciation or madness that so many thousands are put to the sword for the sake of one person, and (when), by so many deaths, they save the life of one (man), (who is) sometimes old and feeble.   

(5) Just as the whole body is a servant of the mind, and, though the former is so much larger and more showy, (and) the latter remains hidden (and) insubstantial, and unaware of where its habitation lies, yet the hands, the feet, (and) the eyes do its business, the outer skin protects it, at its bidding we lie (still) or run restlessly to  and fro; when it commands, if it is an avaricious master, we scour the sea for the sake of gain; if (it is) ambitious, we put our hands into the flames at once (i.e. like Mucius Scaevola) or willingly jump into the ground (i.e. like Curtius); so the vast throng surrounding (the life) of one man is directed by his spirit, is guided by his intellect, and would crush and shatter itself through its own strength, if it were not sustained by his counsel. 

Chapter 4. (1) So (men) love their own safety, when they lead ten legions at a time into battle on behalf of one man, when they rush to the forefront and expose their breasts to wounds, lest the standards of their emperor should be turned back. For he is the bond through which the republic holds together, he (is) the breath of life, which all those so many thousands draw, (and) they would be) nothing but a burden to themselves and the prey (of others), if that (great) mind of empire should be withdrawn. 

                         If their king is safe, (they (i.e. bees) are) all of one mind;                                                                             When he is lost, they break their troth.  

(2) Such a disaster would be the end of the Roman peace, (and) it would drive the fortune of so great a people into ruin; this people shall be free from that danger so long as it knows (how) to endure the reins, but, if ever it should break them, or if they are shattered by some accident, (then) this unity and this fabric of the mightiest empire will dissolve into many parts, and the end of this city's dominance will occur at the same time as (the end) of her obedience will have happened. (3) Therefore, it is not surprising that princes and kings, and the guardians of the constitution, whatever different name they have, should be beloved, even beyond the private (circle) of their relatives; for, if, to right-thinking men, (the interests) of the state are preferable to their own, (then) it follows that he too is dearer on whom the state itself converges. For, in the past, Caesar (i.e. Julius Caesar) so clothed himself with (the powers) of the state, that neither could be separated without the downfall of both; for he had the need for power, and it (had the need) for a head. 

Chapter 5. (1) My discourse appears to have departed rather far from its purpose, but, by Hercules, it is pressing on the very matter. But if, as it is so far established, you are the soul of your state, (and) it (is) your body, you (will) see, I think, how necessary mercy is; for you spare yourself, when you spare another. So, even unruly citizens should be spared just like weak limbs, and, if ever there is a need for blood-letting, the hand must be controlled, lest it cuts deeper than may be necessary.  (2) So, as I was saying, mercy is indeed for all men in accordance with nature, but is especially befitting in rulers, inasmuch as in their case it has more which it could save, and inasmuch as it appears amid a greater (scale of) opportunities. For the cruelty of an individual can do little harm! The ferocity of princes is war. (3) Now, although in the case of the virtues there is a harmony between them, and none of them is better or nobler than another, yet a certain (virtue) is more suited to some people. Great-heartedness becomes any human-being, even him, below whom there is nothing at all; for what (can be) greater or braver than to beat back ill-fortune? Yet, this great-heartedness has a freer place amid (the circumstances of) good fortune, and is seen to better (effect) on the judges' bench than on the floor (of the court).  

(4) Into whatever house she will have entered, mercy will render it happy and peaceful, but in the palace (she is) the more wonderful, in that (she is) rarer. For what is (more) remarkable than that he, whose anger nothing can withstand, with whose sentence, too heavy (though it be), those who are to perish are in agreement, whom no one will venture to gainsay, no, not (even) if he is violently incensed, nor will he intercede with prayer, should lay his hand upon himself and apply his power in a better and a calmer (manner), as he reflects in this (way): "Anyone can kill contrary to the law, (but) no one but I can save"? (5) A great mind befits a lofty position (in life), which, unless it has raised itself up to and (even) above  that (level), it too drags that (position) down to the ground. Yet, it is the mark of a lofty mind to be calm and tranquil, and to look down upon wrongs and insults from a lofty height. It is (the characteristic) of a woman to rage in anger, and doubtless of wild beasts, but yet (it is) not (the characteristic) of the most noble (of these) to bite into and worry their prostrate (victims). Elephants and lions pass by (those) which they have struck down; persistence is (the mark) of the ignoble beast. (6) Cruel and inexorable anger does not befit a king, for he does not rise much above the (victim of his anger), with whom he puts himself on an equal footing by getting angry; but, if he grants life, if he gives position (to those) who have endangered, and deserve to lose, (them), he does what none but a man of mighty power may (do); for life may be taken even from (someone) above (us) in station, (but) it can never be granted, save to one who is inferior (to us). (7) To save life is the mark of an exalted status, which ought never to be more respected than when it happens to have the same power as the gods, by whose beneficence we, both good and bad, are brought forward into the light. Therefore, let a prince, appropriating to himself the spirit of the gods, look with pleasure upon some of his citizens because they are useful and good, and leave the others to make up the roll; let him rejoice at the existence of the former, and endure (that of) the latter.     

Chapter 6. (1) In this city, in which the crowd that streams unceasingly through its widest roads is broken up, whenever anything gets in its way, because its course, like (that) of a rapid torrent, is checked, in which the stalls of three theatres are required at the same time, (and) in which is consumed whatever is cultivated in every land, consider how great would be the desolation and waste, if nothing were left (in it), but what a strict judge would release. (2) How few of the magistrates are there, who should not be condemned under the very law, by which they operate? How few accusers are free from blame? And I feel sure that no one is more reluctant to grant a pardon than (he) who has constantly had reason to seek it. (3) We have all sinned, some with regard to serious (matters), others in relation to trivial (things), some from a deliberate decision, others by chance impulse or (because they were) led astray by the wickedness of others; some (of us) have not stood strongly enough by our good resolutions, and have lost our innocence, (though) unwillingly and (while seeking) to retain (them); not only have we done wrong, but we shall continue to do wrong right up to the very end of our lives. (4) Even if anyone has now so thoroughly cleansed his mind, that nothing can confound or betray him any more, yet he has (only) reached this (state of) innocence by sinning.

Chapter 7. (1) Since I have made mention of the gods, I shall do well to establish this (as) the standard for a prince, to which he should (seek to) model himself, so that he should wish himself to be to his citizens as (he would wish) the gods (to be) to himself. Is it expedient, then, to have deities (that are) merciless towards our sins and errors, is it expedient (to have them) as extreme enemies right up to (the point of) our destruction? And what king will be safe, whose soothsayers do not gather up the limbs (of their victims)? (2) But if the gods (are) easily appeased and just, (and) do not instantly pursue with thunderbolts the shortcomings of the mighty, how much more just is it for a man, who has been put in authority over men, to exercise that power in a spirit of mildness, and to consider whether the condition of the world is more pleasing and more lovely to the eye, (when) the day (is) fine and clear, or when everything is shaken by frequent thunder-claps, and (when) lightning flashes on this side and that! And yet the appearance of a peaceful and constitutional sovereignty is no different from that of a clear and shining sky. (3) A reign (that is) cruel is troubled and overcast with gloom, (and,) among (those) who tremble and are terrified at a sudden noise, not even he who throws everything into disorder (remains) unshaken. In the case of private individuals, (who are) stubbornly (seeking) to avenge themselves, one is more easily pardoned; for they may have been injured, and their resentment may spring from this injustice; besides they are afraid (to be) despised, and not to make requital for their injuries seems (like) weakness, not clemency; but he, for whom vengeance is straightforward, if he overlooks it, gets certain praise for his restraint. (4) For (those) placed in a lowly station there is more freedom to use force, to go to law, to rush into a brawl, and to indulge their rage; blows are of little (matter) between equals; (but) for a king, even loud cries and intemperate language are not in accord with his majesty.

