TACITUS: "ANNALES": BOOK II.
Introduction:
Readers are invited to turn to the 'Introduction' to Sabidius' translation of Tacitus' "Annales", Book I, published on 20th March 2023.
A. GERMANICUS VICTORIOUS (Chs. 1-32).
Chapter 1. The situation in the East.
(When) Sisenna Statilius Taurus (and) Lucius (Scribonius) Libo (were) consuls (i.e. in 16 A.D.), the kingdoms and Roman provinces of the East (were) troubled, the beginning (of this) arising among the Parthians, who despised as a foreigner the king whom they had sought and received from Rome, even though he was of the family of the Arsacids. He was Vonones (i.e. Vonones I, reigned 8-12 A.D), given to Augustus by Phraates (IV) (i.e. King of Parthia 37-2 B.C.) (as) a hostage. For Phraates, although he had expelled (a number of) Roman armies and generals, had shown Augustus every token of reverence, and had sent (him) some of his children so as to strengthen their friendship, not so much from fear of us as from distrust of his people's loyalty.
Chapter 2. The Parthians reject Vonones I; commotions in the East.
After the death of Phraates and the succeeding kings due to internal bloodshed, envoys came to the City from the chief men of the Parthians in order to summon Vonones, the eldest of his sons. Caesar (i.e. Augustus) considered this a great honour to himself, and enriched (him) with wealth. The barbarians, too, received (him) with joy, as (is) generally (the case) with regard to new rulers. (Feelings of) shame soon followed, that the Parthians had degenerated: that their king (had been) sought from another world, (one who was) tainted with the traits of their enemies; (and) that the throne of the Arsacids was now being held and given away among the provinces of Rome. Where, (they asked), was that glory of the men who had slaughtered Crassus (i.e. at the battle of Carrhae in 53 B.C.) (and) driven out Antony (i.e. in 36 B.C.), if a slave of Caesar, who had endured servitude for so many years, should rule over the Parthians? And he himself provoked their scorn, diverging from the habits of their ancestors, by rarely hunting, by (showing) little interest in horses, by his carriage in a litter whenever he proceeded through cities, and by his disdain for their traditional banquets. Both his Greek attendants and his (practice of) enclosing the most common household utensils under seal were ridiculed. But (he was) easy to approach, his courtesy (was) evident, (yet) his virtues (were) unfamiliar to the Parthians, (and) his vices new (to them); and because (these were) alien to their customs, (there was) hatred of them, good and bad alike.
Chapter 3. Prior history in Armenia.
Accordingly, Artabanus (i.e. reigned 12-41 A.D.) was summoned, (he who was descended) from the Arsacids, and who had grown up among the Dahae (i.e. a people of Scythia), and, although routed in his first engagement, he rallied his forces and took possession of the kingdom. The (place of) refuge for the conquered Vonones was Armenia, then without a ruler and (situated) between the empires of the Parthians and of the Romans, without loyalty (to either), on account of the crime of Antony, who, under the guise of friendship, (had) tricked, then loaded with chains, (and) finally murdered Artavasdes, the king of the Armenians (n.b. he was captured by Antony in 34 B.C. and sent to Alexandria, where he was decapitated by Queen Cleopatra VII of Egypt after the Battle of Actium in 31 B.C.). His son Artaxias (i.e. Artaxias II, reigned 34-20 B.C.), hostile to us on account of his father's memory, found safety for himself and his kingdom in the strength of the Arsacids. When Artaxias was slain, through the treachery of his kinsmen, Tigranes (was) given to the Armenians by Caesar (i.e. Augustus), and put on the throne by Tiberius Nero (i.e. in 20 B.C.). But neither Tigranes (III) (i.e. reigned 20-8 B.C.) nor his children (i.e. Tigranes IV, reigned 2 B.C.- 1 A.D.) and Erato, reigned 8-5 B.C. and 2 B.C. - 1 A.D. as co-ruler with her brother and husband Tigranes IV) had a long reign, although they were united by foreign custom in marriage and in royal power.
Chapter 4. Vonones is removed from the rule of Armenia.
Next, Artavasdes (i.e. Artavasdes III, reigned 5-2 B.C.) (was) imposed (on the country) by order of Augustus, and (he was) deposed, not without disaster for us. Then, Gaius Caesar (i.e. cos. 1 A.D. and Augustus' grandson) was appointed to settle affairs in Armenia. He put Ariobarzanes, a Mede by origin, in charge (of the country) and he was willingly (accepted) by the Armenians on account of his distinguished bodily appearance and his noble spirit (i.e. he reigned from 2 B.C to 4 A.D.). (But,) on the death of Ariobarzanes, killed in an accident, they would not tolerate his son, and having tried the government of a woman, whose name was Erato (i.e. she was co-ruler from 6-12 A.D. with Tigranes V, whom she may have married), and, having driven her out shortly afterwards, bewildered and in chaos, and more without a ruler than (being) in liberty, they accepted Vonones on the throne (i.e. he reigned in Armenia from 15 to 18 A.D.). But when Artabanus (i.e. the king of the Parthians, who had displaced Vonones as king of the Parthians in 12 A.D.) began to threaten and not enough support could be expected from the Armenians, or, if he were to be upheld by our forces, war with the Parthians would have to be undertaken, the governor of Syria, Creticus Silanus, (i.e. Quintus Caecilius Metellus Creticus Silanus, cos 7. A.D.) summoned (him) and kept (him) in custody, although allowing him to retain his luxurious (life-style) and the name of king. How Vonones planned to escape from this mockery I shall set out in the right place.
Chapter 5. Germanicus continues his campaign in Germany.
But to Tiberius the disturbance that was happening in the East was not unwelcome, as it gave (him) the pretext for withdrawing Germanicus from his accustomed legions and putting (him) over new provinces (where) he would be exposed to both treachery and accidents. He, however, the greater (was) his soldiers devotion to him and his uncle's ill-will, the more intent (he was) on a speedy victory, as he pondered on his campaign strategies and the successes and failures which had befallen him (in what was) now three years of waging war. (He knew) that the Germans were beaten on the battle-field and on level ground, (and) that they were helped by woods, swamps, a short summer and an early winter; his own troops were affected not so much by wounds as by the extent of their marches (and) by the damage to their armour; Gaul (was) exhausted by having to supply horses; a lengthy baggage-train (was) exposed to ambush, and awkward for those defending (it). But, if they were to invade from the sea, occupation (would be) easy for them and unknown to the enemy, at the same time the campaign might begin earlier, and the legions and their provisions might be conveyed together; the cavalry and their horses would (arrive) intact, by means of the mouths and beds of the rivers into the heart of Germany.
Chapter 6. Approach by water; Germanicus prepares for his German campaign.
Therefore, he directed his attention to this (course), and Publius Vitellius and Gaius Antius (were) sent to (carry out) a census of Gaul (i.e. to assess its liability for taxation). (Gaius) Silius (i.e. cos. 13 A.D.), Anteius, and (Aulus) Caecina (Severus) (i.e. cos. suff. 1. B.C.) were put in charge of building a fleet. A thousand ships seemed to be sufficient and (were) hastily (constructed), some (being) short (in length), and with a narrow stern and stem and broad-bellied, by which they might more easily withstand the waves; others (were) flat-bottomed, so that they might run aground without damage; (still) more had rudders placed at both ends, so that they might drive (the boat) here or there, having suddenly reversed (the direction of) their rowing; many (were) covered with decks, on which catapults might be conveyed, (and were) also fit for carrying horses or supplies; equipped with sails, and hastily augmented by oars through the enthusiasm of the soldiers, (the fleet was) formidable in its appearance. The island of the Batavians (was) appointed (as the place) on which they might gather (i.e. the point of rendevous), on account of (its being) an easy landing-place, and its suitability for assembling the troops and sending (them) on campaign. For the Rhine, after continuing without a break in a single channel, or encircling some insignificant islands, divides itself, so to speak, into two rivers, and it retains its name and the rapidity of its course, (in the stream) which flows through Germany, until it mingles with the ocean (i.e. the North Sea): on the Gallic bank its flow (is) broader and more gentle - its inhabitants call (it) the Vahal (i.e. the River Waal) by an altered name - , (and) that designation is soon also changed to the river Mosa (i.e. the River Meuse), and through its vast mouth (i.e. the Rhine delta) it pours itself forth into the same ocean.
Chapter 7. Germanicus restores the altar dedicated by his father.
But Caesar (i.e. Germanicus), while the ships were being brought in, ordered his legate Silius to make a raid on the Chatti with a light-armed force. Nor, due to sudden rainfall, could anything be done by Silius other than to carry off a modest (quantity of) booty and the wife and daughter of Arpus, chief of the Chatti, nor did the besiegers give Caesar the opportunity of a battle, as they dispersed at the news of his arrival: but they had destroyed the funeral mound lately constructed (to commemorate) the legions of Varus, and an old altar set up by Drusus (i.e. Germanicus' father, Nero Claudius Drusus, cos. 9 B.C.). The prince restored the altar, and himself paraded with his legions in honour of his father. And the whole (of the countryside) between Fort Aliso and the Rhine was thoroughly fortified by new boundary lines and earthworks.
Chapter 8. Germanicus sails his fleet to the River Ems.
By now the fleet had arrived, (and,) when supplies (had been) sent forward and the ships distributed to the legions and allied (troops), he (i.e. Germanicus) entered the fosse, to which the name of Drusus (is given), and prayed to his father Drusus to help him, now that he was venturing, willingly and calmly, on the same (things), by the example and the memory of his plans and deeds, (and) from there he was conveyed by a favourable voyage through the lakes and the ocean as far as the river Amisia (i.e. the River Ems). His fleet remained at the mouth of the Amisia, on the left (bank) of the river, and an error was made, in that he did not have the soldiers brought upstream or disembarked in countryside on the right (bank) where they were intended to go; so many days (were) spent in bridge-building. The cavalry, indeed, and the legions fearlessly crossed the first of the estuaries, where the tide had not yet risen: the rear column of the auxiliaries, and the Batavians (were) in that section, (and,) while they leapt into the water and showed their skill at swimming, they fell into disorder and some were exhausted. While Caesar was laying out his camp, the defection of the Angrivarii in his rear was reported: (Lucius) Stertinius was instantly dispatched with cavalry and light-armed troops, and punished their treachery with fire and slaughter.
Chapter 9. Arminius and his brother Flavus meet at the River Weser.
The river Visurgis (i.e. the Weser) flowed between the Romans and the Cherusci. Arminius stood on its bank with rest of his chieftains, and, having asked whether Caesar had come, when he received the reply that he was present, he asked to be allowed to speak with his brother. He was in our army, surnamed Flavus, (being) famous for his loyalty, and he had lost an eye through a wound a few years previously when Tiberius (was) in command. Then, permission (having been given), he stepped forward and was greeted by Arminius; having removed his attendants, he asked that the archers stationed along our banks should withdraw, and, when (they had) moved away, he asked his brother how that deformity of his face (had happened). When he told (him) the place and the battle, he inquired what reward he had received. Flavus mentioned increased pay, a necklace and a crown and other military gifts, which Arminius mocked as the paltry price of servitude.
Chapter 10. Arminius and Flavus argue across the river.
Then, their differences began to appear, the one (i.e. Flavus) (spoke of) the greatness of Rome, the power of Caesar, and the heavy penalties for the vanquished, (and) the mercy available to (him) who came to surrender; and yet his (i.e. Arminius') wife and son had not been treated as enemies: the other (i.e. Arminius) (spoke of) the rights of the fatherland, their ancestral freedom, the gods of innermost Germany, the mother who shared his prayers; that he should not choose to be the deserter and betrayer of his relatives, his neighbours, and lastly of his own people, rather than their ruler. From there, they gradually fell into recriminations, and not even the intervening river could have prevented them from joining battle, if Stertinius had not rushed up and restrained Flavus, who was demanding his weapons and his steed. Arminius was seen (to be) making threats against (him), and declaring battle; for he intermingled many (words) in Latin speech, as he had acquired (this as) a leader of native auxiliaries in the Roman camps.
Chapter 11. The death of Chariovalda, the leader of the Batavian auxiliaries.
On the next day, the German army took up its position on the other side of the Weser. Caesar (i.e. Germanicus), thinking that it would not be good generalship to put the legions into danger without bridges and garrisons being provided, sent the cavalry across (the river) by a ford. Stertinius and Aemilius, from the ranks of the chief centurions, were in command, (and) they attacked from different locations, so as to divide the enemy. Chariovalda, the chief of the Batavians, rushed to where the stream (is) most rapid. The Cherusci, (by) feigning flight, drew him on to a plain surrounded by wooded glades: then, breaking out from all sides, pushed back their adversaries, pursued (them) when they withdrew, and, when they gathered in a circle, they pushed (them) back, partly by hand-to-hand fighting, and partly (by discharging missiles) from a distance. Chariovalda, after sustaining the enemy's ferocity for a long time, urged his men to break through their attacking bands en masse, and he, himself, after plunging into the thickest (of the battle), fell amid a shower of darts and with his horse pierced under him, and many of the nobles (were) round about (him): their own strength, or the cavalry together with Stertinius and Aemilius coming to their assistance, freed the others from danger.
