TACITUS: "ANNALES": BOOK III.

TACITUS: "ANNALES": BOOK III. 

Introduction: 

Readers are invited to turn to the 'Introduction' to Sabidius' translation of Tacitus' "Annales", Book I, published on 20th March 2023. 

A. THE TRIAL OF GNAEUS PISO; WAR IN NORTH AFRICA (Chs. 1-34) .

Chapter 1. Agrippina arrives at Brundisium. 

Without interrupting in any way her voyage over the wintry sea, Agrippina comes to the island of Corcyra (i.e. Corfu), situated opposite to the coast of Calabria. There, frantic with grief and unaware of how to endure (it), she spent a few days trying to calm her mind. Meanwhile, on hearing of her arrival, all her intimate friends and several military officers, as they had seen service under Germanicus, and also many strangers from neighbouring towns, some thinking (it) their duty to the emperor, and more following their (example), thronged to the town of Brundisium (i.e. Brindisi), as it was the quickest and safest landing place for a voyager. 

Now, as soon as the fleet (was) seen on the horizon, not only the harbour and (the locations) nearest to the sea, but also the walls and the roof-tops, from which the furthest (view) could be seen, were filled by a crowd of mourners and of those asking each other (whether) they should receive her arrival in silence or with some (audible) voice. Nor was it sufficiently agreed as to what would suit the occasion, when the fleet slowly approached, not rowing briskly as usual, but with (its crewmen) all united in sadness. When she stepped off the ship with her children, holding the funeral urn, and lowered her eyes, (one and) the same groan (arose) from all (of them), nor could you distinguish relatives from strangers (or) the laments of men and women, except that those (who) met (them, being) fresh in their grief, surpassed (in their lamentations) the retinue of Agrippina, worn out by by their long drawn sorrow.  

Chapter 2. Germanicus' ashes are escorted to Rome. 

Caesar (i.e. Tiberius)  had sent two praetorian cohorts, with instructions that the magistrates of Calabria, and Apulia and Campania were to perform the last rites in memory of his son. Accordingly, his ashes were borne on the shoulders of tribunes and centurions; unadorned standards and the fasces reversed preceded (them); and, when they passed through each colony, the populace in black (garb) (and) knights in ceremonial robes burnt clothing, perfumes and other funeral offerings. Even (those,) whose towns were outside the route, both came to meet (them) and (offered) victims and set up altars to the shades of the departed, and they testified to their grief by tears and cries of lamentation. Drusus went out to Tarracina (i.e. Terracina) with Germanicus' brother Claudius (i.e. the future emperor), and his children, who had been in the City. The consuls, Marcus Valerius (Messalla) and Marcus Aurelius (Cotta Maximus Messalinus) (for they had already commenced office) (i.e. in 20 A.D.), and the senate and a large number of people had filled the roadway in scattered groups, weeping as each one (of them) felt inclined; and yet there was an absence of flattery, for everyone knew that Tiberius could scarcely conceal his delight at the death of Germanicus.        

Chapter 3. Antonia Minor does not make a public appearance at the funeral ceremonies.

Tiberius and Augusta abstained (from appearing) in public, thinking (it) beneath their grandeur, if they openly lamented, or fearing that, if the eyes of everyone should scrutinise their faces, their hypocrisy would be revealed. I do not find it written by any historians or in any daily journals that his mother Antonia performed any significant function, although, in addition to Agrippina, and Drusus and Claudius, his other blood-relatives are also listed by name. She may have been hindered by ill-health, of her spirit may have been (so) overcome by grief that she was unable to come to terms with the sight of so great a misfortune. I can more easily believe that (she was) detained by Tiberius and Augusta, who did not leave the palace, so that his grandmother and his uncle might also seem equal (to her) in sorrow and (to be following) his mother's example in staying at home. 

 Chapter 4. Germanicus' ashes are interred in the Mausoleum of Augustus.

The day on which the remains were interred in the Mausoleum of Augustus was at one moment desolate through silence, and at another disturbed by lamentations; the city-streets were full, (and) torches (were) blazing across the Field of Mars. There, the soldiers under arms, the magistrates without their insignia, (and) the people in their tribes were exclaiming too freely and too openly that the commonwealth was ruined (and) that no hope (was) left, for you to believe that they remembered their rulers. But nothing impressed Tiberius more than the kindling of people's enthusiasm for Agrippina, since they called (her) the glory of their country, the sole offspring  of Augustus, and the solitary example of the old times, and, as they looked up to heaven and the gods, they prayed that her children (might be) safe and outlive their oppressors.  

Chapter 5. Dismay at the lack of a state funeral.