Chapter 8. (1) You think (it is) a serious (matter) for kings to be deprived of the right of (free) speech, which (even) the lowliest (of men) possesses. "That," you say, "is servitude, not sovereignty." What? Do you not realise that the (sovereignty) is ours, (and) the servitude yours? (Very) different is the position of those who hide in a crowd which they do not leave, whose very virtues struggle for a long time to show themselves, and (whose) vices are held in obscurity; (but) rumour intercepts your deeds and words, and therefore no one should take more care of what reputation they have than (those) who, whatever they may deserve, are sure to have a great (one). (2) How many (things there are which) you may not (do), (but) which we, thanks to you, can (do)! I can walk alone without fear in any part of the city I choose, although no companion accompanies (me), there is no one at my house, (and) no sword at my side; you must live armed in the peace you (maintain). You cannot escape from your lot; it besets you, and, whenever you come down (from the heights), it pursues (you) with great ceremony. (3) It is the condition of supreme greatness, that it cannot become less (great); but this is a requirement which you share with the gods. For heaven holds them fast too, and it is no more possible for them to come down than (it is) safe for you (to do so); you are fastened to your (lofty) pinnacle. (4) Few (people) notice our movements, we may come out and retire, and change our dress without the knowledge of the public; (but) you are no more able to hide (yourself) than the sun. A great light surrounds you; the eyes of everyone are turned towards it. Do you think you are going out? (Nay,) you are rising. (5) You cannot speak without (all) the nations that are everywhere (throughout the world) overhearing your voice; you cannot get angry without everything starting to tremble, because (you can) strike no one without shaking whatever would be around (him). Just as thunderbolts fall, (while only) endangering a few, but terrifying everyone, so the punishments (inflicted) by the great potentates terrify more widely than they injure, (and) not without (good) reason; for, with regard to the one who can do everything, (men) do not think so much of what he has done, but of what he may do. (6) Now add (to this) that private men, because they have shown endurance with regard to the wrongs (that they have already) received, (are) more exposed to receiving (others); (yet) the safety of kings is more surely (founded) on mildness, because repeated punishment, (while) it crushes the hatred of a few, provokes (the hatred) of all. (7) The inclination to vent one's rage before (others) should be less strong than what has provoked it; otherwise, just as trees (that have been) trimmed sprout forth again with a multitude of branches, and many kinds of plants are cut back, so that they may grow more densely, so, by their removal, the cruelty of a king increases the number of his enemies; for the parents and children of those who have been killed, and their relatives and friends as well, take the place of every single one (of them). 

Chapter 9. (1) By an example (drawn) from your family, I wish to remind you how true this is. The deified Augustus was a mild prince, if one should begin to judge him from the (time) of his principate; but he wielded his sword, when he shared the government of the republic (with others). When he was of the age that you are now, having passed his eighteenth year, he had already buried daggers in the bosom of his friends, he had already stealthily aimed (a blow) at the side of the consul Mark Antony, (and) he had already been a partner in the proscription. (2) But, when he had passed his fortieth year, and was staying in Gaul, the information was brought to him that Lucius Cinna (n.b. his actual name was Gnaeus Cornelius Luci filius Cinna Magnus), a man of dull intellect, was concocting a plot against him; he was told both where and when, and how he meant to attack (him); one of his accomplices gave away (the information). (3) He planned to protect himself from him, and ordered that a meeting of his friends should be called. He spent a restless night, when he reflected that a young man of noble birth, harmless if this (one act were) disregarded, (and who was) the grandson of Gnaeus Pompey, must be condemned; he, to whom Mark Antony had dictated the edict of proscription over dinner, could not now (bear) to kill one man. (4) Groaning repeatedly, he let out voices of a variable (nature) and (which) were in conflict one with another: "What then? Shall I allow my assassin to walk about untroubled while I am racked with fear? So, shall he not pay the penalty who has plotted not (just) to slay but (actually) to immolate, at a time when peace has been secured on land and sea, that life (which has been) sought in vain amid so many civil wars (and has remained) unharmed during so many naval and infantry battles?" - for he had resolved to attack him while he was sacrificing. (5) (Then) again, (after a period of) silence (had) intervened, he began to express in a much louder voice indignation at himself (rather) than at Cinna: "Why do you live, if it is to the advantage of so many that you should die? What end will there be to these executions? What (end) to this bloodshed? I am a figure exposed to young men of noble birth, upon which they can sharpen the edges of their swords; my life is not worth having, if so many (lives) must be lost, so that I do not die." (6) At last his wife Livia interrupted him and said: "Will you take a woman's advice? Do what physicians usually (do), who, when their usual remedies do not work, try the opposite (ones). So far you have achieved nothing by severity; Lepidus (i.e. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, eldest son of the triumvir, executed in 30 B.C. after a conspiracy) followed Salvidienus, (i.e. Quintus Salvidienus Rufus, betrayed by Mark Antony and executed for treachery in 40 B.C.), Murena (i.e. Aulus Terentius Varro Murena, consul 23 B.C. and adoptive brother of Maecenas' wife Terentia, executed in 22 B.C. without trial after apparent involvement in the conspiracy led by Caepio) Lepidus, Caepio (i.e. the writer Fannius Caepio, executed in 22 B.C. after hatching a conspiracy against Augustus) Murena, (and) Egnatius (i.e. Egnatius Rufus, an abortive candidate for the consulship, he was executed in 19 B.C.; his popularity with the mob arose from his founding a private fire brigade when he had been aedile some years earlier) Caepio, to say nothing of the others, of whose daring one is greatly ashamed. Try now how mercy will work for you; pardon Lucius Cinna. He has been caught; he cannot now harm you, (but) he can do your reputation much good." (7) Glad that he had found (someone) to support his (point of view), he thanked his wife, then immediately told the friends, whom he had asked to (give him) advice, that they were no longer needed, and summoned Cinna only to (join) him, and, when he had sent everyone else from the room, (and) had ordered a second chair to be put down for Cinna, he said: "The first (thing) I ask of you (is) this, that you do not interrupt me while I am speaking, and that you do not cry out in the middle of my address; time will be given to you to speak freely (in reply). (8)  Although I found you, Cinna, in my enemy's camp, not only made but born (as) my (deadly) foe, I saved (your life) and allowed you (to keep) the whole of your father's estate. Today, you are so fortunate and so rich that your conquerors are envious (of you), whom they have conquered. When you were a candidate for the priesthood, I gave (it to you), by-passing several (others), whose parents served with me (in the wars); (but now,) although I have deserved so well of you, you have determined to kill me." (9) When, at these words, he exclaimed that such madness was totally absent from his (mind), he said: "You do not keep your promise, Cinna; it was agreed (between us) that you would not interrupt (me). I repeat, you are preparing to kill me"; (to this) he added (the name of) the place, (the names of) his accomplices, the date, the plan of the ambush, and (the one) to whom the dagger had been entrusted. (10) And, when he saw that (his eyes were) fixed (upon the ground), (and that he was) silent, not on account of their compact, but on account of his conscience, he said: "With what intention are you doing this? (Is it) so that you yourself may be emperor? By Hercules, things must be in a bad way with regard to the Roman people, if nothing but me prevents you from ruling (over them). You cannot even defend your own house; (just) recently you have been defeated in a private lawsuit by the influence of a freedman; so you can find no easier task than to rally (your friends) against Caesar. Now tell me, if I alone am blocking your hopes, will Paullus (i.e. this is probably Paullus Aemilius Lepidus, consul 34 B.C.) and Fabius Maximus (i.e. Paullus Fabius Maximus, consul 11 B.C.), and the Cossi (i.e. one of whom was Cossus Cornelius Lentulus, consul 1 B.C.), and the Servilii (i.e. one of whom was Servilius Vatia, the son of Publius Servilus Vatia Isauricus, consul 48 and 41) and all that great band of noblemen, who bear no empty names but those which add distinction to the portraits of their ancestors, (will they) endure (your rule)?"  