Chapter 12. Arminius prepares to attack, while Germanicus decides to test the intentions of his men.
On crossing the Weser, Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) learned from the evidence of a deserter that the site for a battle (had been) chosen by Arminius; that other tribes had also gathered in a forest sacred to Hercules and would venture a nocturnal attack on his camp. He had faith in the witness, and fires were also seen, and that scouts that had come up closer (to them) brought the news that they had heard the snorting of horses and the rumbling of a huge and disorderly host. So thinking, as the crisis of the great event drew near, that he should sound out the feelings of his soldiers, he deliberated with himself how (to ensure) that this (test) would be a genuine (one). (He knew) that the tribunes and centurions more often reported (what was) welcome than (what was) known (to be true), (and he was aware of) the slavish mentality of freedmen, (and) that flattery came from one's friends; if an assembly should be convoked, there too what a few might initiate the rest would applaud. That their innermost thoughts must be probed, when, private and unguarded, they revealed their hopes and fears during (the receipt) of their soldiers' rations.
Chapter 13. Germanicus takes soundings anonymously by night.
At nightfall, leaving his augural pavilion by a secret (exit) and (one) unknown to the sentries, with a single companion, having covered his shoulders with the skin of a wild animal, he visited the streets of the camp, stood by the tents, and enjoyed the talk about himself, when one man spoke of the nobility of their leader, another of his handsome appearance, and nearly all of them of his endurance, his graciousness, and his even temper, whether (he was being) serious or (was) jesting, and that they should acknowledge and repay (their debt) of gratitude on the battlefield, and, at the same time, that the treacherous violators of peace should be sacrificed to their vengeance and glory. During the course of this (visit), one of the enemy, knowing the Latin language, drove his horse to the rampart, and in a loud voice promised in the name of Arminius to anyone, who should desert, wives and lands, and a hundred sesterces a day in pay as long as the war should last. This insult drew forth the wrath of the legions: let day come, let battle be joined, (they said); we soldiers will take possession of the lands of the Germans and will carry off their wives; we accept the omen and intend to take the women and the money of the enemy as spoil. At about the third watch (i.e. midday), there was an attack on the camp without any discharge of missiles, when they saw the cohorts in close array before the fortifications and that nothing (had been) left undone.
Chapter 14. Germanicus has a dream, and then addresses his troops.
The same night brought Germanicus a cheerful dream, and he saw himself engaged (in sacrifice), and, after his robe (had been) bespattered with the sacred blood, he received another more beautiful (one) at the hands of his grandmother Augusta (i.e. Livia). Encouraged by the omen, (and) with the auspices being favourable, he summoned an assembly (of his troops), and set out (the arrangements) that wisdom suggested and (those) suited to the imminent battle. (It is) not, (he said), only the plains that are good to the Roman soldiers for battle, but, if good judgment were present, wood and glades (as well); for the huge shields of the barbarians, (and) their enormous spears are not as manageable among tree-trunks and the shrubs that spring from the ground as our javelins and swords and close-fitting body-armour. They should deliver their blows thick and fast, (and) they should aim for the face with their sword-points: the German (soldier) has neither breastplate nor helmet, and their shields are not even strengthened by metal or hide, but are made of osiers or boards thin and artificial in colour; though their front-line (is) armed with spears, the rest (have) weapons hardened in the fire or very short. Now, their bodies, though grim to see and strong (enough) for a brief onslaught, yet they have no (capacity) to endure wounds: without any (sense of) shame at the disgrace, (and) without any concern for their leaders they quit the field (and) flee, fearful of adversity, (just as) among successful (circumstances) they are mindful of neither divine nor human law. If, in their weariness of marching and of sailing they should desire an end (to it all), it would be provided by this battle: the Albis (i.e. the Elbe) is already nearer than the Rhine, and there is no warfare beyond (it), so long as they establish him, following closely in the footsteps of his father (i.e. Drusus the Elder) and his uncle (i.e. the Emperor Tiberius), (as) a victor in the same regions.
Chapter 15. Arminius addresses his men.
The soldiers' enthusiasm followed the general's speech.
Nor did Arminius and each of the other chieftains of the Germans fail to call their own men to witness that these Romans were the most craven (members) of Varius' army, who, in order not to have to endure war, arranged a mutiny; some of them (have) their backs covered with wounds, others once again expose their limbs, battered by waves and storms, (as they are,) to a foe full of fury (and) to hostile deities, with no hope of benefit. They have indeed had recourse to a fleet and a trackless ocean, so that no one might oppose (their) coming, or pursue (them) when they fled: they only had to remember their greed, cruelty (and) arrogance: was any other (course) left to them but to keep their freedom or to die in preference to enslavement?
Chapter 16. The Battle of Idistavisus.
When they were thus aroused and demanding battle, they led (them) down on to a plain, to which the name of Idistavisus (was given). It winds in an uneven fashion between the Weser and (a range of) hills, as the banks of the river recede or the spurs of the mountains come to a halt. Behind their backs rose a forest, with the branches having risen to a (great) height, and clear ground between the tree-trunks. The barbarian army occupied the plain and the outskirts of the woods: the Cherusci were positioned alone on the ridge, so that they could rush down from above on the Romans while they were fighting. Our army advanced in the following order: the Gallic and German auxiliaries were in the van, and after them (were) the foot archers; then, four legions, and Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) with two praetorian cohorts and some picked cavalry; next (came) as many other legions (i.e. four), and the light-armed troops with the mounted archers and the rest of the cohorts of the allies. Ready and prepared, the men stood in line of battle according to their order of march.
Chapter 17. The Romans are victorious.
As soon as he (i.e. Germanicus) saw the bands of the Cherusci, which in their ferocity had rushed to the attack, he ordered the finest of his cavalry to charge (them) in the flank, (and) Stertinius with the other squadrons to turn around and attack (them) in the rear, while he himself would come up in (good) time. Meanwhile, there was a most encouraging augury, eight eagles seen making for the woods and entering (them) caught the general's eye. He exclaimed that they should go (and) follow the Roman birds (i.e their eagle standards), (ever) the true deities of our legions. At the same time, the infantry charged and the cavalry struck at their rear and their flanks. And, strange to relate, two of the enemy columns fled in different directions, (those) who had occupied the wood rushed into the open, (and those) who had stood in the plains, (rushed) into the wood. Midway between them, the Cherusci were dislodged from the hills, (while) Arminius, conspicuous among them by his valour, by his voice, and by a wound (which he had received), sought to sustain the fight. He threw himself upon the archers (and) would have broken through them, if the cohorts of the Raeti, and of the Vindelici, and of the Gauls had not set down their standards. Yet by a strong bodily effort and a charge of his horse, he made his way through, smearing his face with his own blood, so that he might not be known. Some have said that he was recognised by Chauci serving among the Roman auxiliaries, and they let (him) go. The same courage or pretence gave Inguiomerus his escape; the rest were slaughtered at random. And, as most of them tried to swim across the Weser, a storm of missiles or the force of the current, and finally the weight of the fugitives and the banks collapsing overwhelmed (them). Some, in their ignominious flight, (climbed) to the top of the trees, but, while they were trying to conceal themselves in the branches, they were shot down for sport by the archers (who had been) brought up, and uprooted trees brought down the others.
Chapter 18. The Romans dedicate their victory to Tiberius.
It was a great victory for us and not a bloody (one). From the fifth hour of the day (i.e. 9 a.m.) to nightfall the enemy (were) slaughtered (and) ten miles were filled with their dead bodies and arms, (and) amid their spoils chains (were) found, which they had brought (with them) for the Romans, as they had no doubt as to the outcome. On the field of battle, the soldiers hailed Tiberius as imperator, and they raised a mound and laid arms on (it) in the style of victory memorials, with the names of the conquered tribes inscribed beneath.
Chapter 19. The Germans mount a further offensive.
Not so much did wounds, grief, and destruction cause the Germans pain and anger as that sight (did) (i.e. the sight of the mound with the names of the conquered tribes inscribed beneath). (Those,) who just now were preparing to depart from their homes and withdraw across the Elbe, wanted battle, and rushed to arms, common people (and) chiefs, young (and) old, they suddenly attacked the Roman army on the march, and spread disorder. At last, they chose a spot enclosed by a river and woods (and confined) by a narrow and water-logged plain within (it): a deep marsh also surrounded the woods, except that on one side the Agrivarii had erected a broad earthwork, by which they might separate themselves from the Cherusci. Here their infantry stood by: they concealed their cavalry in the neighbouring woods, so as to be on the legions' rear, as soon as they entered the forest.
Chapter 20. The battle in the woods.
None of these (things were) unknown to Caesar (i.e. Germanicus): he was aware of their plans and their positions, and of their arrangements, open (and) secret, and he sought to turn their enemies' devices to their own ruin. The cavalry and the plain he entrusted to his legate (Lucius) Seius Tubero (i.e. cos. suff. 18 A.D.); the line of infantry he drew up in such a way that part (of them) might advance on a level track into the forest, (while) another part might climb the earthwork (that had been) put up; he allotted to himself what (was) especially difficult, (and) the rest to his legates. (Those,) to whom level (ground) befell, easily forced a passage: (those,) by whom the earthwork had to be assaulted, were harassed by heavy blows from above, as if they were scaling a wall. The general (i.e. Germanicus) saw (how) unequal the close fighting (was), and, the legions having been withdrawn a short distance, he ordered the slingers and marksmen to discharge their missiles and repel the enemy. Spears (were) flung from the engines, and the more conspicuous (were) the defenders, the more (were) the wounds (under which) they fell. After the ramparts (had been) taken, Caesar (i.e. Germanicus), with some praetorian cohorts, (was) the first to make a charge into the woods; there they fought at close quarters. (There was) a morass at the enemy's rear, and a river or hills hemmed in the Romans: for both (sides, there was) a necessity to fight it out on the spot, their hope (lay) in valour, their salvation (would come) from victory.
Chapter 21. The Romans win a decisive victory.
The Germans had no less courage, but they were overcome by the nature of the fighting and the weapons, since (so) vast a host could not thrust forward, nor recover, their very long spears in such a confined space, nor make use of their ability to leap and the speedy movements of their bodies, compelled, (as they were,) to fight in a fixed position; our soldiers, on the other hand, with their shields pressed close to their bodies and their hands grasping their sword-hilts, struck at the extensive limbs of the barbarians, and their bare faces, and opened up a passage by slaughtering the enemy, as Arminius (was) now less active, on account of the constant dangers, or because the wound he had recently received had impeded him. And Germanicus had taken the helmet off his head, so that he might be more recognisable, and he begged (his men) to press on with the slaughter: (for they had) no need for prisoners, and only the extermination of the nation would bring an end to the war. And now, late in the day, (as it was,) he withdrew a legion from the battle-field for the purpose of making a camp; the rest (of them) satiated themselves with the enemy's blood until nightfall. The cavalry fought indecisively.
Chapter 22. Germanicus celebrates their success.
After publicly praising the victors, Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) raised a pile of weapons with a proud inscription: (it stated) that the army of Tiberius Caesar, after subduing the tribes between the Rhine and the Elbe, had dedicated that memorial to Mars, and Jupiter and Augustus. He added nothing about himself, through fear of ill-will, or thinking that awareness of the achievement was sufficient. Next, he entrusted the war against the Angrivarii to Stertinius, but they hastened to surrender. And they (as) suppliants, by refusing nothing, received a pardon for everything.
Chapter 23. The return voyage.
But, when summer was now at its height, some of the legions (were) sent back into winter-quarters by an overland route; Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) put most of them on board his fleet and conveyed them down the river Ems to the Ocean (i.e. the North Sea). Now at first the calm surface (of the water) resounded with the oars of a thousand vessels or the flapping of the sails: soon hail poured down from a black mass of clouds, and at the same time the waves, buffeted by conflicting gales from all quarters, blotted out the view (and) impeded the steering; and the soldiers, terrified and unaware of the accidents (that can happen) at sea, when they threw the sailors into confusion or offered (them) untimely help, they marred the services of the skilled (men). Henceforth, the whole of the sky and all of the sea gave way to the south wind, which (made) strong by the sodden lands of Germany and its deep rivers, and by the enormous train of clouds, and more grim by the rigour of the neighbouring north wind, caught and scattered the ships into the open ocean or (on to) islands with steep cliffs or (which were) dangerous due to hidden shoals. Evading these with some difficulty, when the tide changed and took (them) in the same direction as the wind, they could not keep to their anchors or bale out the water that had rushed in on (them): horses, beasts of burden, baggage, even arms were jettisoned, in order that the hulls might be lightened, (as they were leaking) through the sides and the waves (were) flooding over (them).
Chapter 24. The fleet is scattered.
As the Ocean (i.e. the North Sea) is more violent than any other sea and Germany excels in the ferocity of its climate, so did that disaster transcend (all others) in its novelty and extent, (as there were) hostile coasts all around or an expanse so vast and deep that it is thought (to be) the final (one) and (one) without shores. Some of the ships were swallowed up, more (of them were) wrecked on islands lying a long way off; and the soldiers, without any form of human life, died there of starvation, except (those) whom the bodies of horses had sustained, washed up, (as they had been,) on the same (beach). Germanicus' trireme alone reached the land of the Chauci; throughout all those days and night, among those crags and projecting stretches of shore, when he continued to exclaim that he (was) responsible for such great destruction, his friends could scarcely restrain him from meeting (death) in the same sea.