There were (some) who were expecting a state funeral, and (who) compared (the arrangements with) the magnificent honours which Augustus had provided in the case of Germanicus' father, Drusus. Then indeed, (they said) that he, himself, had gone, in the extremity of winter, as far as Ticinum, nor had he left the body, but had entered the City together with (it); statues of the Claudii and the Julii surrounded the funeral bier; (there was) bitter lamentation in the forum, (there was) a funeral oration before the rostra, (and) every (honour), devised by our ancestors, or which their descendants had invented, was heaped (on him): but, in the case of Germanicus, not even the customary honours due to any nobleman had been provided. Of course, his body (had had to be) burnt in some manner in foreign lands, on account of the length of the journey: but all the more honours should then have been properly paid (to him), since chance had at first denied (them). His brother (had) not (gone) beyond one day's journey to meet (him), his uncle not even as far as the gate. Where (were all) those past practices, the effigy displayed on the bier, the lays composed to commemorate his virtue, and the eulogies and the tears, or (at least) the semblance of grief?  

Chapter 6. Tiberius calls for restraint. 

(All) this was known to Tiberius; and, in order to suppress popular talk, he reminded (the people) in a proclamation that many distinguished Romans had died for their country, (but) no one (had been) honoured with such passionate regret. And this (regret was) of great value both to himself and to everyone, if only moderation were to be observed. For what was becoming in humble homes or communities (was) not the case with regard to men of princely rank and an imperial people. Lamentation and the solace of mourning were suited to a fresh (case of) grief; but they must now incline their minds to firmness, as the divine Julius, when he lost his only daughter (i.e. Julia in 54 B.C.), and the divine Augustus, when he was robbed of his grandsons (i.e. Gaius Caesar in 1 A.D. and Lucius Caesar in 2 A.D.), had once concealed their sorrow. (There was) no need for examples from the past, (showing) how often the Roman people had steadily endured the destruction of armies, the ruin of generals, (and) the utter loss of noble families. Princes (are) mortal, (but) the state (is) everlasting. So, let them return to their usual (occupations), and as the show of the Megalesian Games (i.e. those belonging to the Great Goddess, Cybele) was at hand, let them also resume their amusements.

Chapter 7. Outcry against Piso; the death of Martina.

The suspension of public business then ceased, and there was a return to work, and Drusus set out to (join) the armies of Illyricum, while the minds of all were excited by the need to seek revenge from Piso (i.e. Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, cos. 7 B.C.), and by the frequent complaint that, in the meantime, (he was) wandering through the delightful pastures of Asia and Achaea (in order to) subvert the proofs of his guilt by a presumptuous and crafty (tactic of) delay. For it was widely known that Martina, notorious for her use of poisons, (who had been) despatched (to Rome), as I have stated, by Gnaeus Sentius, had been extinguished by a sudden death at Brundisium, and that poison (had been) concealed in a knot of her hair, but that no signs of suicide (had been) found on her body. 

Chapter 8. Piso sends his son to Tiberius. 

Piso, meanwhile, having sent his son on to the City, and having given (him) messages by which he might mollify the emperor, made his way to Drusus, whom he hoped (to find) not (so much) angry at the death of a brother than well-disposed to himself at the removal of a rival. Tiberius, in order to show his complete impartiality, received the young man courteously, and treated (him) with the liberality (he was) accustomed (to show) towards the sons of noble families. Drusus responded to Piso, that, if (the things) which had been claimed were true, (then) his own position in sorrow (would be) foremost: but he preferred (to believe they were) false and unfounded, and that Germanicus' death would not involve the death of anyone (else). This (he said) openly and with all secrecy being avoided; nor did (men) doubt that it had been prescribed for him by Tiberius, since someone with the simplicity and good nature of youth now had recourse to the artificies of old age.   

Chapter 9. Piso and Plancina travel to Rome. 

Piso, after crossing the Dalmatian sea (i.e. the Adriatic) and leaving his ships at Ancona, (went) through Picenum and then (along) the Flaminian Way, (where) he overtook a legion, which was being taken from Pannonia to the City, (and was) then (to be) a garrison for Africa: and this event had led to rumours as to how he had persistently shown himself to the soldiers on the march and by the roadside. From Narnia, to avoid suspicion or because the plans of a fearful man (are apt to be) in (a state of) uncertainty, he sailed down the Nar, and then the Tiber, and added to the irritation of the populace, because he had brought his boat ashore at the burial mound of the Caesars (i.e. the Mausoleum of Augustus) in (broad) daylight and when the riverbank (was) thronged (with people), and he himself with a great band of retainers, and Plancina with her retinue of women, strode (onwards) with joyful (expressions) on their faces. Among the things which incited men's resentment was his mansion, towering above the forum with its festive appearance, and his entertainment and feasts, and, due to the fame of the place, nothing (was) secret.  