(11) So that I do not occupy a great part of my book by repeating the whole of his address - for it is agreed that he spoke for more than two hours, (during which) he prolonged the punishment, which was the only (one) he intended to inflict - (at last) he said: "Cinna, I grant you your life for the second time; the first time (you were) an enemy, now (you are) a plotter and a parricide. From this day forth, let there be the beginning of a friendship between us; let us contend (to see which one of us is acting) in better faith, whether it is I in granting you your life, or you in owing (it to me)." (12) Later (i.e. in 5 A.D.), he conferred the consulship (upon him) of his own accord, (though) he complained that he had not offered himself as a candidate. He regarded (him as) his most loyal and trustworthy (adherent), and he became his sole heir. No further plots were (ever) made against (him) by anyone.  

Chapter 10. (1) Your great-great-grandfather (i.e. Augustus) pardoned the vanquished; for, if he had not pardoned (them), over whom would he have ruled? He recruited Sallustius (i.e. Gaius Sallustius Crispus, the grand-nephew of the historian), and the Cocceii (i.e. Gaius Cocceius Balbus, consul suffectus 39 B.C. and Marcus Cocceius Nerva, consul suffectus 36 B.C.), and the Dellii (i.e. one of whom was the general Quintus Dellius, who later became a historian), and the whole retinue of his inner circle from the camp of his opponents; now he owed a Domitius (i.e. Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, consul 32 B.C. and the grandfather of the Emperor Nero), a Messala (i.e. Marcus Valerius Messala Corvinus, consul 31 B.C.), an Asinius (i.e. Gaius Asinius Pollio, consul 40 B.C. and a famous letter writer) a Cicero (i.e Marcus Tullius Cicero, consul suffectus 30 B.C. and son of the famous writer and politician), and whatever was the flower of the state to his clemency. How long was Lepidus (i.e. the triumvir Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, consul 46 and 42 B.C.) himself allowed to die! For many years he suffered (him) to retain the ornaments of a ruler, and he did not permit the office of chief priest to be transferred to himself until after his death (n.b. this occurred in 12 B.C.); for he preferred it to be called an honour (rather) than a spoil. (2) This mercifulness (of his) brought him safety and security; it (also) made (him) popular and beloved, (and,) although he had placed his hand on the necks of the Roman people, he had not yet humbled (them); and today this gives him a reputation which is scarcely available to rulers (while they are) living. (3) We acknowledge that Augustus was a good emperor, (and) well worthy of his father's name (i.e. that of Caesar), for no other reason than because he avenged without cruelty even the personal insults which are usually more painful to princes than injuries, because he smiled at the abusive comments (directed) at him, (and,) because he was so far from putting to death all those whom he had convicted of adultery with his daughter that, when they had been banished, he gave (them) passports, by means of which they were (able to travel) more safely. (4) When you know that there are many who will be angry on your behalf, and will (seek to) gain your favour by (taking) the blood of another, it is (indeed) to pardon (when) you not only grant (them) their safety, but you (also) provide (it as well).   

Chapter 11. (1) Such was Augustus (when he was) an old man, or when he was already on the verge of old age; (but) in his youth he was hot-headed, he burned with rage, (and) he did many (things) on which he looked back with reluctance. No one will venture to compare the mildness of the deified Augustus with yours, even if it should bring his more than ripe old age into competition with your youthful years; yes, he was gentle and merciful, but only after the sea at Actium had been stained with Roman blood, (i.e. in 31 B.C.) and only after both his own and his enemy's fleet had been wrecked of Sicily (i.e. in 36 B.C.), and only after the holocaust of Perusia (i.e. in 41-40 B.C.) and the proscriptions (i.e. authorised by the Second Triumvirate in 43 B.C.). (2) But actually I do not call weariness of cruelty mercy; true mercy, Caesar, is something which you display, which has not arisen from regretting your cruelty, but which has never shed the blood of your citizens; in (your position of) unlimited power this is the truest (form of) mental self-control and all-embracing love of the human race, nor (is it) corrupted by any (sense of) greed, or rashness of the intellect, or by the examples of any former princes into testing by experiment what one may (do) to one's fellow-citizens, but (rather) to blunt the edge of one's power. (3) Caesar, you have given (us) a state unstained with blood, and this too, as you, with your great heart, have boasted that you have never shed a single drop of human blood in the whole (wide) world, (and) this is the more significant and more remarkable because the sword has never been entrusted to anyone at an earlier (age). 

(4) So mercy makes (princes) not only more honest but safer, and is the ornament of rulers and, at the same time, its surest (means of) safety. For what is the reason why kings have gown old and have bequeathed their thrones to their children and grandchildren, (while) the power of tyrants is (considered to be) deadly and short(-lived)? What is the difference between a tyrant and a king - for the outward appearance of their circumstances and their power is equal - except that tyrants are cruel to (indulge) their pleasure, (whereas) kings (are cruel) only for a reason and through necessity?  

Chapter 12. (1) "What then? (do you say). "Are not kings also used to putting (men) to death?" But (only) whenever the good of the state persuades (them) that it should be done; (whereas) cruelty is pleasurable to tyrants. But a tyrant differs from a king in deeds, not in name; for while the elder Dionysius (i.e. c. 432-367 B.C., tyrant of Syracuse) may justly and deservedly be preferred to many kings, what keeps Lucius Sulla (i.e. Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix, consul 88 and 80, dictator 82-79) from being called a tyrant, (for only) a death of foes brought an end to his killing? (2) Although he abdicated from his dictatorship and returned to (wearing) the clothes (of a private citizen), yet what tyrant ever drank human blood so greedily as he, who ordered seven thousand Roman citizens to be butchered, and (who,) as he sat nearby in the temple of Bellona, and heard the cries of so many thousands groaning beneath the sword, said to the terror-stricken senate, "Let us pay attention to our (business), Conscript Fathers; a very few mutinous (men) are being put to death on my orders"? (3) By (saying) this, he did not lie; to Sulla they seemed a few. But (we shall say more) about Sulla presently, when we shall ask how we should show anger to our enemies, particularly if our fellow-citizens have been severed from the same community (as ourselves) and have gone over to the name of our enemies; meanwhile, as I was saying, (it is) mercy that makes the distinction between a king and a tyrant as great (as) it is, though both are no less fortified with arms; but the one has arms, which he uses to safeguard peace, (while) the other (uses them) to suppress great hatred by great terror, and yet the very hands, to which he has entrusted himself, he cannot view without concern. (4) He is forced by conflicting (passions) into conflicting (courses); for, since he is hated because he is feared, he wishes to be feared because he is hated, and (as he is) unaware of how great a frenzy can arise when hatred has grown beyond limit, he employs that odious verse which has consigned (so) many to their fall: Let them hate (me), if only they fear (me too). 

For fear in moderation contains (men's) passions, but (a fear that is) constant and sharp, and brings desperation, arouses the inactive to boldness, and urges (them) to try everything. (5) In the same way, a string of feathers may keep wild beasts confined; but let a horseman fall upon the same (creatures) from behind with javelins, they will try to escape through the very same (things) which they had shunned, and they will trample their fear under foot. The very boldest courage is (that) which utter desperation creates. Fear should leave some (sense of) security, and hold out much more hope than dangers; for otherwise, when peaceful (men) have fears that are equal (to those of the active), then will a man delight to run into perils and to end his life as if (it were) another's.      