At last, as the tide ebbed and the wind (blew) favourably, the crippled vessels, with a few oarsmen, or with clothes spread out (as sails), and some towed by the more powerful (ones), returned; after they had been speedily repaired, he sent them to search the islands. Many (men were) recovered by that means: the Angrivarii, (who had) recently (been) received into an alliance (with us), restored (to us) several, (who had been) ransomed from inland (tribes); some (had been) taken to Britain and (had been) sent back by the petty kings. As everyone had returned from a far-distant (place), they told of wonders, of the violence of hurricanes, and of unknown birds, of monsters of the sea, half-human and half beast-like, (things they had) seen or, in their terror, (they) believed (they had seen).
Chapter 25. Germanicus regains the initiative.
But, though the rumour of the fleet having been lost stirred the Germans to hope for warfare, so it encouraged Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) to suppress (them). He ordered Gaius Silius with thirty (thousand) infantrymen and three thousand cavalrymen to go against the Chatti; he himself with larger forces invaded (the lands of) the Marsi, whose leader, Mallovendus, whose surrender had recently been accepted, claimed that the eagle of a legion of Varus, buried in a nearby grove, was (only) protected by a small force of guardsmen. Immediately, troops (were) sent to draw the enemy from the front (line), (and) others (were sent) to open up the ground by surrounding his rear; and fortune favoured (them) both. Caesar proceeded the more promptly into (the countryside), laid (it) waste, (and) utterly ruined an enemy that did not dare to encounter (him), or was instantly crushed wherever he did resist, and (was) never more panic-stricken, as they learned from prisoners. The Romans, they declared, (were) obviously invincible, and not susceptible to any disasters, for they, a fleet having been ruined, weapons having been lost, (and) after the shores had been littered with the bodies of man and horses, had rushed (back) in with the same courage, with equal ferocity, and, seemingly, with an increased number.
Chapter 26. Tiberius recalls Germanicus.
The soldiers (were) then led into winter-quarters, rejoicing in their hearts that they had compensated for their misfortunes at sea by a successful expedition. Caesar (i.e. Germanicus) added this bounty, by making good any loss (which) anyone had declared. They had no doubt that the enemy were tottering (and) making plans for seeking peace, and that, if the next summer were to see another (campaign), it would bring the war to an end. But in repeated letter, Tiberius advised that he should return to (celebrate) the triumph (that had been) decreed (him): (he had) now (had) enough of good fortune, (and) enough of disasters. He (had won) great and successful battles: he should also remember their losses, which the winds and the waves had inflicted, (and) though) not he fault of the general, yet (they were) grievous and cruel. He (had been) sent into Germany nine times by the divine Augustus, and had achieved more by diplomacy than by force. By such means the submission of the Sugambri (had been) secured, and the Suevi and their king Maroboduus had been compelled (to keep) the peace. The Cherusci and the other rebellious tribes might be left to their internal feuds, since the vengeance of Rome had been satisfied.
When Germanicus sought (another) year to complete his undertakings, he (i.e. Tiberius) put his humility under more severe pressure by offering (him) a second consulship, the functions of which he might perform in person. At the same time, he added that, if it were still necessary to wage war; he should leave some opportunity for glory to his brother Drusus (i.e. Drusus Julius Caesar, or Drusus the Younger, cos. 15 A.D., son of Tiberius and so step-brother of Germanicus), who (as there was) then no other enemy, could not win the title of imperator and the (triumphal) laurel, unless he was in control of the German (provinces). Germanicus delayed no longer, although he realised that this was a fabrication, and that, through jealousy, he was being detached form the glory (he had) already acquired.
Chapter 27. Criminal charges are laid against Libo.
About the same time, Libo Drusus of the family of the Scribonii (i.e. Marcus Scribonius Libo Drusus) was indicted for engaging in revolutionary schemes. I shall set out the beginning, the course, and the end of this business, since (those practices) were then first initiated which have for so many years preyed on (the heart of) the state. A senator Firmus Catus, through his intimate friendship with Libo, prompted the young man, thoughtless and an easy (prey) to delusions, (as he was), to (resort to) astrologers' promises, the rites of magicians, and even the interpreters of dreams, while he ostentatiously reminded (him) that Pompey (was) his grandfather, that Scribonia, who was once the wife of Augustus, (was) his aunt, that the Caesars (were) his cousins, (and) that his house (was) full of ancestral statues, and he encouraged (him) into extravagance and debt, (and, as) a companion in his profligacies and embarrassing requirements, he entangled (him) all the more in the proofs (of his guilt).
Chapter 28. Tiberius allows the evidence against Libo to mount.
As soon as he found enough witnesses and (men,) who (being) servants, were aware of the same (things), he sought an audience with the emperor, after indicating the crime and the offender by means of a Roman knight (called) Flaccus Vescularius, who was on more familiar terms with Tiberius (than he was). Without disregarding the information, Caesar declined a meeting: for (he said) that the communications might be passed (to him) by the same intermediary Flaccus. And, in the meantime, he conferred the praetorship on Libo (i.e. in the year 16 A.D.), and summoned him to his table of hospitality, not alienating (him) by a look, or unsettling (him) with words - (for so) thoroughly had he concealed his anger; he preferred to know all his words and deeds, although he could have put a stop to (them), until a certain Junius, who had been tampered with (by Libo) so as to elicit the spirits of the dead by incantations, gave information to (Lucius) Fulcinius Trio. Trio's character was well-known among informants. and he was eager for a notorious reputation. At once, he pounced upon the accused (and) went to the consuls (and) demanded a senate inquiry. Then, the senators were summoned, with (the notice) being added that they must deliberate on such an important and terrible matter.
Chapter 29. Libo begs indulgence.
Libo, meanwhile, having changed his clothes (into those of mourning), went from house to house with (an escort) of noblewomen, and he begged his wife's relatives (i.e. the Sulpicii) to speak out against the indictment, but they all refused with the same degree of apprehension, although they gave different (reasons for doing so). On the day the senate (met), exhausted by fear and anguish, or, as some would have it, feigning illness, (he was) borne in a litter to the doors of the senate-house, and, leaning on his brother (i.e. Lucius Scribonius Libo, cos. 16 A.D.), and extending both his hands and his voice in supplication to Tiberius, he was received by him with an unmoved countenance. Then, Caesar read out the charges and the names of the accusers in so calm a voice that he seemed neither to soften nor to accentuate the accusations.
Chapter 30. Libo's trial.
Besides Trio and Catus, Fonteius Agrippa and Gaius Vibius had taken up the duties of his accusers, and they were disputing to whom the right of stating the case against the accused should be given, until Vibius, since they themselves would not give way to one another, and Libo had gone in without an advocate, declared that he would state the charges one by one, and he produced an insane accusation that Libo had consulted (people) as to whether he would have such wealth that he would be able to cover the Appian Way with money right up to Brundisium. And there were other (statements) of this kind, senseless (and) futile, and, if you regarded (them) leniently, pitiable. But (there was) one paper in Libo's handwriting, (so) the prosecutor alleged, with the names of Caesars and senators, to which dreadful or mysterious marks (were) ascribed. When the accused denied (this), it was decided that the slaves who would recognise his handwriting should be interrogated by torture. And, since such an inquiry was forbidden by an ancient decree of the senate in (a case affecting) a master's life, Tiberius, that clever inventor of new law, ordered that (the slaves) should be sold one by one to an agent of the state, so that the case against Libo could evidently be investigated through his slaves without violating a decree of the senate. For this (reason), the accused sought (an adjournment) the next day, and, departing for his home, he entrusted his kinsman, Publius (Sulpicius) Quirinius (i.e. cos. 12 B.C.) with his final prayers to the emperor.
Chapter 31. Libo commits suicide.
The answer was that he should address the senate. Meanwhile, his house was surrounded with soldiers, and they even created a disturbance at the entrance, so they could be heard and seen, when Libo, (thus) tortured at the very feast which he had arranged as his final (source of) pleasure, called for an assassin, (and) clutched at the hands of his slaves in order to insert a sword (into them). And, as they, when they shrank back in their alarm, overturned a lamp on the table beside (him), in what was now for him the darkness of death, he directed two blows into his vital (organs). At the groans of the man who had collapsed, his freedmen rushed up, and the soldiers, seeing the bloodshed, stood back. Yet, the prosecution was carried on in the senate with the same determination (as before), and Tiberius took an oath that he would have petitioned for his life, guilty though (he was), if he had not hastened (to commit) suicide.
Chapter 32. The aftermath of Libo's trial.
His property was shared out between his accusers, and extraordinary praetorships were conferred on those who were of senatorial rank. (Marcus Aurelius) Cotta (Maximus) Messalinus (i.e. cos. 20 A.D.) then proposed that Libo's bust should not accompany the funeral processions of any of his descendants, (and) Gnaeus (Cornelius) Lentulus (i.e. cos. 14 B.C.) that no person of the Scribonian (house) should assume the surname Drusus. Days of public thanksgiving (were) established at the suggestion of (Lucius) Pomponius Flaccus, (and) Lucius (Calpurnius) Piso (i.e. cos. 1 B.C.), and (Gaius) Asinius Gallus (cos. 8 B.C. and husband of Vipsania, Tiberius' first wife and mother of the Younger Drusus), and (Marcus) Pupius Mutilus (i.e. cos. suff. 9 A.D.), and Lucius Apronius (i.e. cos. suff. 8 A.D.) procured a decree that votive offerings should be made to Jupiter, Mars (and) Concord, and that the date of the Ides of September (i.e. the Thirteenth) should be kept as a festival day; I have recorded the opinions and the sycophantic actions of these (men), so that that ancient evil in the state should be made known. Decrees of the senate (were) enacted in order to expel astrologers and magicians from Italy; (one) of their number, Lucius Pituanius, was thrown from the Rock (i.e. the Tarpeian Rock), (and) the consuls punished Publius Marcius outside the Esquiline Gate in accordance with ancient custom (i.e. he was executed), after they had ordered the trumpet to sound.
B. TROUBLE IN THE EAST (Chs. 33-54).
Chapter 33. The senate debates control of luxury items.
On the next day of the senate's (meeting), much (was) said about extravagance in the community by Quintus Haterius, an ex-consul (i.e. he was cos. suff. in 5 B.C.), (and) by Octavius Fronto, a former praetor; and (it was) decreed that vessels solid with gold should not be made for serving food, and that clothes of Chinese silk should not bring shame upon men. Fronto went further and demanded restrictions on silver, furniture and (the number of) domestic servants: indeed, it was still usual for senators, if they believed that something was in the public interest, to take the opportunity to air their opinions. Gallus Asinius argued to the contrary: with the growth of empire, private wealth had increased as well, (he said), and this (was) not (something) new, but (was) in line with the most ancient customs: wealth was one thing among the Fabricii, another among the Scipiones; and everything related to the state: when (it was) poor, the homes of its citizens (were) straitened; when it achieved splendour, each one of them glistened. In household establishments and silver-plate, nothing (was) too much or too little, except in relation to the fortune of the owner. The property qualifications of senators and knights (were) set apart (from those of others) not because (they were) different in nature, but so that those taking precedence in theatre places, rank and honour might thus be provided with those (things) which (lead) to peace of mind and bodily well-being, unless more anxieties (and) more dangers were perhaps being suffered by those men in the highest position, and they were to be deprived of all solace in relation to those anxieties and dangers. His confession of vices, (though expressed) in respectable phrases, and the similar circumstances of those listening, gave Gallus a ready assent. Tiberius, too, had added that this (was) not the time for censorship, and that if there were any decline in morals, an agent of correction would not be lacking.
Chapter 34. Lucius Piso versus Urgulania.
During this (meeting), Lucius Piso, after exclaiming against electoral bribery, the corrupt law-courts, and the tyranny of the advocates threatening prosecutions, announced that he was going away and leaving the City, and that he would be living in some hidden and distant rural (retreat); at the same time he left the senate-house. Tiberius was disturbed, and, although he soothed Piso with gentle words, he also strongly urged his relatives to withhold his departure by their influence or their prayers. The same Piso soon gave proof of his no less independent temper, by summoning to court (i.e. suing) Urgulania, whom the friendship of the Augusta (i.e. Livia) had raised above the law. Neither did Urgulania comply with (the summons), for she was conveyed (in her litter) to Caesar's house in defiance of Piso, nor did he give way, although the Augusta complained that she had been insulted and slighted. Tiberius, although thinking that he would courteously humour his mother to some extent, said that he would go to the praetor's court in support of Urgulania, (and) he set out from the Palatine, having ordered some soldiers to follow at a distance. As the people thronged about (him), he was seen to have a calm (expression) on his face, and to prolong his journey time by various conversations, with his relatives trying in vain to restrain Piso, until the Augusta ordered the money that was sought to be paid. And this (was) the end of the affair, as a result of which Piso was not dishonoured and Caesar acquired a better reputation. Yet, Urgulania's power in the state was so great, that in a certain case, which was being tried by the senate, she refused to appear (as) a witness: the praetor was sent to question (her) in her home, although the ancient custom was that Vestal Virgins were heard in public and in the courts, whenever they gave evidence.