Chapter 10. Piso is prosecuted.

On the next day, Fulcinius Trio applied to the consuls (i.e. Valerius Messalla and Aurelius Cotta) for a writ to prosecute Piso. Against (this) Vitellius and Veranius and other companions of Germanicus argued that Trio had no proper role in this, and that they would follow Germanicus' instructions, not as accusers but as eye-witnesses and testifiers to the facts. He, having abandoned his prosecution of the case, obtained (permission) to lay charges (with regard to) his previous career, and it as requested that the inquiry should be conducted by the emperor. This not even the accused opposed, fearing,(as he did,) the zeal of the people and of the senate: on the other hand, (he knew) that Tiberius (was sufficiently) resolute to scorn rumours, and that he was entangled by the private knowledge of his mother; the truth, too, would be more readily distinguished from perverse rumours by a single judge, (whereas) hatred and ill-will would prevail among many. The great difficulty of the inquiry, and the rumours by which he was himself distracted, did not escape the notice of Tiberius. So, having summoned a few intimate friends, he listened to the threatening (speeches) of the prosecutors and the entreaties of the accused, and (then) he referred the whole case to the senate. 

Chapter 11. Piso's case is brought before the senate. 

Drusus, meanwhile, on returning from Illyricum, though the senate had voted (him) an ovation when he arrived, on account of the withdrawal of Maroboduus and his achievements during the previous summer, postponed the honour and entered the City. Now, the defendant sought Lucius Arruntius (i.e. cos. 6 A.D), Publius Vinicius (i.e. cos. 2 A.D.), (Gaius) Asinius Gallus (i.e. cos. 8 B.C.), (Marcus Claudius) Marcellus Aeserninus (i.e. cos. 22 B.C.), (and) Sextus Pompeius (i.e. cos. 14 A.D.) as his advocates, and, when they excused themselves for various reasons, Marcus (Aemilius) Lepidus (i.e. cos 6 A.D.), and Lucius (Calpurnius) Piso (i.e. cos. 15 B.C.), and Livineius Regulus (i.e. cos. suff. 18 A.D.) came forward in his support, and the whole community was excited with wonder at how great (was) the loyalty of Germanicus' friends, what (were) the accused's grounds of support, (and whether) Tiberius would really be able to confine and suppress his own feelings. At no other time (had) the people been more alert, or had it allowed itself more secret whispers or suspicious silence concerning the emperor.

Chapter 12. Tiberius' opening address. 

On the day the senate (met), Caesar (i.e. Tiberius) made a speech of studied moderation. (He said) that Piso was his father's legate and friend, (and) had been appointed by him, on the advice of the senate, (as) an assistant to Germanicus in administering the affairs of the East. (Whether) he had there provoked the young (prince) by obstinacy and rivalry, and had rejoiced at his death, or had ended his life by a crime, must be decided by unbiassed minds. "For if a subordinate has overstepped the bounds of duty and obedience towards his commander and has exulted in his death and in my sorrow, (then) will I hate (him) and banish (him) from my house, and I shall avenge these private wrongs without the power of an emperor: but, if a crime is detected involving the death of any man, whoever (he may be, then) it must be punished, and you, indeed, must endow the children of Germanicus and us, his parents, with a just solace. 

"Consider this too, (whether) Piso treated the armies in a disorderly and seditious manner, (and whether) the support of the soldiers was sought by bribery, and (whether) the province had been reclaimed by (force of) arms, or (whether) these are false (accusations), which his prosecutors have broadcast in an exaggerated fashion, and I am justly angered at their excessive zeal. For for what reason did they strip the corpse and allow (it) to be exposed to the gaze of the crowd, and even for it to be circulated among foreigners that he was a victim of poison, if these (things) are still uncertain and in need of scrutiny? For my part, I bitterly lament my son and always shall lament (him): but I would not hinder the accused from producing all (the evidence) by which he can prove his innocence, or, if there was any unfairness on the part of Germanicus, of which he could be convicted, I implore you not to take as proven charges (that are) alleged, because the case is bound up with my own grief. If close blood-ties or their own loyalty have given him those advocates, do you help (him) in his danger, as far as each (man's) eloquence and diligence can do: to the same exertions and similar persistence do I exhort the prosecutors. In this (respect) only will we place Germanicus above the laws, that the inquiry into his death will be held in the this house rather than in the forum, and before the senate rather than (a bench of) judges: let the rest (of the proceedings) show the same restraint. Let no one pay regard to the tears of Drusus, (let) no one (pay regard to) my own tears, nor to whatever is invented (that is) hostile to us."   

Chapter 13. The case for the prosecution.