Chapter 13. (1) A peaceable and tranquil king (finds) that his guards are trustworthy, as he employs them for public safety, and the soldier - for he sees that he is giving his service for the security of the state - (is) proud (and) willing to undergo every hardship, as the guardian of the father (of his country); but (even) his own retinue are bound to dislike the (tyrant who is) harsh and bloodthirsty. (2) No one can keep servants (who have) good will and loyalty, when he uses (them) for (the purpose of) torture, like the rack and the blades of a razor, in readiness for death, (and) to whom he flings men as if they were wild beasts; like all defendants at the bar, (no man is) more wretched and more anxious than (the man) who fears (both) men and gods (as) witnesses and avengers of his crimes, (but) has reached the point where he cannot change his conduct. For, among other (things), cruelty has the dreadful (outcome) that a man must continue down the same path, and that he cannot retrace his steps and open up (a way) to better (things), for crimes must be protected by (further) crimes. But who can be more unhappy than he who is actually compelled to be wicked? (3) O wretched man, greatly to be pitied, at least by himself! For it would be a sin to pity him who has used his power for murder and plunder, who has made himself suspect in all his (dealings), both at home and abroad, who resorts to arms because he fears arms, who trusts neither the loyalty of friends nor the affection of his children; (and he) who, when he has surveyed both what he has done and what he is about to do, has laid bare his conscience, full (as it is) of crimes and tortures, often fears to die, (but) more often prays (to do so), (being even) more hateful to himself than (he is) to his servants. (4) On the other hand, he who has a concern for his entire (country), who guards all (of it) more or less (carefully), (who is) inclined to mild (measures), even when it is to his advantage to punish, and shows how reluctant (he is) to turn his hands to harsh remedies, (5) in whose mind there are no hostile or savage (feelings), (but) who exerts his authority calmly and in a beneficial manner, and desires that his officials should be approved of by his countrymen, who thinks his happiness (is) complete if he can share his good fortune with the public, (who is) affable in speech, easy to approach and to gain access to, lovable in his countenance, (a feature) that earns him great popularity with his people, (who is) disposed (to grant all) reasonable requests, nor (is he) harsh even when (they are) unreasonable, (such a prince) is beloved, protected and worshipped by the whole of his community. (6) Men talk of him in private in the same way that (they talk of him) in public. (Under him,) they are eager to bring up sons, and the childlessness, (once) considered necessary due to public ills, is (now) relaxed; no one doubts that he will deserve well of his children, to whom he has revealed so (happy) an age. Such a prince, protected by his own beneficence, needs no bodyguards, and he wears arms (only) for the sake of display.   

Chapter 14. (1) What then is his duty? (It is) the (duty) of good parents, who are sometimes accustomed to scold their children in a good-natured manner, sometimes (to rebuke them) with threats, (and) sometimes even to admonish them with lashes. No sane man disinherits his son after his first offence, (does he)? Nor does he resort to (so) decisive a sentence (as this), unless many grievous wrongs have exhausted his patience, (or) unless what he fears is greater than what he condemns; (but) before (doing this) he tries many (things) by which he may (be able to) reclaim the character (of his son), hesitant (as he is), though still inclined (to be) in a more evil place; (but,) as soon as (the situation) is hopeless, he tries extreme (measures). (Yet) no one resorts to exacting such punishments, unless he has used up (all possible) remedies. (2) That which a father must do (is) also (the duty) of a prince, whom, induced by no empty flattery, we call "The Father of our Country." Now, other surnames are given in honour; (some men) we have called " The Great," and "The Fortunate," and "The August," and we have accumulated whatever titles we could, attributing ostentatious greatness to them by this (means); but we have called (someone) "The Father of our Country" so that he may know that the power of a father has been given to him, (a power,) which is of the mildest (kind), and which has regard for his children and which puts his own (interests) after theirs. (3) A father (would be) slow to cut off (one of) his own limbs; yes, and when he has severed (it), he would long to restore (it), and, in cutting (it) off he would hesitate and lament greatly and for a long time; for he who (condemns) quickly, is close to being willing to condemn; (and he) who (punishes) too much, is close to punishing unjustly.   

Chapter 15. (1) Within my own memory, the people stabbed a Roman knight (called) Tricho in the forum with their writing-pens, because he had killed his son with lashes; (even) the authority of Augustus Caesar could scarcely save him from the furious hands of both fathers and sons. (2) (On the other hand,) no one failed to admire Tarius, who, having detected his son in a plot of parricide, found him guilty after investigating the case, because (he was) satisfied with exile, and a luxurious exile (at that) as he detained the parricide at Marseilles and provided him with the same annual (allowance) that he was accustomed to give (him, when he was still) innocent; this generosity had the result that, in a city where an advocate is never lacking (even) in he case of villains, no one doubted that the accused had been justly condemned, since the father had been able to condemn him, (even though) he could not hate him.

(3) Through this very example, I will show (you the case of) the good prince, whom you may compare with the good father. When he was about to begin the investigation of his son, Tarius invited Caesar Augustus to (attend) the trial; he came to the hearth of a private citizen, sat beside (him), (and) was a part of another man's (family) council; nor did he say: "Nay, let him rather come to my house"; for if he had done (that), the inquiry would have been Caesar's, not the father's. (4) When the case had been heard, and everything had been scrutinised, both the (things) which the young man had said on his own behalf, and the (things) which were alleged (against him), he begged that each man might write down his own verdict, lest everything should happen which would be (in line) with Caesar's (decision); then, before the tablets were opened, he solemnly swore that he would not accept any hereditary bequest from Tarius, (who was) a rich man. (5) Some one might say: "(He must have) a petty mind to fear that it might be thought that he would be minded towards the condemnation of the son in the hope of his inheriting an estate." I think otherwise; any one of us ought to have sufficient trust in his own good conscience to defend himself against malign conjectures, but princes are bound to give much (attention) even to a rumour. (So,) he solemnly swore that he would not accept an inheritance. (6) Indeed on the very same day, Tarius lost a second heir, but Caesar redeemed the independence of his verdict, and, after he proved that his severity was disinterested -  for a prince should always have regard (for this) - , he said that he should be banished to whatever (place) seemed right to his father. (7) He did not sentence (him) to the leather sack, nor to serpents, nor to prison, being mindful not (of him) on whom he was passing sentence, but (of him) with whom he was (sitting) in judgement; he said that a father ought to be satisfied with the mildest kind of punishment with regard to a very young son (who had been) pushed into (committing) this crime, in which he had behaved (so) timidly that he was not very far from (being) innocent (of it); (nevertheless,) he ought to be removed from the city and from his father's sight.    

Chapter 16. (1) How worthy (was the man,) whom fathers asked to (share) their counsels! How worthy (was the man,) whom they designated as co-heir with their innocent children! This (is) the (sort of) clemency (that) befits a prince; wherever he should go, he should make everything more malleable. 