Chapter 35. Debate over the adjournment of the senate and the law-courts.
I should not have mentioned this year's adjournment, if it were not worthwhile to take note of the conflicting opinions of Gnaeus (Calpurnius) Piso (i.e. cos. 7 B.C.) and Asinius Gallus' conflicting opinions relating to this matter. Piso, although Caesar (i.e. Tiberius) had said that he would be absent, expressed the view that, for this (reason), (public business should be transacted all the more, so that the ability of the senate and the knights to carry out their (proper) duties in the absence of the emperor might redound to the credit of the state. Gallus, since Piso had anticipated (him in) this show of liberty, stated that nothing was sufficiently impressive or in accordance with the dignity of the Roman people, unless (it were conducted) in the presence of, and under the eyes of, Caesar, and that, for this (reason), the coming together of Italy and the affluent provinces ought to be reserved for his presence. With Tiberius listening to this, (the matter was) debated with great rigour on both sides, but the adjournment (was carried).
Chapter 36. The debate concerning the election of magistrates.
A contest then sprang up involving Gallus against Caesar (i.e. Tiberius). For he proposed that the elections of the magistrates should be held every five years, and that the commanders of legions who performed this military service before the praetorship should then be appointed (as) praetors straightaway, (and) the emperor should nominate twelve candidates every year. There was no doubt that this proposal had a deeper significance, and that the secrets of empire were being tampered with. Tiberius, however, discussed (it) as if his power would be increased (by it): (it would, he said, be) offensive to his (sense of) fairness to choose so many, (and) to put off so many. He scarcely avoided giving offence from year to year, (as it was,) although the prospect (of office) in the near future eased the rebuff: what great hatred would he incur from those who were rejected for over five years? How could he foresee what would be the feelings, the home-life, and the fortune of each one of them? Men became puffed up, even with an annual appointment: what (would happen) if they were impelled by an honour (that lasted) for five years? In short, the (number of) magistrates would be multiplied five-fold, (and) the laws (would be) subverted, which laid down a proper period (of time) for the candidates' diligence to be exercised, and for seeking and acquiring preferment. With this speech, which was pleasing in outline, he retained the essence of sovereignty.
Chapter 37. Hortensius' grandson applies for financial assistance.
He also helped (to increase) the incomes of some of the senators. (So) it was all the more surprising that he responded to the entreaties of Marcus (Hortensius) Hortalus, a young nobleman in evident poverty, in a rather high-handed fashion. He was the grandson of the orator (Quintus) Hortensius (i.e. cos. 69 B.C.), (and had been) induced by the divine Augustus through the generous gift of a million sesterces to marry (and) to raise children, so that his most illustrious family should not be extinguished. Accordingly, with his four sons standing before the threshold of the senate, when it was his opportunity to speak, he gazed now at the statue of Hortensius, which had been placed among those of the orators, now on that of Augustus, since (the meeting of) the senate was being held in the Palace, and began in the following manner: "Conscript Fathers, these (sons), whose number and boyhood you see, I have reared, not by my own choice, but because the emperor (so) advised me; at the same time, my ancestors have deserved to have descendants. As for myself, who in these changing times, have been able to receive or procure neither wealth, nor popular favour, nor that eloquence (which is) the hereditary possession of our house, I was satisfied, if my narrow means were neither a disgrace to myself nor a burden to someone else. At the emperor's bidding, I married. Behold the offspring and progeny of so many consuls and dictators! I recall these (facts) not to (incite) envy but to bring about compassion. While you flourish, Caesar, they will attain whatever honours you bestow: meanwhile, save from penury these great-grandsons of Quintus Hortensius, these foster-children of the divine Augustus."
Chapter 38. Tiberius opposes Hortalus' plea.
The senate's (favourable) bias was an incitement to Tiberius to offer prompt opposition, (which he did) using almost these words: "If it is (the case) that all poor (men) start coming here and seeking money for their children, individuals will never be satisfied, and the state will go bankrupt. Nor, to be sure, for that reason was it granted by our forebears, that (a member), when it was his turn to speak, might sometimes go beyond (the terms of) the motion and propose what was conducive to the common good, in order that we might thereby increase our private business and family property, with resentment (falling upon) the senate and the emperors, whether they grant or withhold their bounty. For it is not an entreaty, but an urgent request, untimely indeed and unexpected, (when a member) rises, after the senators have met for other purposes and puts pressure on the kindly feelings of the senate by (recounting) the number and age of his children, and then transmits the same pressure on to me, and, as it were, breaks open the treasury, which, if we exhaust it by currying favour, will have to be replenished by crimes. The divine Augustus gave you money, Hortalus, but not when it had been asked for, nor on the basis that it would always be given. Besides, if (a man has) no fear or hope with regard to himself, industry will languish (and) idleness will thrive, and everyone will expect help from others in a carefree manner, (being) of no use to themselves (and) a burden to us."
(Remarks) such as these, although (they were) heard with assent by those, to whom it is the practice to praise everything (coming) from their sovereigns, good and bad, the majority received (them) in silence or with a suppressed murmur. And Tiberius felt (it); and, when he had paused a while, he said that he had given Hortalus his answer: nevertheless, if it seemed right to the senators. he would give two hundred thousand sesterces to each one of his children, who were of the male sex. The others expressed their thanks: Hortalus remained silent. through alarm, or because he preserved his (sense of) hereditary nobility even in his reduced circumstances. Nor did Tiberius show any pity afterwards, though the house of Hortensius sank into shameful poverty.
Chapter 39. The appearance of Clemens the imposter.
In the same year (i.e. 16 A.D.), the daring of a single slave, if it had not been promptly checked. would have ruined the state by discord and civil war. A slave of Postumus Agrippa (i.e. Augustus' grandson who had been executed in 14 A.D.), Clemens by name, with a mind that was far from servile, formed (the idea) of going to the island of Planasia and seizing Agrippa by a trick or by force and conducting him to the armies in Germany. The tardiness of a cargo-boat hindered his bold venture: meanwhile the murder (of his master had been) perpetrated, and turning his mind to a greater and more hazardous (enterprise), he stole the ashes (of the deceased) and set sail to Cosa, on a promontory of Etruria, and hid himself in obscure places, until he let his hair and beard grow long: for in age and appearance he was not dissimilar to his master. Then, through suitable associates of his secret spread the rumour that Agrippa was alive, firstly in secretive discussions, as forbidden (topics) usually are, then in vague talk among the credulous ears of all the most ignorant (people), or again among the restless and those desiring change. He, himself, went to the towns, as the day (grew) dark, without (letting himself) be seen publicly or in the same place for any length of time, but, as the truth gains strength from publicity and space of time, (and) falsehood by hastiness and uncertainties, he left his story behind or anticipated (it).
Chapter 40. The downfall of Clemens.
Meanwhile, it was rumoured throughout Italy, and it was believed in Rome, that Agrippa had been saved by the grace of the gods; and now a huge crowd was celebrating his arrival at Ostia, and clandestine gatherings (were doing so) in the City, while this doubtful dilemma distracted Tiberius, whether he should crush this slave of his by military force, or allow a vain belief to pass away in (the course of) time itself: at one time (he thought) that nothing should be overlooked, at another time (he thought) that he need not fear everything, with his mind wavering between shame and fear. Eventually he gave the job to (Gaius) Sallustius Crispus. He chose two of his dependants - some said they were soldiers - and urged (them) to go to (him) (i.e. Clemens) (as) pretended accomplices, (and) they offered (him) money (and) promised (him) their loyalty in his dangers. They did as they had been bidden. Then, watching for an unguarded hour of the night, they took a sufficient force and dragged (him), bound (and) gagged, to the Palace. When Tiberius questioned (him) as to how he had become Agrippa, he said in reply: "In the way that you (became) Caesar." He could not be forced to divulge his accomplices. Nor did Tiberius risk his punishment in public, (but) he ordered that he be killed in a secret part of the Palace, and that his body should be secretly removed. And, although many of the emperor's household, and knights and senators were said to have supported (him) with their wealth, (and) to have helped (him) with their advice, no inquiry was made.
Chapter 41. Germanicus celebrates a triumph.
At the close of the year there was consecrated an arch near the temple of Saturn, commemorating the recovery, under the leadership of Germanicus and the auspices of Tiberius, of the eagles lost with Varus, a temple to Fors Fortuna in the gardens by the Tiber which Caesar the dictator had bequeathed to the Roman people, and a shrine to the Julian clan and a statue of the divine Augustus at Bovillae.
When Gaius Caelius (Rufus) and Lucius Pomponius (Flaccus) were consuls (i.e. in 17 A.D.), Germanicus Caesar celebrated his triumph over the Cherusci, and the Chatti and the Angrivarii, and the other tribes that live (on the lands) right up to the Elbe. Borne in the procession were the spoils, the prisoners, and images of the mountains, the rivers and the battles; and the war, seeing that he had been prohibited from completing (it), was regarded as finished. The exceptional appearance of (the general) himself and his chariot loaded with his five children riveted the attention of the spectators. But a latent dread came over (them), when they remembered (how) unfortunate had been the favour of the crowd in the case of his father Drusus (i.e. Nero Claudius Drusus, or Drusus the Elder, who died in 9 B.C. when he was consul), (how) his uncle Marcellus (i.e. Gaius Claudius Marcellus, son of Augustus' sister Octavia, d. 22 B.C.) (had been) torn away from the passionate enthusiasm of the common people during his early youth, (and how) short-lived and unfortunate (were) the favourites of the Roman people.
Chapter 42. Trouble in the East.
Tiberius, meanwhile, in the name of Germanicus, gave three hundred sesterces to each man of the city populace and appointed himself as his colleague in the consulship (i.e. for the year 18 A.D.). And so, as he gained no credit for genuine affection, he resolved to remove the young man under the pretext of honouring him, and he contrived reasons (for this) or took advantage of whatever happened by chance. King Archelaus had been in power in Cappadocia for fifty years, (but was) hated by Tiberius, because he had paid him no attention when he was staying at Rhodes (n.b. Tiberius had retired to live on the island of Rhodes from 6 B.C. to 2 A.D.). Archelaus had not omitted doing this due to pride, but he had been (so) advised by intimate friends of Augustus, because the friendship of Tiberius was thought (to be) risky when Gaius Caesar (i.e. Augustus' grandson and adopted son, cos. 1 A.D., d. 4 A.D.) was flourishing and had been sent to (run) the affairs of the East. When the offspring of the Caesars had been extinguished (i.e. when Augustus died in 14 A.D.), and he acquired the empire, he enticed Archelaus by a letter from his mother (i.e. Livia Augusta), who, without concealing her son's displeasure, offered (him) mercy, if (only) he would come to beg (for it). He, unaware of treachery or fearing violence if he were thought to perceive (it), hastened to the City; and he was received by an inexorable emperor and was soon arraigned in the senate, (and broken) not by the charges, which were fabricated, but by anguish, and wearied by old age, and, because in the case of kings they were unused to equality and even less to degradation, he brought about the end of his life of his own accord or naturally. His kingdom was reduced to a province, and with its revenues Caesar announced that the one percent sales-tax could be lightened, and for the future he fixed (it) at half a percent. At about the same time, the kings Antiochus (i.e. Antiochus Epiphanes III, King of Commagene 12 B.C. - 17 A.D.) of the Commageni (and) Philopator (i.e. Philopator II, King of Cilicia, d. 17 A.D.) of the Cilicians having died, their nations became unsettled, with a majority (of their people) desiring Roman rule, (and) some (that) of kings; and the provinces of Syria and Judaea, exhausted by their (tax) burdens, begged for a reduction of their tribute.
Chapter 43. Germanicus is appointed to run the overseas provinces.
Accordingly, he discussed these (matters) and those of Armenia, which I have previously mentioned, before the senate, nor (he said) could the Eastern commotions be settled without the wisdom of Germanicus; for his own age was in decline and that of Drusus (i.e. Drusus the Younger, Tiberius' son) was not yet sufficiently advanced. Then, by a decree of the senate the provinces which are beyond the sea and 'greater power' wherever he were to go than was held by those who had obtained their provinces by lot or by imperial dispatch, (were) entrusted to Germanicus.