No one should be so despicable to a king that he should not notice that he is dying; whatever (he may be), he is a part of the realm. (2) With regard to great forms of power, let us seek an example from lesser (ones). There is not (only) one kind of power; a prince exercises power over his citizens, a father over his children, a teacher over his students, a tribune or centurion over his soldiers. (3) Would he not be thought the worst (kind of) father who controls his children with constant lashes for even the most trivial reasons? Yet, which teacher of liberal studies (is) the worthier, (he) who flays the bodies of his pupils, if their memory does not hold up, or if their nimble eyes do not stick (to the lines) while they are reading, or (he) who prefers to improve and instruct (them) by warnings and by (giving them a sense of) shame? (4) Give (me) a harsh tribune or a centurion: he will cause deserters, who may yet be pardoned. (4) For do you think that it is just for a man to be ruled more severely and harshly than we rule dumb animals? Yet, a master skilled in taming (horses) does not terrify a horse by frequent blows; for it will become fearful and stubborn, if you do not soothe (it) with the caressing touch (of your hand). (5) The hunter acts in the same way, whenever he teaches young whelps to follow tracks and when he uses (those who are) already trained to rouse wild beasts and pursue (them): he does not often threaten them - for he would break their spirit (if he did) and whatever nature they have would be impaired by an unworthy fear - , nor does he give (them) licence to roam and wander around in all directions. You may also apply these (things) to (those who are) driving the more sluggish beasts of burden, which, although they were born to (meet with) ill-treatment and miseries, may (yet) be compelled by excessive cruelty to refuse the yoke. 

Chapter 17. (1) No creature is more difficult (to manage), none needs to be handled with greater skill than a man, and none should be treated more sparingly (than he). For what is more foolish than that we should blush to vent our anger on beasts of burden and dogs, (and) yet (allow) a man to be held in the worst of circumstances under (another) man? We are cured of diseases and are not angered (by them); yet, this too is a disease of the mind; it requires gentle treatment and a healer (who is) in no way hostile to (the one who is) sick. (2) It is (the sign) of a bad doctor to despair of effecting a cure; he to whom the health of all (men) is entrusted ought to act in the same way with regard to those whose minds are weakened, nor (to be) quick to give up hope or to pronounce that the symptoms are fatal; he should wrestle with vices, (and) put a stop (to them), he should reproach some for their malady and he should deceive others by a tender (mode of) treatment, and he will cure them more quickly and more thoroughly, if the remedies should escape their notice; (in the same way,) a prince should take care not only of (his people's) welfare, but also that their scars (should be) honourable. (3) A king derives no glory from cruel punishments - for who can doubt that he has the power (to inflict them)? - , but, on the other hand, much good (will come to him), if he can keep his power in check, if can save many from the wrath of others, (and) assign no one to his own.     

Chapter 18. (1) It is creditable to command slaves in a moderate fashion. Even in the case of a human possession one ought to consider, not how much he can suffer without impunity, but how much the natural (principle) of equity and goodness, which requires (you) to act sparingly even towards prisoners of war and (those whom have) procured for a price, permits you (to inflict). How much more justly does it require (you) to treat (them) as decent freeborn men, (and) not as chattels, but as those whom you surpass in station, and (whose) protection, not their servitude, has been entrusted to you. (2) Slaves are allowed to seek refuge at the statue (of a god); although the laws allow everything (to be done) with regard to a slave, (yet) with regard to a human being, there is something which the common right of (all) living creatures refuses to allow.

(3) Just as cruel masters are pointed at (with scorn) in all (parts of) the city, and are hated and loathed, so too is the injustice of kings exposed more widely, and their infamy and the hatred (they incur) are handed down through the ages; yet, how much better it would have been not to have been born than to be numbered among (those who have been) born to harm the public. 

Chapter 19. (1) By whatever means or by whatever right he has been put in charge of other (men), no one can imagine anything that is more becoming to a sovereign than clemency,  We shall, of course, confess it to be the more beautiful and the more admirable, the greater the power under which it is displayed, and this ought not to be harmful, if it is joined to nature's law. (2) For nature (herself) has devised (the idea of) a king, (something) which you may learn about from other animals, and, (especially,) from bees; their king (n.b. the ancients did not realise that bees have a queen not a king) has the most spacious cell and (it is situated) in a central and very safe spot; moreover, he (himself) is free from work (and is) the superintendent of the work of the others, and, if they lose their king, they all scatter, and they never tolerate more than one, and they discover the (one which is) better through a fight; furthermore, the appearance of the king is striking and different from (that of) the others, both in size and in splendour. (3) However, his most remarkable distinction (is) this: (while) bees are very irascible and, in relation to the size of their bodies, the most pugnacious (of creatures), and they leave their stings in their wounds, the king, himself, is without a sting; nature did not want him to be cruel, or to seek a revenge that would be very costly, and has taken away his weapon and left his anger unarmed. 

This is a mighty model for great kings; for it is her custom to busy herself in small (matters) and to provide the smallest examples of great things. (4) We should not be ashamed to take lessons from such small creatures, since the mind of man ought to be more restrained as it can do such great harm. Would that the same law were (applied) to man, and that his anger was destroyed together with its weapon, and that he could not do harm more often than once, nor wreak his  hatreds through the strength of others! For his rage would readily grow tired, if he could (only) satisfy it through himself, and if he could (only) give vent to his violence at the risk of death. (5) But not even now is this a safe course for a man; for he must fear as much as he wishes to be feared, and he must watch every man's hands, and, even at a time when he is not being pursued, he must consider that he is under attack, and he cannot have a single moment free from fear. Could anyone endure to live such a life, when, (being) harmless to others, and, for this (reason), fearless, he can manage the beneficial right of power to the joy of all? For it is an error, if anyone thinks that the king is safe in a place where nothing is safe from the king; security must be exchanged for reciprocal security. (6) There is no need (for him) to erect lofty citadels on high, nor to secure steep hills against ascent, nor to cut away mountains, nor to protect himself with multiple walls and towers: (it is) well known that mercy will keep a king safe. His one impregnable defence is the love of his citizens. 

(7) What is more glorious than to live a life which all (men) hope (will be a long one), and for which they all voice their prayers when no one is watching (them)? (And) to excite not men's hopes but their fears, if one's health falters a little? (And) when no one should have anything so precious that he would not be willing to exchange it for his chieftain's safety? (8) O (let) nothing happen to him, as he would also owe (it) to himself to live (a long life); to that extent he has shown by constant proofs of his goodness, that the state does not belong to him, but (that he belongs) to the state. Who would dare to plot any danger to such (a man as him), under whose (sway) justice, peace, chastity, security, (and) honour (all) flourish, (and) under whom the state abounds in an opulent store of good (things)? Nor should he look upon his ruler with any other emotion than, if the immortal gods would vouchsafe (us) the power to behold (them), we should gaze at (them, while) venerating and worshipping (them). (9) Now what? Does he not keep a place very close to those (very beings), who behaves in accordance with the nature of the gods, (and who is) obliging and generous, and uses his power for the better? It is right to aspire to be like him and to imitate him, so that you may be thought (to be) the greatest as well as the best (of mankind). 

Chapter 20. (1) A prince usually inflicts punishment for (one of) two reasons, either to assert his own rights or (those of) another. With regard to this situation, I shall first discuss (the one) which concerns himself, for it is more difficult to be restrained when taking revenge is the result of anguish rather than when (it is used to deliver) a warning. (2) At this point it is superfluous to warn (him) not to believe (too) readily, but to examine the truth (with care), to favour innocence, and to appear to understand that (what has been) done (is) no less the business of the one who is on trial as (it is that) of the judge; now we are encouraging (him) to keep his feelings under control, (even) when he has been clearly injured, and to remit any punishment, if he can (do so) in safety, (and,) if not, to act with temperance, and to be much more understanding with regard to his own injuries than with regard to (those done) to others. (3) For just as the magnanimous (man) is not (the one) who is free with another's (belongings), but he who deprives himself of what he gives to someone else, so I shall not call (him) merciful (who looks) good-naturedly upon another's misfortune, but him who, (even) when he is harassed by stings of his own, does not become restive, but who understands that it is magnanimous to endure injuries (even) in (the midst of) supreme power, and that nothing is more glorious than a prince who has received an injury without avenging (it). 

Chapter 21. (1)  Revenge usually achieves two purposes: it either brings compensation to the (person) who has received the wrong, or (it provides him with) security for the future. The wealth of a prince is too great for him to need compensation, and his power is too evident for him to seek a reputation for strength by harming another. I am talking of a situation, when (he is) attacked and injured by his inferiors; for if he sees that (those) whom he once regarded (as) his equals, (are now) beneath him, he is sufficiently avenged. A slave, and a serpent, and an arrow may kill a king; yet no one can save (a man), unless he is greater than the one whom he saved. (2) So, (he who has) the power of giving and taking away life ought to (use) that great gift of the gods in a thoughtful manner. (This is so,) especially (when) he has obtained his superiority over those whom he knows (were) once equal to him, (and he has) acquired the knowledge that he has discharged his revenge and accomplished all that was enough for genuine punishment; for he must have (already) have lost his life who owes (it to someone else), and, whoever (has been) cast down from on high (and lies) at the feet of his enemy, and has awaited the verdict of another concerning his life and his throne, increases (both) the glory of his saviour and (that) of his own reputation more if he lives and (remains) unhurt, than if he is removed from the the eyes (of men). For he remains a constant testimony (to the prowess) of another; (whereas) in a triumph he would have passed quickly (out of sight). (3) But, if it has also been possible safely to leave his throne in his possession, and to restore (him) to the place from which he has fallen, his fame will grow with increasing greatness, as he was content to take from a conquered king nothing but his glory. This is to triumph even over his own victories, and to prove that he had found nothing in the possession of the vanquished that was worthy of a victor. (4) (When dealing) with his fellow-citizens, and the unknown, and (those who are) of a lowly status, you should treat them in a more moderate manner, as it is less (of a problem) to crush them. Some you would gladly spare, and in the case of some you would be reluctant to vindicate yourself, just as, in the case of little insects which defile you when you crush (them), it is necessary to withdraw you hands; but, with regard to those who (are) on the community's lips, (both those who) have been saved or punished, you should take advantage of the opportunity for a notable (act of) mercy.  

Chapter 22. (1) Let us (now) pass on to the injuries (done) to others, in avenging which the law has pursued these three (ends), (things) which a prince also ought to aim at: (these are) either that it improves him, whom it punishes, or that his punishment may make other (men) better, or that, when bad (man) are removed (from the scene), the rest may live more securely. You will improve the (men) themselves more readily by a slight punishment; for he, to whom something is left untouched, will live more carefully. No one is protective of a ruined reputation; it is now a kind of impunity to have no opportunity left for punishment. (2) Moreover, (to be) sparing of punishments will better correct the morals of the community; for a multitude of sinners creates a habit of sinning, and (a habit) that a host of condemnations makes it easier (to adopt) is thought (to be) less shameful, and the severity which provides the greatest remedy loses its authority through frequent repetition. (3) A prince will establish a good (standard of) morals for his state, and he will wash away vices, if (only) he is patient in (dealing) with them - not as if he should seem to approve (of them) but as if he should come to punishing (them) with reluctance and with great (personal) suffering. The very mercifulness of a sovereign creates a dread of sinning; a punishment which is decreed by a mild man seems much heavier (than it is). 

Chapter 23. (1) Moreover, you will discover that the sins which are frequently punished (are the ones which) are frequently committed. Your father (i.e. Claudius) sewed up more men in a sack (i.e. a leather bag designed to hold liquids) within a five-year period than we understand to have been sewn up in all (previous) centuries. Children were much less ready to commit the ultimate offence (i.e. parricide), when this crime was without its (own special) law. For, in their very great wisdom, men of the highest (distinction), and most experienced in the nature of things, preferred to pass over this crime as if (it were) unbelievable, and (were) regarded (as) beyond anyone's audacity, (rather) than, while punishing (it), to show that it could be done; so, parricides began with a law, and the punishment pointed out (the fact of) the deed to their children; and, in truth, filial piety was (now) in a bad place, after we saw (that) sacks (were used) more often than crosses (i.e. the instruments upon which most criminals were executed by crucifixion). (2) In a state in which men are rarely punished, a common understanding of innocence is created, and it is encouraged as a public benefit. A state, which thinks itself to be innocent, will be; it will be all the more angry with those who deviate from the common (sense of) restraint, if it sees that they are (but) a few. It is dangerous, believe me, to show a state how evil so many (men) are.  

Chapter 24. (1) A proposal was once put forward by the senate that their dress should distinguish slaves from free men; it then became apparent how great a danger would threaten (us) if our slaves had begun to count our numbers. Be assured that you should be afraid of the same (thing happening) if no one is pardoned; it will quickly become apparent how far the inferior element of the community would outnumber (us). Numerous executions are no less shameful to a prince than numerous funerals (are) to a physician; one who governs more mildly is better obeyed. (2) The mind of a man is obstinate by nature, and it struggles against hostility and hardship, and it follows more readily than it is led; and, as well-bred and high-spirited horses are better managed by a loose rein, so voluntary integrity pursues mercy under its own impulse, and the state thinks that what it keeps safe (is) worthwhile. So, by these means more good is accomplished. 

Chapter 25. (1) Cruelty is not at all a vice of man, and (is) so unworthy of his gentle spirit; it is the madness of a wild beast to delight in blood and wounds, and to cast off the man and turn (oneself) into  a creature of the woods. For what is the difference, I ask you, Alexander, (whether) you throw Lysimachus (n.b. he was one of Alexander the Great's bodyguards and is reputed to have been sentenced to death for some offence by being shut up in a chamber with a lion; however, he killed the lion with his own hands and afterwards became a great favourite of Alexander, becoming in due course one of his successor kings) to a lion, or (whether) you yourself tear (him) to pieces with your teeth? That mouth is yours (and) yours (is) its savagery. O how much rather you would have wished that those claws could be yours, (and) that those gaping jaws of yours should be capable of devouring men! We do not expect of you that that hand of yours, the sure murderer of your closest friends, should be of any benefit to anyone, (or) that your proud spirit, that insatiable (source of) evil to (all) nations, should be satisfied (with anything) short of blood and slaughter; it is now called mercy when the butcher who must (undertake) the killing of your friend is chosen from among men. (2) It is for this reason that cruelty should be (considered) so very abominable, because firstly it goes well beyond the usual limits, then those of humanity, (and) it searches for new (kinds of) punishment, it summons ingenuity (into play) to invent new devices, through which suffering can be varied and prolonged, (and) it delights in the afflictions of mankind; then, the dread disease of the mind reaches the furthest (point of) insanity, when cruelty has turned into a (source of) pleasure, and to kill a man has now become a joy. (3) Loathing, hatred, poisons, (and) the sword follows at the heels of such a man; he is assailed by as many perils as the many (men) to whom he himself is a peril, and sometimes he is beset by the plots of private individuals, (and) at other times even by a public uprising. For the trivial destruction of a private individual does not move whole cities, (but that) which begins to cause widespread rage and affects everyone is shot at from all directions. (4) Tiny snakes go unnoticed, nor are they publicly hunted; (but) when one of them exceeds its usual size and grows into a monster, (and,) when it poisons fountains with its spittle, and, if it breathes, it scorches and ruins (everything) wherever it slithers, it is assailed by catapults. Petty evils can cheat and evade (us), but we take action against the big (ones). (5) So, one sick (person) does not even disturb his household; but when it is apparent from frequent deaths that there is a plague, there is an outcry and a flight from the community, and our fists are shaken at the very gods themselves. (If) a fire is seen beneath some single roof, the family and their neighbours hurl water (on it); but a vast conflagration, which has already destroyed many houses, leads to the ruin of a large (part) of the city.  