But Tiberius had removed from Syria Creticus Silanus (i.e. Quintus Caecilius Metellus Creticus Silanus, cos. 7 A.D. and governor of Syria 13-17 A.D.), who was connected to Germanicus by marriage, since Silanus' daughter was betrothed to Nero, the eldest of his children, and he appointed to govern (it) Gnaeus (Cornelius) Piso (i.e. cos 7 B.C.), (a man) of violent temper and unacquainted with obedience, with a ferocity inherited from his father (i.e. Gnaeus Cornelius Piso), who in the civil war assisted the reviving faction in Africa with the most energetic service, then accompanied Brutus and Cassius, and. when he was allowed to return, he refrained from seeking preferment until he was finally persuaded to accept the consulship offered by Augustus (i.e. in 23 B.C.). But in addition to his father's spirits, his (ambition) was also inflamed by the nobility and wealth of his wife Plancina (i.e. the granddaughter of Lucius Munatius Plancus, cos. 42 B.C.); he grudgingly conceded (rank) to Tiberius, but looked down on his children as well beneath (him). He had no doubt that he (had been) chosen to govern Syria in order to thwart the aspirations of Germanicus. Some believed that secret instructions (had been) given (to him) by Tiberius; and the Augusta had undoubtedly advised Plancina, due to feminine rivalry, to pursue Agrippina (i.e. Germanicus' wife). For there was division and discord within the court, with an unexpressed enthusiasm for Drusus or Germanicus. Tiberius favoured Drusus, as his own (son) and (born) of his blood: as for Germanicus, his uncle's estrangement had increased the love (that was felt for him) among the others, and (this was also the case) because he surpassed (them all) due to the distinction of his mother's family, stemming from his grandfather Mark Antony and his maternal great-uncle Augustus. On the other hand, Drusus' great-grandfather, the Roman knight, (Titus) Pomponius Atticus (i.e. Cicero's great friend and associate), seemed to dishonour the ancestral images of the Claudii; and Germanicus' wife, Agrippina excelled Drusus' wife Livia (Julia) (i.e. Germanicus' sister) in fecundity and renown. But the brothers (themselves) (i.e. Germanicus and Drusus) (maintained) a singular harmony and (were) wholly unaffected by the rivalries of their kinsfolk.
Chapter 44. Drusus in Illyricum.
Not long afterwards, Drusus was sent to Illyricum to familiarise himself with military service and win the army's goodwill; Tiberius also thought that (it was) better for the young man, demoralised, (as he was,) by the luxury of the City to serve in a camp, and that he was safer himself with both his sons being in charge of legions. But the Suevi were giving (him) a pretext, as they were begging for help against the Cherusci; for with the departure of the Romans, and (now that they were) free from the fear of an outsider, in accordance with the custom of their race and then as rivals for glory, they had turned their arms on each other. The strength of the nations (and) the valour of their chiefs (put them) in an equal (position); but, (while) the title of king (made) Maroboduus unpopular among his people, favour came upon Arminius (who was seen as) fighting for freedom.
Chapter 45. War between the German tribes.
So, (it was) not only the Cherusci and their allies, old soldiers of Arminius, (who) took to battle, but (two) Suebian tribes, the Semnones and the Langobardi, also defected to him from the kingdom of Maroboduus. With these additions, he would have been preponderant in power, had not Indutiomerus, with a band of his retainers, not deserted to Maroboduus, for no other reason than, because, (as) an old man (and) an uncle, he scorned to obey the youthful son of his brother. The battle-lines were drawn up, with equal expectation on both sides, nor (were there) the random attacks or (the ones carried out) by scattered bands, as there once (had been) among the Germans: indeed, prolonged campaigns against us had accustomed (them) to follow their standards, to enjoy the support of their reserves, (and) to accept the instructions of their commanders. And, on this occasion, Arminius, while surveying the whole (field), as he rode up to each (one of his divisions), boasted of their regained freedom, the slaughtered legions. (and) the spoils and the weapons, taken from the Romans, (that were) still in the hands of many (of his men); on the other hand, he called Maroboduus a runaway, with no experience of battles, (who had) sheltered in the recesses of the Hercynian forest (i.e. in Bohemia); and then through gifts and embassies he had sued for peace, a traitor to his country, (and) an agent of that Caesar, whom it was their duty to eject with their intentions no less hostile than (when) they had slain (Publius) Quinctilius Varus (i.e. in the battle of the Teutoberg Forest in 9 A.D. when three Roman legions were destroyed). They should simply remember their many battles, the outcome of which, and the final expulsion of the Romans, was proof enough of which (tribe) was in possession of the crowning heights of war.
Chapter 46. Maroboduus defeated.
Nor did Maroboduus abstain from boasting about himself or (from telling) of the shameful (acts) of his enemy (i.e. Arminius), but, holding Inguiomerus (by the hand), he proclaimed that in the person (before them lay) all the renown of the Cherusci, (and) that whatever had ended successfully (had) happened due to his counsels; that in his foolishness and his ignorance of affairs, (he said) that Arminius was attracting to himself the glory that (belonged) to another, since he had treacherously deceived three rambling legions and a general (i.e. Varus) who knew nothing of perfidy, leading to a great disaster for Germany and his own ignominy, since his wife and his son were still enduring slavery. And, when he himself (i.e. Maroboduus) (had been) attacked by twelve legions, with Tiberius as their leader, he had maintained the glory of the Germans unimpaired, and (they had) soon parted on equal terms; nor did he regret that it was in their hands to choose total war against the Romans or peace without bloodshed.
Inspired, (as they were,) by these words, their own motives also stimulated the armies, since the battle was being fought by the Cherusci and the Langobardi on account of their ancient renown and their recent liberty, and on the other side (i.e. the Marcomanni) for their dominion to be increased. At no other time (was) the shock of battle greater, nor (was) the outcome more uncertain, as the right wings of both (armies were) routed; and further fighting would have been expected, if Maroboduus had not removed his camp to the hills. This was a sign of discomfiture; and, (as he was) gradually exposed by desertions, he withdrew to the (territory of) the Marcomanni, and sent envoys to Tiberius, pleading for help. The reply was that (he had) no right to invoke Roman arms against the Cherusci, (when) he had provided no help to the Romans, when they were fighting against the same enemy. Yet, as I have related, Drusus (had been) sent to establish peace.
Chapter 47. An earthquake in Asia Minor.
In the same year (i.e. 18 A.D.), twelve well-known Asian cities collapsed during the night due to an earthquake, so that the destruction was the more unforeseen and the more devastating. Nor was the usual (means of) escape, (that) of rushing into open (countryside), available, since (people) were swallowed up by chasms in the ground. The say that vast mountains had sunk, that what had been level (ground) seemed (to have been raised) on high, (and) that fires had blazed amid the ruin. The calamity (fell) most savagely on the people of Sardis, and it attracted to them the largest (amount) of sympathy: for Caesar promised ten million sesterces and remitted for five years whatever they were due to pay to the treasury and the privy purse. The Magnesians by (Mount) Sipylus (were) considered (to be) next in loss and in need of help. It was decided that the people of Temnos, of Philadelphia, of Aegae, (and) of Apollonia, and those (people) known as Mostenians or Hyrcanian Macedonians, and (the cities of) Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cyme (and) Tmolus should be relieved of tribute for the same (period of) time, and that (someone) should be sent from the senate to review (the situation) in person and to administer relief. Marcus Ateius, (one) of the ex-praetors, was chosen, lest, with an ex-consul in charge of Asia, (there might be) rivalry between (men) of equal rank, and that some difficulty might arise from this.
Chapter 48. Tiberius' handling of legacies.
Caesar supplemented his splendid beneficence on behalf of the state with a no less popular liberality (of his own), in that (he transferred) the property of Aemilia Musa, (who had died) rich but intestate, (which had been) claimed by the privy purse, to (Marcus) Aemilius Lepidus (i.e. cos. 6 A.D.), from whose family she appeared (to come), and he handed over the estate of Pantuleius, a wealthy Roman knight, although he himself was left (as) his heir in part, to Marcus Servilius (Nonianus), whose (name) he discovered written in an earlier and unquestioned will, and in both cases he said that nobility should be supported by wealth. Nor did he accept a legacy from anyone, unless he had earned it with his friendship: (those who were) unknown (to him) and (who had) named the emperor as their (heir) through hostility to others, he kept at a distance. But, while he relieved the honourable poverty of the guiltless, so he removed from the senate, or accepted their voluntary resignation, Vibidius Virro, Marius Nepos, Appius Appianus, Cornelius Sulla (and) Quintus Vitellius, spendthrifts and (those who had been) brought into penury by their vices. , (
Chapter 49. Re-dedication of certain temples.
At about the same time, he (i.e. Tiberius) consecrated some temples of the gods, (which had been) destroyed by old age or fire (i.e. probably that of 31 B.C.), and (the restoration of which had been) initiated by Augustus, (namely the temple) to Liber, and Libera and Ceres (i.e. the Aventine Triad, known to the Greeks as Dionysus, Persephone and Demeter), which Aulus Postumius (Albus Regillensis) had vowed (as) dictator (i.e. before the Battle of Lake Regillus in 496 B.C.), and, on the same site, a shrine to Flora, built by Lucius and Marcus Publicius, (when they were) aediles (i.e. in c. 240 B.C.), and a temple to Janus, which Gaius Duilius had constructed in the vegetable market (i.e. this was situated between the Capitoline Hill and the River Tiber), (the man) who (was) the first (to) achieve some success for Rome at sea and (who) earned (himself) a naval triumph with regard to the Carthaginians (i.e. in the naval battle off Mylae in Sicily in 260 B.C. when he was consul). A temple to Hope was consecrated by Germanicus: Aulus Atilius (Calatinus) (i.e. cos. 258 and 254 B.C. and dictator in 249 B.C.) had vowed this in the same war (i.e. the First Punic War 264-241 B.C.).
Chapter 50. The prosecution of Appuleia Varilla.
Meanwhile, the law of treason was gaining in strength. And an informer accused Appuleia Varilla, the granddaughter of Augustus' sister (i.e. Octavia; Appuleia, herself, was the daughter of Sextus Appuleius, cos. 14 A.D.), of treason, because she had ridiculed the divine Augustus, and Tiberius and his mother (i.e. Livia) with some insulting remarks, and was caught in adultery, connected to (the house of) Caesar (though she was). As for her adultery, it was thought that it was sufficiently covered by the Julian Law (i.e. the Lex Iulia de adulteriis et stupriis, 17 B.C.): Caesar demanded that the charge of treason should be taken separately and that she should be condemned, if she had said anything irreverent about Augustus: he did not wish (anything) said against himself to be the subject of judicial inquiry. (When) asked by the consul what he thought of the reprehensible (things) which she was accused of saying about his mother, he said nothing; then, on the next day (of the meeting) of the senate, he also begged in the name of his (mother), that no words (spoken) against her by anyone should be considered as criminal in any way. He, then, acquitted Appuleia (of any offence) under the law of treason: he withdrew the heavier penalty for adultery (i.e. forfeiture of half of her dowry and a third of her property, as well as relegation to an island) and advised that she should be removed by her kinsfolk, in accordance with the example of our forefathers, (to a place) beyond the two-hundredth milestone. As for the adulterous Manlius (i.e. Appuleia's lover), he was banned (from residence) in Italy and Africa.
Chapter 51. Germanicus and Drusus versus the Law.
A contest had occurred about the choice of a praetor in place of Vipstanus Gallus, whom death had removed. Germanicus and Drusus - for they were still then in Rome - favoured (Decimus) Haterius Agrippa (n.b. he was to become consul in 22 A.D.), a relative of Germanicus; on the other hand, most people urged that the number of children should be the determining factor with regard to the candidates, because the law required (it). Tiberius was delighted, since the senate would have to arbitrate between his sons and the law. The law was overcome without doubt, but not straightaway and (only) by a few votes, in the way in which laws were defeated even when they were in force.
Chapter 52. War in North Africa.
In the same year (i.e. 17 A.D.) a war broke out in Africa, with Tacfarinas (being) the enemy's leader. A Numidian by birth, he served as an auxiliary in the Roman camp, (but he) soon (became) a deserter, and at first he gathered around (him) vagabonds and (those) accustomed to robbery, for the purpose of plunder and rapine; then he marshalled (them) in the manner of a military force under standards and in squadrons; (and) finally he was regarded (as) the leader, not of an ill-disciplined mob, but of the Musulamian (people). This powerful tribe, (living) on the edge of African deserts, then still lacking the culture of cities, took up arms, and drew its Moorish neighbours into war; now, Mazippa (was) their leader. And their army (was) divided, so that Tacfarinas kept the picked men and (those that were) armed in the manner of Romans in the camp, and accustomed (them) to discipline and a commander's authority, (while) Mazippa with a light force spread fire, and slaughter and intimidation around (them).
Now, they had forced the Cinithii, a far from contemptible tribe, into (joining) their (cause), when (Marcus) Furius Camillus (i.e. cos 8 A.D.), pro-consul of Africa, combined a legion and (a contingent) that (was) under the standards of the allies into one (force) and led (it) towards the enemy, a modest force (indeed), if you were to look at the multitude of Numidians and Moors; but there was absolutely nothing that he was more wary of than that they (i.e. the Numidians and Moors) should elude battle through fear; (but actually it was) in the hope of victory that they were lured on into being defeated. So, the legion (was) in the centre (of the line); the light cohorts and the two (cavalry) squadrons were stationed on the wings. Nor did Tacfarinas refuse battle. The Numidians (were) routed, and, after many years, military glory (was again) procured in the name of Furius. For ever since the famous deliverer of our city (i.e. Marcus Furius Camillus, cos. trib.1. 401 B.C.), who is alleged to have defeated the Gauls while they were returning home after their capture of Rome following their victory at the Battle of the Allia in 390 B.C.), and his son Camillus, fame as a general had been in the possession of other families; and the man, of whom I am (now) speaking, was considered inexperienced in warfare. All the more readily did Tiberius celebrate his achievements in the senate; and the Fathers voted (him) triumphal insignia, (something) which was of no risk to Camillus on account of the modesty of his lifestyle.
Chapter 53. Germanicus travels to Greece.
The following year (i.e. 18 A.D.) saw Tiberius (as) consul for the third time (i.e. he had been consul before in 17 and 13 B.C.) and Germanicus for the second time (i.e. he had been consul before in 12 A.D.). Germanicus, however, entered upon that office in the city of Nicopolis in Achaea, to which he had come by means of the coast of Illyricum, after visiting his brother Drusus, (then) stationed in Dalmatia, and having endured a stormy passage through the Adriatic and then the Ionian Sea. He, therefore, spent a few days repairing his fleet; at the same time, in remembrance of his ancestors, he visited the gulf made famous by the victory of Actium (i.e. the naval battle in 31 B.C. when Augustus defeated Antony), and the spoils consecrated by Augustus, and Antony's camp. For, as I have said, Augustus was his great-uncle, (and) Antony (was) his grandfather, and a vivid image of disasters and triumphs (arose) there in that spot.
From there he went to Athens, (where,) in deference to our treaty with an allied and ancient city, he agreed to employ (only) one lictor. The Greeks welcomed (him) with the most elaborate honours, and displayed the ancient doings and sayings of their (people), so that their flattery might have more dignity.
Chapter 54. Germanicus reaches Asia Minor.
Thence, he made for Euboea (and then) crossed to Lesbos, where Agrippina went into labout for the last time and gave birth to Julia. Then, he visited the outskirts of Asia and the Thracian cities of Perinthus and Byzantium, next the narrow (straits) of the Propontis (i.e. the Bosphorus) and the entrance to the Pontus (i.e. the Black Sea), from a desire to get to know those ancient locations, celebrated for their fame (as they were), and, at the same time, to cherish anew provinces (that were) weary of internal conflicts or the damage caused by officials. And then on his return he attempted to visit the sacred (mysteries) of the Samothracians, (but) the north winds he encountered drove (him) off course. And so, after visiting Ilium (i.e. Troy) and scenes which were venerated there for the vicissitudes of fortune and as the birthplace of our (people), he sailed back across Asia and came in to land at Colophon in order to consult the oracle of the Clarion Apollo. There (it is) not a woman, as at Delphi, (but) a priest chosen from certain families, and usually from Miletus, who hears just the number and the names of the consultants; then he descends into a cavern, drinks a draught of water from a secret spring, (and though) generally ignorant of letters and of poetry, he responds in set verses dealing with the subjects which any (inquirer) might have in mind. And it was said that he prophesied in a roundabout way, as (is) the custom for oracles, an early departure for Germanicus.
C. THE DEATH OF GERMANICUS (Chs. 55-88).
Chapter 55. Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso.
Meanwhile, Gnaeus Piso, in his haste to embark upon his designs, alarmed the community of the Athenians by his stormy entrance, and he rebuked (them) in a virulent speech, indirectly belittling Germanicus, because, contrary to the honour of the Roman name, he had cultivated with excessive courtesy not the people of Athens (who had been) exterminated by so many disasters, but that rabble of tribes; for they had been Mithridates' allies against Sulla, (and those) of Antony against the divine Augustus. He even reproached (them) for their ancient history, for their lack of success against the Macedonians, and because they had acted with violence against their own (people), and he also had his own cause for anger with the city because, despite his entreaties, they had not pardoned a certain Theophilus, who had been condemned by the Areopagus (i.e. the Athenian High Court) for forgery. Then, by rapid sailing and by a short cut of the sea through the Cyclades, he overtook Germanicus at the island of Rhodes, (the latter) not unaware of the slanders with which he had been assailed: but he acted with such good nature that, when a storm arose and was driving (him) on to the rocks, and his enemy's death could have been attributed to chance, he sent some triremes, by the help of which he might be rescued from danger. But Piso was not mollified, and, scarcely allowing a day's delay, he left Germanicus and went ahead. Now, when he reached Syria and the legions, by bounties, by bribery, and by favouring the lowest of the common soldiers, and since he began to remove the veteran centurions and the strict tribunes, and to assign their places to his own henchmen or to men of the very worst character, while he allowed idleness in the camp, licence in the towns, and the soldiers to roam in the countryside and take their pleasure, he carried corruption to such a pitch that he was regarded in common parlance (as) the father of the legions.
Nor did Plancina keep herself within (the limits of) female decorum, but she was present at cavalry exercises and at the manoeuvres of (infantry) cohorts, and would fling insulting remarks at Agrippina and Germanicus; even some of the good soldiers were ready to comply with such disloyalty, because a secret rumour was gaining ground that such (behaviour) was not unwelcome to the emperor. These (things were) known to Germanicus, but his more immediate concern was to reach Armenia first.
Chapter 56. The situation in Armenia.
That country (was) unsettled of old, due to the character of its people and its geographical position, since, (though) widely bordering on our provinces, it stretches deep into (the territory of) the Medes; it lies between (two) mighty empires, and is quite often at strife (with them), (feeling) hatred against the Romans, and jealousy towards the Parthians. At that time, it had no king, Vonones having been removed: but the nation's liking inclined towards Zeno, son of Polemon, king of Pontus, because he, from his earliest infancy, (had) emulated the way of life and the customs of the Armenians, (and,) by the chase, banquets and the other (pastimes) which barbarians practise, he had bound himself to chiefs and people alike. Germanicus, therefore, in the city of Artaxata, with the approval of the nobility and surrounded by a (vast) multitude (of people), placed the royal diadem on his head. They all paid (him) homage and saluted (him as) King Artaxias, which designation they had given him from the name of the city. Cappadocia, on the other hand, having been reduced in status to a province, received Quintus Veranius (as) its governor; and some of the royal taxes (were) reduced, in the hope of a milder rule under Rome. Quintus Servaeus was appointed to Commagene, then put under a praetor's jurisdiction for the first time.
Chapter 57. Piso's insolence.
The successful settlement of all their allies' (affairs) had not therefore brought Germanicus any joy, on account of the arrogance of Piso, who, having been instructed to lead a part of the legions to Armenia, (either) himself or by means of his son, had neglected (to arrange) either. Eventually, they met at Cyrrhus, at the winter-quarters of the tenth legion, (both) with composed looks, Piso hiding his fear, (and) Germanicus, so that he should not be thought threatening; and he was, as I have said, quite kind-hearted. But his friends, expert (as they were) at inflaming quarrels, exaggerated (what was) true, made up lies, and incriminated (the man) himself and Plancina and their sons in various ways. At last, in the presence of a few of their associates, the conversation (was) started by Caesar, (with comments) such as anger and suppressed resentment produces, and (there was) a reply by Piso involving insolent apologies; and they parted in open enmity. After that Piso (was) rarely (seen) at Caesar's tribunal, and whenever he attended (it, he was) manifestly sullen and critical. His voice was even heard at a banquet at the court of the king of the Nabataeans, when some golden crowns of great weight were given to Caesar and Agrippina, (and) some light (ones) to Piso and the others, (to say) that the dinner was being given to the son of a Roman prince, not of a Parthian king; at the same time he tossed his crown aside and added a long (speech) against extravagance, which, although it was aggravating to Germanicus, he still bore with patience.
Chapter 58. An embassy arrives from Parthia.
Meanwhile, ambassadors came from Artabanus, the king of the Parthians. He had sent (them) in memory of their friendship and pact, and (he said) that fresh pledges of friendship should be exchanged, and that, as an honour to Germanicus, he would arrange to come (to meet him) on the banks of the Euphrates: meanwhile, he asked that Vonones should not be kept in Syria, lest he might lure the tribal chieftains into conflict by communications with their neighbours. To these (requests) concerning the distinguished alliance between the Romans and the Parthians, Germanicus responded with decorum and modesty with regard to the king's visit and the respect (shown) to himself. Vonones was removed to Pompeiopolis, a coastal city of Cilicia. This was a concession not only to the request of Artabanus, but (was seen) as an affront to Piso, to whom he was most agreeable, on account of the numerous services and gifts, by which he had laid Plancina under an obligation (to him).
Chapter 62. (n.b. Chs. 59-61 are repositioned after Ch. 67.) Drusus on campaign in Germany.
While that summer was spent by Germanicus in visiting several provinces, Drusus acquired no little glory (by) luring the Germans into conflicts, so that, with (the power of) Maroboduus now broken, he should be pursued right to destruction. Among the Gotones, there was a noble youth, Catualda by name, once a fugitive from the power of Maroboduus, but now that his affairs were uncertain he ventured upon his revenge. He invaded the territory of the Marcomanni with a strong force, and, having bribed the nobles to (join him in) an alliance, he burst into the palace and the fortress sited nearby. There the ancient spoils of the Suevi (were) discovered, and some camp-followers and businessmen from our provinces, whom the right to trade and a desire of amassing wealth, (and) finally a forgetfulness of their native-land had transported each one (of them) from their homes on to hostile soil.
Chapter 63. The fates of Maroboduus and Catualda.
Deserted by everyone, Maroboduus had no resource other than the mercy of Caesar. Having crossed the Danube, where it flows past the province of Noricum, he wrote to Tiberius, not as a fugitive or a suppliant, but from the memory of his past greatness: for though many nations were inviting a once very famous king to (visit) them, he had preferred the friendship of Rome. The response from Caesar (was) that he would have a safe and honourable home in Italy, if he should remain (there); but if something (different) were to occur in his affairs, he might leave (it) under the same protection, in which he had come. But in the senate he asserted that neither Philip, in the case of the Athenians, nor Pyrrhus or Antiochus, in the case of the people of Rome, had been so feared as (him). The speech is extant, in which he emphasised the greatness of the man, the violence of the tribes that were subjected to him, and how near to Italy (he was as) an enemy, and his own plans for destroying him. Now, Maroboduus (was) kept at Ravenna, yet it was made known that he might return to his kingdom, if the Suebi were ever to become unruly: but for eighteen years he never left Italy, and he became old and his fame much tarnished on account of too great a desire to live.
Catualda had a similar downfall and no other (source of) refuge. Driven out not long afterwards by the might of the Hermanduri and with Vibilius as their leader, he was taken into asylum and sent to Forum Julii, a colony of Narbonensian Gaul. The barbarians accompanying the two (kings), lest they might disrupt the peaceful provinces by intermingling (with their people), were settled beyond the Danube between the rivers Marus (i.e. the River Morava) and Cusus (i.e. the River Vah), and a king (was) assigned (to them, in the person ) of Vannius from the tribe of the Quadi.
Chapter 64. The situation in Thrace.
News having also arrived that Artaxias has been appointed by Germanicus (as) king of the Armenians, the senate decreed that Germanicus and Drusus should enter the city with an ovation. Now, arches (were) erected around the sides of the temple of Mars the Avenger, together with an effigy of the Caesars, (and) Tiberius (was) the more delighted because peace had been established by a wise policy than if he had completed a war on the battlefield. And so he also brought his cunning to bear upon Rhescuporos, the king of Thrace. Rhoemetalces had been in possession of that whole country; when he died, Augustus assigned half of Thrace to his brother Rhescuporis, (and) half to his son Cotys. In this division, he gave the cultivated (parts), and the towns, and the neighbouring (areas) to the (territories) of the Greeks to Cotys, (and) what (was) wild, (and) barbarous, (and) bordering on enemy (territory) to Rhescuporis. (As to) the characters of the kings themselves, (that) of the former (i.e. Cotys) was mild and charming, (that) of the latter (i.e. Rhescuporis) fierce, ambitious and intolerant of partnership. Now at first they lived in apparent harmony: soon Rhescuporis overstepped the boundaries, and took to himself (lands) given to Cotys, and used force when he resisted, (but) with some hesitation under Augustus, and, as he was the creator of the two kingdoms, he feared his vengeance if (this arrangement) should be rejected. But when however he heard of the change of emperors, he sent in bands of mercenaries and demolished fortresses to sow the seeds of war.
Chapter 65. Cotys is deceived by treachery.
Nothing caused Tiberius as much concern as (ensuring) that (what had been) settled should not be disturbed. He chose a centurion to tell the kings not to settle their disputes by (force of) arms, and, at once, the auxiliaries that he had arranged were dismissed by Cotys. Rhescuporis, with assumed moderation, asked for a place where they might meet together: their differences, (he said), could be settled by conversation. They did not hesitate for long over the time, the place, (and) then the terms, since they conceded and accepted between themselves all (points), in the one case through good nature, and in the other through treachery. Rhescuporis, in order to ratify the treaty, as he went on to say, threw a banquet, and, when their merriment had been prolonged far into the night, he loaded the unsuspecting Cotys with chains, and, when he (i.e. Cotys) had realised the trick, he appealed to the sacred (rights) of kingship, to the gods of their common family, and to the boards of hospitality. Having taken possession of all of Thrace, he (i.e. Rhescuporis) wrote toTiberius, (saying) that a plot had been formed against him but that he had forestalled the conspirator; at the same time, under the pretext of a war against the Bastarnae and the Scythians, he strengthened himself with fresh forces of infantry and cavalry.