Chapter 26. (1) The hands of slaves have (sometimes) avenged the cruelty of private individuals, even under the certain risk of crucifixion; nations and peoples have sought the destruction of tyrants, both those who have experienced their wickedness and those whom it threatened. Sometimes their own guardsmen have risen against them, and have practised upon them their own treachery, and disloyalty, and brutality, and whatever else they may have learned from them. For what can anyone expect from him, whom he has taught to be evil? For (a man's) wickedness is not to be seen for a long time, nor does it offend for as long as it is bid. (2) But suppose cruelty can be (exercised) in safety, what sort of kingdom would this be? Just like the shape of captured cities and the frightful scenes of public panic. Everywhere (there is) sadness, alarm, (and) disorder; their very pleasures are the source of dread; they cannot attend banquets in safety, where they must carefully guard their tongues, even in their cups, nor (go to) public performances, at which the material for an accusation and a lawsuit (against them) is sought. Although great outlays are apparent from the wealth of royalty and from the famous names of the artists, yet what delights can games bring (when you are) in prison?       

(3) Good god, what a wretched (thing) it is to kill, to rage, to delight at the sound of chains, and to cut off the heads of one's fellow-citizens, (and,) wherever one goes, to shed much blood and terrify (everyone) and cause them to flee from one's sight? What else (than this) would life be (like), if lions and bears were our masters, (and) if power over us were to be given to serpents and each of the most harmful creatures? (4) (Even) these (animals), devoid of reason (as they are) and condemned by us of the crime of savagery, spare their own (kind), and likeness provides (a source of) safety even among wild beasts; (but) the fury (of tyrants) is not withheld even from their own kin, but strangers and friends are treated alike, and the more they indulge their passion, the more violent (it becomes). Then he proceeds from the slaughter of individuals to the ruin of nations, and he thinks (it is a sign) of his power to set fire to roofs, (and) to drive a plough over (the sites of) ancient cities; and he considers that to order one or two (people) to be put to death (is) too small (a show of) imperial (might); unless a herd of poor wretches are stood beneath the blade at the same time, he thinks his cruelty has been checked.     

(5) True happiness (lies) in giving safety to many (people) and in calling (them) back to life from the very (verge of) death, and by earning the civic (crown) by (showing) mercy. No ornament is more worthy than the eminence of a prince or more beautiful than that crown for saving (the lives) of fellow-citizens; not the hostile weapons torn from the vanquished, nor chariots stained with the blood of barbarians, nor the spoils acquired in war. This power which saves in crowds and all together is godlike; but to kill (so) many and (to do so) indiscriminately, is the power of fire and ruin.   

BOOK II. 

Chapter 1. (1) A single utterance of yours, Nero Caesar, has especially led me, to write on the subject of mercy, and, when it was said, I remember that I heard (it) not without admiration, and then that I told (it) to others, (as it was) a noble saying, (showing) your great mind and your great gentleness, which, (while) it was not composed or prepared for others' ears, suddenly burst out (from you), and it brought out into the open your kind-heartedness, as you chafed against your lot. (2) Your prefect Burrus (i.e. Sextus Afranius Burrus, A.D 1-62, Prefect of the Praetorian Guard), a distinguished man, and born (to serve such) a prince as you, was about to order the execution of two brigands, (and) was pressing you to write down who (they were) and the grounds on which you wished (them) to be executed, (and) he was insisting. When he reluctantly produced the document and handed (it) to you, (who was also) reluctant, you exclaimed: "I wish I had never learned my letters!" (3) O worthy saying which all nations should hear, (those) who inhabit the Roman empire, and (those) who dwell on its borders, uncertain of their liberty, and (those) who, through their strength or their courage, rise up against it! O saying which should have been spoken at a meeting of all mankind, whose words (all) princes and kings should swear (to honour)! O saying worthy of the universal innocence of the human race, to whom that ancient (golden) age should be restored! (4) Now we really ought to agree to (love) righteousness and goodness and to drive away the desire for (the belongings) of others, from which arises every evil of the heart, that piety and uprightness should rise again together with honour and temperance, and that vice, having misused its long reign, should give way at last to an age of happiness and purity. 

Chapter 2. (1) We like to hope and trust, Caesar, that, to a great extent, this will happen. Let that mildness of your heart be gradually transmitted and spread throughout the whole body of the empire, and that all (parts of it) will be shaped in your likeness. Good health (comes) from the head: as a result, all (things) are lively and alert, or drooping with weariness, according as to whether their animating spirit has life or is withering away. There will be citizens, there will be allies (who are) worthy of this goodness, and upright morals will be restored to the whole world; everywhere your hands will be spared. (2) Allow me to linger (a little) longer on this (saying of yours), not so that (it is) flattering to your ears - for this is not my custom; I would prefer to offend by (telling) the truth than to curry favour by flattery -; what then is (my reason for doing so)? Besides wishing that you should be as familiar as possible with your own good deeds and remarks, so that what is now a natural impulse may become a (matter of considered) judgment, I am reflecting upon this in my (mind) that many great, but dreadful, sayings have entered into human life and have become publicly famous, such as this (one): "Let them hate (me), so long as they fear (me)," which is like that Greek verse, in which a man bids the earth be engulfed in fires after he is dead (i.e. έμοῦ θανόντος γαῖα μιχθήτω πνρί, see the Greek Anthology 704), and others of this type. (3) But, I know not how, (men of) talent, when dealing with a savage and hateful theme, have orally expressed violent and aggressive thoughts in a more propitious (manner); never yet have I heard from good and gentle (lips) such a spirited voice. What then is (my conclusion)? (It is) that on rare occasions, (and) with great reluctance, and with much hesitation, you must sometimes write the kind of thing, which has led you to hate your letters, but (you should do so), as you do (now), with great hesitation and with many postponements.  

Chapter 3. (1) But lest perhaps the plausible name of mercy should sometimes deceive us and lead (us) into the opposite (direction), let us see what mercy is, and what is its nature, and what limits it has.  

Mercy is the restraining of the mind when it has the power to avenge, or the lenience of a man of high rank when fixing the punishment of a man of inferior status. Lest one definition may not cover the (whole) subject, and, so to speak, the case (for it) is lost, it is safer to propose more (than one); and so it can also be called an inclination of the mind towards lenience in exacting punishment. (2) The following definition may meet with objections, however closely it comes to the truth, if we should say that mercy is the moderation that remits something from a punishment that is deserved and due: the objection will be made that no virtue (ever) gives any man less than his due. And yet all (men) understand that mercy is something that stops short of the (penalty) which could be justly inflicted.      

Chapter 4. (1) (Those who are) ignorant think that its opposite (is) severity; but no virtue is opposite to a virtue. What then is the opposite of mercy? (It is) cruelty, which is nothing other than harshness of mind in exacting punishments. "But," (you say, "there are) some (who) do not exact punishments, yet are cruel, such as (those) who kill men (who are) unknown (to them), and not for the purpose of gain, but for the sake of killing, and not content with killing, they torture (them), such as that Busiris (i.e. a king of Egypt who used to sacrifice strangers, and was killed by Hercules) and Procrustes (i.e. an Attic highwayman, who tortured his victims on a bed, and who was killed by Theseus) and those pirates who flog their captives and (then) place (them) alive in a fire." (2) This, indeed, (is) cruelty, but it does not aim at vengeance - for there has been no injury - nor is anger aroused by any sin - for no crime preceded (it) - , it falls outside our definition; for our definition comprised a lack of mental restraint when exacting punishments. We may say that this is not cruelty, but a ferocity that finds pleasure in torture; (or) we may call (it) madness: for there are many kinds of this, and there is nothing more surely (related to madness) than (that) which leads to the slaughter and mangling of human beings. (3) I shall therefore call those (persons) cruel, who do have a reason for punishing, (but who) have no (sense of) moderation, like Phalaris (i.e. the tyrant of Acragas on the south coast of Sicily in the middle of the sixth century B.C. who was renowned for his excessive cruelty), who is said to have tortured men, even (though they were) not innocent, but (to have done so) in an inhuman and incredible manner. We can avoid sophistry and define (things) in such a way that cruelty is an inclination of the mind towards harshness. This (quality) mercy repels, and bids (it) stand far away from it; (but) with strictness it is in harmony.    