He (i.e. Tiberius) replied in a conciliatory fashion, (saying) that, if there was no deceit, he could rely on his innocence; but that neither he nor the senate would be able to determine the rights and wrongs of the case without hearing (it): accordingly, he was to hand over Cotys, (and) come (to Rome), and transfer the unpleasant task of hearing the case.
Chapter 66. Flaccus appointed as governor of Moesia.
Latinius Pandusa, the propraetor of Moesia, sent this letter to Thrace with the soldiers. to whom Cotys was to be handed over. Rhescuporis, oscillating between fear and fury, preferred to be accused of a crime (which had been) committed rather than initiated: he ordered Cotys to be killed, and pretended that his death was self-inflicted. Still, Caesar did not change his policies once (they had been) adopted, but, on the death of Pandusa, whom Rhescuporis had accused of (being personally) hostile (to him), he appointed as the governor of Moesia (Lucius) Pomponius Flaccus (i.e. cos. 17 A.D.), a veteran in campaigning, and (he did so) especially for the reason that his close friendship with the king (made him) the more able to entrap (him).
Chapter 67. The downfall of Rhescuporis.
Having crossed into Thrace, Flaccus induced (him), by massive promises, to enter the Roman defence lines, although (he was) hesitant (to do so), when he reflected on his crimes. Then, a strong force surrounded (him) on the pretext of honouring the king, and tribunes and centurions, by advice, by persuasion, and in a much more open custody the further he went, brought (him) at last to the City, aware of his desperate plight. Accused in the senate by the wife of Cotys, he was condemned to be kept (as a prisoner) far away from his kingdom. Thrace was divided between his son Rhoemetalces, whom it was known had opposed his father's plans, and the sons of Cotys; and, as they were not yet adults, an ex-praetor, Trebellenus Rufus, was appointed as their guardian to manage the kingdom in the meantime, after the precedent of our ancestors who had sent Marcus (Aemilius) Lepidus (i.e. cos. 185 and 175 B.C.) to Egypt as guardian to the children of Ptolemy (i.e. Ptolemy V Epiphanes, d. 181 B.C.).
Chapter 59. (n.b. Chs. 59-61 are re-positioned here.) Germanicus at Alexandria.
In the consulship of Marcus (Junius) Silanus (Torquatus) and Lucius Norbanus (Balbus) (i.e. in 19 A.D.), Germanicus set out for Egypt in order to study its antiquities. But concern for the province was his pretext (for going), and he lowered the price of corn by opening the granaries, and followed many (practices that were) pleasing to the multitude; he walked with his feet uncovered (i.e. wearing sandals) and in clothing similar to (that of) the Greeks, in emulation of Publius Scipio (i.e. Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus the Elder, cos. 205 and 194 B.C.) whom we know to have done the same in Sicily, although the war with the Carthaginians (i.e. the Second Punic War 218-201 B.C.) was still raging. Tiberius criticised his bearing and his dress with gentle words, but sharply censured (him). because he had visited Alexandria without leave of the emperor contrary to the regulations of Augustus. For Augustus, among other secrets of his dominance, had forbidden Roman senators and knights of the higher ranks to go there without his permission and he kept Egypt isolated, lest some (power) should subject Italy to starvation, and should occupy that province with its key (position) by land and sea with however light a garrison against large armies.
Chapter 60. Germanicus sails up the Nile.
But Germanicus, not yet aware that he was being blamed for this expedition, sailed up the Nile, starting from the town of Canopus. The Spartans founded it, because Canopus, the pilot of one of their ships, (had been) buried there, when Menelaus, on his return to Greece, was driven by a storm to a remote (stretch of) sea and the land of Libya. From there (he went) to the river's nearest mouth, dedicated to a Hercules, whom the inhabitants assert (was) born in that country, and was the original (holder of this name), and that those who were afterwards similar (to him) in valour were appropriated into (sharing) his name; next, he visited the vast ruins of ancient Thebes. Yet on its massive masonry there remained Egyptian inscriptions as testimony to its previous wealth: (one) of the older priests, (who had been) required to interpret the language of his country, related that seven hundred (men) of military age had once dwelt there, and that with this army King Ramesses (II) (i.e. the Pharaoh of Egypt c.1303-1213 B.C.) had conquered Libya, and Ethiopia, and the Medes and the Persians, and the (people of) Bactria and (those of) Scythia, and had held under his sway the lands which the Syrians, and the Armenians, and the neighbouring Cappadocians inhabit, from the Bithynian (sea) on the one hand to the Lycian sea on the other. Also legible (were) the tributes imposed on those nations, the weight of silver and gold, the number of weapons and horses, and the temple offerings of ivory and perfume, and the quantities of grain and all the necessities, which each nation supplied, no less magnificent than is now exacted by the might of the Parthians or the power of Rome.
Chapter 61. Germanicus sails upriver to Elephantine and Syene.
But Germanicus also directed his attention to other marvels, of which the chief (ones) were the stone statue of Memnon, (which,) when it is struck by the rays of the sun, gives out a singing sound, and the pyramids, raised up like mountains amid the scarcely passable wastes of shifting sand, due to the rivalry and wealth of kings, and a lake (i.e. called Moeris by Herodotus, now the Birket Quarun in the Fayyum) excavated from out of the earth, (as) a receptacle for the Nile when it overflows; and elsewhere narrow gorges and a profound depth, impenetrable to the soundings of explorers. Then, he came to Elephantine and Syene (i.e. Aswan), the limits at that time of the Roman empire, which now extends to the Red Sea.
Chapter 68. The death of Vonones I.
Around the same time, Vonones, whose banishment to Cilicia I have mentioned, managed by bribing his guards to escape to the Armenians, thence to the Albani and the Heniochi (i.e. both Caucasian tribes), and his relative, the king of Scythia. Leaving the coastal resorts on the pretence of a hunting (expedition), he made for the trackless forests, and he was soon taken by his speedy horse to the River Pyramus, the bridges of which the local inhabitants had broken when they they heard of the king's escape, nor could it be crossed by a ford. And so, on the bank of the river he was arrested by the cavalry prefect Vibius Fronto, and then the veteran Remmius, who had previously been appointed to guard the king, ran him through with a sword, as if in anger. Hence, a greater belief in the awareness that a crime (had been committed) and the fear of its disclosure (were thought to have) caused the death of Vonones.
Chapter 69. Germanicus falls ill at Antioch.
Meanwhile, Germanicus, returning from Egypt, discovered that all the instructions which he had given to the legions and the cities (had been) rescinded or turned in the opposite direction. For this reason, grievous insults were directed at Piso, and no less bitter (were the ones) which (were directed) by him at Caesar. Then, Piso resolved to quit Syria. Soon (he was) detained by the failing health of Germanicus, (and,) when he heard of his recovery and the vows (that) were being paid for his safety, he drove away, by means of his lictors, the victims, (which had been) brought to the altar in preparation for sacrifice, (and) the festive people of Antioch. Then, he went down to Seleucia, awaiting (the result of) the sickness which had again befallen Germanicus. The belief that poison (had been) administered by Piso intensified the savage strength of the illness; and there were found in the floor and the walls the disinterred remains of human bodies, incantations and spells, and the name of Germanicus inscribed on leaden tablets, charred ashes smeared with blood, and other horrors, by which it is believed that (living) souls can be devoted to the powers of the grave. At the same time, (men) sent by Piso were accused of keeping a close watch on the adverse (symptoms) of the disease.
Chapter 70. Piso awaits the outcome.
These (things were) heard by Germanicus with no less anger than with fear. If his doorway, (he said), is to be besieged, if his last breath is to be poured out under the eyes of his enemies, what then will happen to his most unhappy wife (i.e. Agrippina) and to his infant children (i.e. Julia and Caligula)? Poisoning seems (to be) a slow (process): he is in a hurry and is eager to have sole (control) of the province and the legions. But Germanicus has not yet fallen so low, nor will the reward of murder (long) remain with the killer.
He (then) composed a letter, in which he renounced his friendship with him: many also say that he was ordered to leave the province. Nor (was) Piso slow to set sail, but he slackened his course, so that he might return more promptly if Germanicus' death were to open Syria up (to him).
Chapter 71. Germanicus speaks to his friends.
For a short period, Caesar's hopes rose, (but) then his body flagged, (and,) when the end drew near, he addressed the friends standing beside (him) in the following manner: "If I were succumbing to destiny, I should have a justified grievance against even the gods, for snatching me away in my youth by a premature death from parents, children (and) country; now, cut off by the wickedness of Piso and Plancina, I leave my last entreaties in your hearts: tell my father and my brother of the bitter agonies that have rent (me), (and) of the plots that have encompassed (me), as I have ended this most miserable of lives with the worst of deaths. if my prospects, if my close blood, (or even) envy toward (me) touched anyone, while I was living, they will lament that the once flourishing survivor of so many wars has fallen through a woman's treachery. You will have the opportunity of complaining before the senate and of invoking the laws. It is not the chief duty of friends to follow a dead (man) with idle laments, but to remember what he wanted, (and) to carry out what he commanded. Even strangers will weep for Germanicus: you will avenge (him), if you love me rather than my fortune. Show the people of Rome (she who is) the granddaughter of the divine Augustus as well as my consort (i.e. Agrippina the Elder), and make mention of my six children (i.e. Nero, Drusus, Gaius Caligula, Agrippina the Younger, Drusilla, and Julia Livilla). Pity will lie with the accusers, and to those fabricating evil instructions, may men neither believe nor pardon (them)."
His friends took hold of the dying man's right-hand, and swore that they would forego life before their revenge.
Chapter 72. The death of Germanicus.
He then turned to his wife, and implored (her) in memory of him, and for the sake of the children they shared, (to) set aside her pride, (to) submit her spirit to the ravages of fortune, nor, on her return to the City, (to) annoy (those) stronger (than herself) by competing for power. These (things were said) openly, and other (things) in secret, through which it was supposed that he was pointing to a fear of Tiberius. Not long afterwards he expired, to the great sorrow of the province and of the neighbouring peoples. Foreign nations and kings were distressed, so great was his courtesy to allies and his clemency to enemies; honoured by those who saw him and heard him alike, while he retained the greatness and dignity of lofty rank, he had managed to avoid causing envy and arrogance (in others).
Chapter 73. Germanicus' funeral.
His funeral, devoid of ancestral effigies and a procession (though it was), was distinguished by eulogies and a recollection of his virtues. And there were (those) who, on account of his appearance, his age, the manner of his death, and the proximity of the country where he died, likened his fate to (that) of Alexander the Great (i.e. the King of Macedonia 336-323). For both, handsome of body, distinguished by birth, and not much beyond thirty years (of age), had died by the treachery of their own (people) among foreign nations: but he (was) gracious towards his friends, (and) moderate in his pleasures, and he had a single marriage and legitimate children, nor was he less of a warrior, even if rashness was absent (in his case), and he was hindered from crushing the German (provinces) into servitude, after he had defeated (them) in so many victories. But, if he had been the sole arbiter of affairs and (had had) the power and the title of a king, he would have overtaken (him) in military glory as easily as he had surpassed (him) in clemency, in temperance, and in all other good qualities. The body, before it was cremated, (was) exposed in the forum of Antioch, which was destined (as) his place of burial, and there was no agreement as to whether it showed any signs of poisoning; for, according as to whether a man was more inclined to pity for Germanicus and preconceived suspicion, or was in favour of Piso, there were different interpretations.
Chapter 74. Sentius is appointed governor of Syria.
Then, (there was) a consultation between the legates and the other senators who were present as to who should be put in charge of Syria. The claims of others (were) slight, but those of (Gaius) Vibius Marsus (i.e. cos. suff. 17 A.D.) and Gnaeus Sentius (Saturninus) (i.e. cos. suff. 4 A.D.) (were) considered at length: then Marsus gave way to Sentius, the older and keener competitor. He, then, sent to the City (a woman) infamous in that province for poisonings, and an intimate friend of Plancina, Martina by name, at the request of (Publius) Vitellius, and (Quintus) Veranius and others, who were preparing charges and an indictment, as if the case against her had already been instigated.
Chapter 75. Agrippina mourns; Piso rejoices.
Meanwhile, Agrippina, worn out (though she was) with grief and bodily weakness, yet impatient of everything that might delay her vengeance, got on board ship with Germanicus' ashes and her children, pitied by everyone as a woman of the highest nobility, hitherto splendidly married, (and) accustomed to being looked at amid a throng of those who admired (her) and rejoiced (at the sight of her), (and) she bore in her bosom the relics of death, unsure of her revenge, anxious for herself and her ill-starred fecundity, so often exposed to misfortune.
In the meantime, the news that Germanicus was dead reached Piso on the island of Cos. This (news was) received with extravagant (joy), and he slew victims, visited temples, and his joy knew no bounds, and (even) more elated (was) Plancina, who now for the first time exchanged the mourning dress (she was wearing) for the loss of her sister for joyful attire.
Chapter 76. Piso considers his course of action.
Centurions came streaming in and hinted at the readiness and eagerness of the legions (to declare) for him: he should return to the province wrongly taken from (him) and (now) vacant. So, while he considered what he ought to do, his son, Marcus (Calpurnius) Piso, advised (him) to hurry (back) to the City: as yet, (he said you have) not (committed) any implacable crime, nor should you fear any feeble suspicions or vague rumours. Your quarrel with Germanicus (was) worthy of hatred perhaps, but not punishment; and by the removal of your province your enemies have been satisfied. But, if you return (to Syria), should Sentius resist (you), civil war will break out; and you will not keep on your side the centurions and soldiers, among whom the recent memory of their commander, and a deeply rooted affection for the Caesars, would prevail.
Chapter 77. Domitius Celer persuades Piso to seize Syria.
On the other hand, Domitius Celer, (one) of his intimate associates, argued that he make use of the opportunity: (it was) Piso, (he said), not Sentius, (who had been) appointed to Syria; (it was) to him (that) the fasces and the jurisdiction of a praetor, (and) to him (that) the legions, (had been) given. If anything hostile were to befall (them) who would oppose (it) more appropriately than (he) who had received the authority and the special mandates of a governor? Also, in relation to rumours, time should be left, in which they can fade away: (when) resentment (is) fresh, (it is) generally unfair to the innocent. But, if he should get hold of an army, (and thereby) increase his strength, many (things) which cannot be foreseen, would, haply, turn out for the better. Are we hastening to come to land (in Italy) along with Germanicus' ashes, so that the lamentations of Agrippina and an ignorant mob may bring you down, unheard and undefended, at the first rumour (i.e. on hearsay)? You have the complicity of the Augusta (i.e. Livia) and the favour of Caesar (i.e. Tiberius), but in secret; and none mourn more ostentatiously that Germanicus has died than those who most rejoice (at it).
Chapter 78. Piso heads back to Syria.
Without great difficulty, Piso, who was ever ready for bold (actions), was led to this opinion, and he sent a letter to Tiberius, accusing Germanicus of excess and arrogance; and (he asserted) that, as he had been driven off so that an opportunity might be laid open for revolution, he had resumed command of the army with the same (degree of) loyalty as before. At the same time, he put Domitius on board a warship, and ordered (him) to avoid the coastal shoreline and proceed to Syria on the open sea, bypassing the islands. The deserters who had flocked around (him) he formed into companies, he armed the camp-followers, and, having crossed with his ships to the mainland, he intercepted a detachment of recruits on their way to Syria, and wrote to the petty kings of the Cilicians, (saying) that he would support (them) with auxiliaries, while the young Piso (was) not inactive in (making) preparations for war, although he had rejected (the idea) that such a war should be undertaken.
Chapter 79. Sentius hold the province against Piso.
So, as they coasted along the shores of Lycia and Pamphylia, they met with the ships that were conveying Agrippina, and both sides (were so) hostile that at first they took to arms: then, due to mutual fears, the matter went no further than angry words, and Vibius Marsus sent a message to Piso, (telling him to) come to Rome to plead his cause. He replied sarcastically that he would be there when the praetor who investigated (cases) of poisoning had appointed a date for the accused and his prosecutors.
Meanwhile, Domitius, having landed at Laodicea, a city of Syria, since he was making for the winter quarters of the sixth legion, because he believed it was particularly suited to revolutionary schemes, was forestalled by its commander, Pacuvius. This Sentius disclosed in a letter to Piso, and he warned (him) not to disrupt the camp by corrupting agents, or the province by war. He gathered together all those whom he had known to (cherish) the memory of Germanicus, or (to be) opposed to his enemies, constantly dwelling on the greatness of the general, and that the state was facing an armed attack; and he was leading a strong force and (one that was) prepared for battle.
Chapter 80. Piso attempts to hold the Cilician fortress of Celenderis.
And Piso, although his first attempts had gone down badly, did not rule out the safest course of action in the circumstances, but occupied a fully fortified fortress in Cilicia, the name of which (was) Celenderis; for he had brought up to the size of a legion the Cilician auxiliaries, which the petty kings had sent, by mixing (with them) some deserters and the recently intercepted band of recruits, and his own and Plancina's slaves. He vouched that, although he was Caesar's legate, he had been kept out of the province which he had given (him), not by the legions (for he had come at their invitation), but by Sentius, who was concealing private animosity under false charges. Should they stand in battle-line, the soldiers would not fight, when they have seen that Piso, once called 'Father' by them, (is) the stronger, if (the matter) is to be decided by justice, nor powerless, if by arms.
He (i.e. Piso) then deployed his companies in front of the fortifications of the fortress on a high and precipitous hill; for he was surrounded by the sea on every side. The veteran (troops were) drawn up in ranks and with reserves: (there was) a ruggedness of soldiery on one side, (and) of position on the other, but (they had) no heart nor hope apart from rustic weapons or (those) improvised for sudden use. When they came to fighting, the outcome was only not beyond doubt, while the Roman cohorts were struggling up on to level (ground); (then), the Cilicians turned their backs and shut themselves up in the fortress.
Chapter 81. Piso is allowed safe-conduct to Rome.
Meanwhile, Piso vainly attempted to attack the fleet waiting not far away; then, he went back and (stood) before the walls, now smiting his (breast), now calling upon individual (soldiers) by name, and, luring (them) on by rewards, (he sought) to start a mutiny, and he had so far roused (them) that a standard-bearer of the sixth legion came over to him with his standard. Then, Sentius ordered the horns and the trumpets to be blown and the rampart to be attacked, scaling ladders to be erected and all the most resolute (men) to climb (them), while others were to discharge spears, stones and firebrands from the catapults. At last, his obstinacy having been overcome, Piso begged that he might remain in the fortress, having surrendered his arms, while Caesar was being consulted over who should govern Syria. These conditions were not accepted, nor was anything granted other than ships and a safe (return) journey to the City.
Chapter 82. The news of Germanicus' death is received in Rome.
But in Rome, when Germanicus' illness became known to all, and all (news) coming from a distance was exaggerated for the worse, (as it were), (there was) grief (and) indignation, and complaints burst out. Of course this is why he was banished to the ends of the earth, this was the reason for Piso being appointed as governor of the province; this was the meaning of the secret conversations between the Augusta and Plancina. (What) older (men) have said about Drusus (was) quite true: a civic mindset among their sons (i.e. the Elder Drusus was the step-son of Augustus, and Germanicus was the adopted son of Tiberius) was displeasing to rulers, and they had been cut off for no other (reason) than because they had contemplated that the Roman people should be dealt with under equal laws and that freedom should be restored.
The news of his death so inflamed these popular discussions, that (even) before (there was) a proclamation of the magistrates or a resolution of the senate, a suspension of legal proceedings took place, the market-places were deserted, and houses were closed. Everywhere (there was) silence and groans, (and) nothing was done for the purpose of (mere) ostentation; and, although they did not refrain from the token of mourners, they sorrowed the more deeply in their hearts.
It happened that some merchants, (who had) left Syria while Germanicus was still alive, brought some more cheerful (tidings) about his state of health. (These) were believed at once, and at once made known: as everyone whom he met passed on the news, unauthenticated though (it was), to others, and they to (many) more, overwhelming with its joy. They ran to and fro through the City, (and) forced open the doors of the temples; night assisted their credulity and their affirmation (was made) easier amid the darkness. Nor did Tiberius obstruct these false (reports) until they had faded with time and space: and the people grieved the more bitterly, as if (they were) bereft once more.
Chapter 83. The honours awarded Germanicus after his death.
Honours were devised and decreed (for him) as men were inspired by their affection for Germanicus or by his ability: so, his name was celebrated in the Salian hymn; curule chairs, with oak-wreaths over them, were set up in the places (reserved) for the priesthood of (the deified) Augustus; his statue in ivory was to lead the way in (the processions) of the Circus Games, nor was any flamen or augur to be chosen in place of Germanicus except (members of) the Julian family. Arches (were) set up in Rome, and on the bank of the Rhine, and on Mount Amanus in Syria with inscriptions that recorded his deeds and his death on behalf of his country. (There was) a sepulchre at Antioch, where he was cremated (and) a raised monument at Epidaphne, the place where he had ended his life. A man could not easily enumerate the statues or the places where he was honoured. When a gold medallion of remarkable size was voted (him) among the leaders of eloquence, Tiberius strongly asserted that he would dedicate one of the usual kind and similar to the others: for eloquence was not measured by wealth (and rank), and and it was a sufficient compliment if he were to be classed among the ancient writers. The equestrian order called the block of seats, which were known as the 'juniors', Germanicus' (benches), and arranged that their squadrons would follow behind his effigy on the 15th July (every year). Several (of these honours still) remain: some were dropped at once, or the course of time erased (them).
Chapter 84. The birth of the twins.
While men's mourning (was) still fresh, Germanicus' sister, Livia (i.e. Livilla), who was married to Drusus (i.e. the Younger Drusus, son of Tiberius), gave birth to two (children) of the male sex at the same time (i.e. they were twins). This (event), rare and joyous (as it was), even in humble homes, filled the emperor with such great joy, that he did not refrain from boasting before the senators that to no man of the same rank among the Romans had twin offspring (ever) been born before: for he would turn to his own glory every (event), even a fortuitous (one). But, at such a time, even this brought grief to the people, as though this increase in the family of Drusus caused the house of Germanicus further oppression.
Chapter 85. Restrictions and proscriptions.
In the same year (i.e. 19 A.D.), the profligacy of women (was) checked by stringent decrees of the senate, and (it was) stipulated that no (woman,) whose grandfather, or father, or husband had been a Roman knight, should be able to make a profit by means of her body (i.e. by prostitution). For Vistilia, born of a praetorian family, had broadcast her practice of licentiousness with the aediles, (this being) an accepted custom among our ancestors, who considered that a profession of shame was, in itself, a sufficient punishment for unchaste (women). (An answer was sought) from Titidius Labeo, Vistilia's husband, as to why he had neglected to enforce the penalty of the law with regard to his wife, whose guilt (was) manifest. So, when he pleaded that the sixty days given for deliberation had not yet expired, it was thought sufficient to decide Vistilia's case (then and there), and she was banished to the island of Seriphos (i.e. in the Cyclades).
There was a debate, too, about the expulsion of the sacred rites of the Egyptians and the Jews, and a decree of the senate (was) enacted that four thousand (men) of the freedmen class, (who were) infected with these superstitions (and) who (were) of a suitable age, should be conveyed to the island of Sardinia to suppress the brigands (that were) there, and (they would be) a cheap loss, if they were to die from the severity of the climate; the rest (of them) were to leave Italy unless they had repudiated their unholy rites by a given date.
Chapter 86. Succession of the Vestal Virgin.
After this, Caesar (i.e. Tiberius) reported that a virgin must be appointed in place of Occia, who had presided over the rites of Vesta with the utmost purity for fifty-seven years; and he gave thanks to Fonteius Agrippa and Domitius Pollio, because, by offering their daughters, they were competing in their duty to the commonwealth. Pollio's daughter was preferred, for no other (reason) than because her mother had remained in the same marriage; for Agrippa had diminished (the reputation of) his household by a divorce. However, Caesar consoled the rejected (girl) by a dowry of a million sesterces.
Chapter 87. Tiberius rejects personal honours.
As the people (were) complaining of the cruelty of the price of corn, he fixed the price of grain which the buyer would pay, (saying that) he would give an additional two sesterces to the merchants for every peck. But he did not adopt, on account of this, the title 'Father of his Country', which had also been offered (him) before, and he sharply rebuked those who had called his works 'divine' and himself 'lord'. As a result, speech (became) restricted and hazardous under an emperor who feared freedom, (but) hated flattery.
Chapter 88. The death of Arminius.
I find (it stated) among the writers and senators of the same period that a letter from Adgandestrius, chief of the Chatti, was read in the senate, in which he promised the death of Arminius, if the poison necessary for the accomplishment of the murder were sent, and the reply was that the Roman people took revenge on their enemies not by deceit or secret (practices), but openly and by arms. By this noble (answer), Tiberius sought to liken himself to the generals of old, who had forbidden, and (even) disclosed, the (use of) poison against king Pyrrhus (i.e. King of Epirus 306-272 B.C.).
Meanwhile, Arminius (i.e. the chieftain of the Cherusci who destroyed the three legions of Publius Quinctilius Varus at the battle of the Teutoberg Forest in 9 A.D.), when the Romans withdrew and Maroboduus had been expelled, while aiming at the throne, found the people's (spirit of) freedom in his way, and, when attacked by force of arms, he fought with varied results, and fell due to the treachery of his kinsfolk (i.e. in 21 A.D.): (he was) without doubt the liberator of Germany, and (one) who had fought not in the infancy of the Roman people, as in the case of other kings and leaders, but at the very height of its power, with ambiguous (results) in battle, (yet) unconquered in war. He completed thirty-seven years of life, (and) twelve of power, (and he is) still sung of among barbarian peoples, while (he remains) unknown in the annals of the Greeks, who only admire their own (achievements), and he is equally uncelebrated by the Romans, as we extol past (events but are) uninterested in recent (ones).