(4) It is pertinent to our subject to ask at this point what pity is; for very many (people) commend it as a virtue, and call a man good (who is) full of pity. (But) this too is a mental defect. For both of these (qualities) (i.e. cruelty and pity) are built around strictness and around mercy, and we ought to avoid them; for on the pretext of strictness we fall into cruelty, (and) on the pretext of mercy (we fall) into pity. In the latter (case) one can err with less risk, but the error of departing from the truth is equal (in both cases). 

Chapter 5. (1)  Therefore, just as religion honours the gods, (while) superstition violates (them), so all good men will show mercy and gentleness, but will avoid pity; for it is the failing of a weak mind that it succumbs to the sight of others' misfortunes. So it is most commonly found among all the worst (people); there are old women and girls, who are moved by the tears of the most wicked (criminals), (and) who, if they could, would break open their prison. Pity does not see the cause (of something), but (merely) the misfortune (that follows); mercy takes account of reason. 

(2) I know that the school of the Stoics is unpopular among the ill-informed, as being excessively harsh and not all likely to give good counsel to princes and kings; the criticism is made of it that it denies the wise man (the right) to show pity, (and) denies (him the right) to pardon. These (stipulations), if taken by themselves, are (indeed) odious; for they appear to leave no hope of (repairing) human errors, but all wrongs lead to punishment. (3) But, if this is (the case), what wisdom can it be that bids (us) forget human (feeling) and exclude (ourselves) from mutual assistance, that surest haven (of refuge) against misfortune? But no school (of philosophy) is more benign and more gentle, nor more loving of mankind and more concerned to promote the common good, (seeing) that it sets out to be of service and of help, not to itself only, but to consult the interests of each and all of us. (4) Pity is a sickness of the mind, brought about by the sight of other men's miseries, or the sadness (which arises) from other men's misfortunes, which it believes have been inflicted undeservedly; but no sorrow befalls the wise man; his mind is serene, and nothing can happen which will disturb it. And nothing befits a man more than a great mind; but a great (mind) and a sorrowful (one) cannot be the same. (5) Sorrow blunts (men's) minds, dissipates and hampers (them); this cannot happen to the wise man, even in his greatest misfortunes, but he will beat back every rage of fortune and crush it beforehand; he will always preserve the same calm, unshaken appearance, (something) which he could not do, if he were susceptible to sorrow.  

Chapter 6. (1) Add (to this) that the wise (man) also has foresight, (and) has a plan in readiness; yet nothing clear and pure ever comes from a disturbed (source). Sorrow is unfit to discern courses of action, to devise useful expedients, to avoid dangers, or to weigh just (causes); so, (the wise man) will not feel pity, because this does not happen unless he has a mental affliction. (2) He will do gladly and with an exalted spirit all those (things), which (those) who feel pity are wont to do; he will dry another's tears, (but) he will not add (his own); he will give his hand to the shipwrecked (mariner), (he will offer) hospitality to the exile, (and) alms to the needy, not in that offensive (manner), in which the greater part of those who wish to appear full of pity (would act), (when) he throws down (his alms) and scorns (those) whom he assists, and fears to be touched by them, but as a man would give a man from the common (stock); he will restore a son amid a mother's tears, and he will order (a prisoner's) chains to be loosed, and he will bury the body even of a criminal, but he will do these (things) with a tranquil mind and with a countenance (all) of his own. (3) So, the wise (man) will not pity (people) but will succour (them) and be of service to (them), seeing that he was born to (bring) help to all and to serve the welfare of the public, from (the stock) of which he will give everyone a share. He will even entrust a due measure of his bounty to those disastrous (persons) who deserve to be censured and corrected; but he will much more willingly come to the assistance of the distressed and (those) struggling with misfortune. Whenever he can, he will obstruct (the stroke) of fortune; for how will he make better use of his resources and his strength than to restore what chance has overthrown? Nor indeed will he avert his countenance or his sympathy because of some man's dry or ragged skin, and because he is supporting his aged body with a staff; but he will do good to all (those) who deserve (it), and, like the gods, he will look graciously upon (all those) who are in trouble. 

(4) Pity is akin to misery; for it is (partly) composed of it and (partly) derived from it. You know that eyes are weak if they themselves become suffused at (the sight of) another's bleariness, just as it is not merriment but a disease, by god, always to laugh when (others) are laughing, and (it is) also (a disease) to open one's jaws whenever all others are yawning; pity is a defect in the minds (of those) who are excessively disturbed by suffering, and, if anyone requires this from a wise (man), it is very similar to requiring lamentation and groans (from him) at the funerals of strangers.  

Chapter 7. (1) "But," (some may ask,) "why should he not pardon?" Well then, let us now also decide what a pardon is, and we shall know that it ought not to be granted by a wise (man). A pardon is the remission of a deserved punishment. Those, of whom this (question) has been asked, give the reason at some length why a wise (man) ought not to grant this; so I shall speak briefly, as though I am (expressing) the opinion of another: "Pardon is given to someone who ought to be punished; but a wise man does nothing which he ought not to do, (and) he omits (to do) nothing which he ought (to do), and so he does not condone a punishment which he ought to exact. (2) But he will bestow upon you in a more honourable way that which you wish to attain from a pardon, for the wise (man) will show forbearance, will be considerate, and will put (things) right; he will do the same (thing) that (he would do), if he were to pardon, and yet he will not pardon, since (he) who does pardon, admits that he has neglected (to do) something which ought to have been done. One man he will only admonish with words, and he will not inflict a punishment if he considers that his age will permit his reform; another man, who is clearly struggling under the odium of crime, he will order to be acquitted, because he was deceived, or because he lapsed on account of (drinking) wine; he lets his enemies go unharmed, sometimes even having praised (them), if they were summoned to war for honourable reasons, such as to maintain their loyalty, or a treaty, or their liberty. (3) All these (actions) are not works of pardon but of mercy. Mercy has the freedom of decision; it does not make judgments on the basis of some (legal) formula, but in accordance with what is fair and good; it may absolve a man, and assess damages at whatever (rate) it wishes. It does none of these (things), as though it were doing less than is just, but as though that which it has decided is the most just (decision); but to pardon is to fail to punish someone whom you judge (to be) worthy of punishment; pardon is the remission of a punishment which is due. Mercy performs The first (duty) that mercy performs (is) this, that it declares that (those) whom it lets off ought not to have suffered anything else; it is more comprehensive, and more honourable, than a pardon."    

(4) As my opinion indicates, this is a disagreement about words, but there is agreement about the matter (at issue). The wise (man) will remit many (punishments), (and) he will preserve many (who are) not at all sound, but (who are) of a curable character. He will be like good farmers, who cultivate not only the trees that are straight; but they also attach stakes to those which are crooked for some reason; others they trim, in order that their branches do not restrict their height, they fertilise some (that are) weak due to poor soil, (and,) to some (that are) suffering from the shade of others, they expose the sky. (5) (The wise man) will see that (a man's) character can be managed by some treatment, that the (things that are) crooked can be turned into (something) straight ..... (? unfinished.)