Two days were then assigned to the presentation of the charges, and, after a six day interval had intervened, the defence of the accused was to occupy three days. Then, Fulcinius (Trio) began with some old and worthless (accusations) that he had treated Spain in an insolent and avaricious manner; this would not have been damaging to the accused if he cleared himself in relation to his recent (conduct), nor, if refuted, would it have led to his acquittal, if he were convicted of the more serious crimes. After that, Servaeus, and Veranius and Vitellius with very simliar fervour, and Vitellius with great eloquence, alleged that Piso, out of hatred of Germanicus and eagerness for change, had corrupted the common soldiers by indiscipline and mistreatment of the allies to such an extent that he was called father of the legions by the very lowest (of them); on the other hand, to all the best (men), and especially to the companions and friends of Germanicus, he had been very cruel; lastly, (they said) he had destroyed (the man) himself by magic spells and poison; hence those abominable rites and sacrifices (performed) by himself and Plancina, (and he had) threatened the state with armed force, (and had been) defeated in battle, so that he could be taken to trial.   

Chapter 14. The case for the defence. 

The defence wavered on all but one of the charges, for he could not deny (the fact) that he had courted the favour of the soldiers, nor that the province had been put at the mercy of the worst (of them), nor even that he had offered insults to his commander; he seemed only to have cleared himself of the charge of poisoning, which the prosecutors did not even sufficiently establish, when they alleged that, at a banquet (given) by Germanicus, when Piso was reclining above him, that the food had been tainted (with poison) by his hands. Indeed, it seemed absurd (to think that he would have) dared (to do) this among strange servants and in the sight of so many bystanders, (and) in the presence of Germanicus himself; and the accused offered that his own household slaves (should be put) to torture, and demanded (this also) in the case of the attendants (at the meal). But the judges, for different (reasons) were implacable, Caesar, because war (had been) made on a province, the senate (because) it never quite believed that Germanicus had died without foul play. (They were) demanding (that they should see what) they had written, (but) Tiberius rejected this no less than Piso. At the same time, people's voices were heard in front of the senate-house: that they would not forbear to use force, if he were to escape the sentence of the senate. And they had dragged statues of Piso to the Gemonian (Steps) and began to break (them) in pieces, until, on the emperor's orders, they were saved and replaced. So, (he was) put into a litter, and was escorted by a tribune of a praetorian cohort, who followed (him) in accordance with various rumours (as) a custodian of his safety, or (as) an agent of his death.  

Chapter 15. Piso's last appearance in the senate, and his suicide.

Plancina (was subject to) the same hatred, but (had) greater influence; and so it was considered doubtful how far Caesar (i.e. Tiberius) could (move) against her. And she, so long as Piso's hopes (were) uncertain, promised to share his lot, whatever (that might be), and (to be) his companion in death, if this should be the outcome; but once she obtained a pardon through the secret intercessions of the Augusta, she gradually dissociated herself from her husband, and began to keep her defence separate (from his). When the accused (man) realised that this (would be) fatal to his (cause), he doubted whether he should persist in defending himself, but, with his sons encouraging (him), he steeled his mind and once more entered the senate; and he endured the renewal of the accusations, the hostile voices of the senators, and the savage opposition from every quarter, (but) nothing disturbed him more than (the fact) that he saw Tiberius without pity, without anger, and resolutely shut down, lest he should be subjected to any human feeling. (He was) conveyed home, as if to prepare his defence for the next day, and he wrote a short note and sealed (it) up and handed to a freedman; then he undertook the usual (measures) in caring for his body. Now, when it was late at night, and after his wife had left his bed-chamber, he ordered the doors to be closed; and, at dawn, he was found with his throat cut and a sword lying on the ground.     

Chapter 16. Piso's letter, requesting leniency in the case of his son Gnaeus.

I remember that I heard old men say that a small book (was) often seen in Piso's hands, (the contents) of which he never divulged; but his friends repeatedly declared that it contained a letter from Tiberius and instructions relating to Germanicus, and that he had intended to produce (it) before the senate and denounce the emperor, if he had not been deluded by empty promises from Sejanus (i.e. Lucius Aelius Sejanus, cos. 31 A.D.); nor (did they think) that he had perished by his own hand, but by (someone) sent as an assassin. I would positively affirm neither of these (claims); but I ought not to conceal (what was) related by those who lived right up to the time of my youth.  

Caesar (i.e. Tiberius), his face distorted with sadness, (complained) before the senate at the ill-will against him caused by such a death, (and instructed that Marcus Piso should be called), and he inquired (of him), with repeated cross-examinations, how Piso had spent his last day and night. And then, with him giving answers (that were) mostly sensible, (but) some rather ill-advised, he (i.e. Tiberius) read out a note from Piso, composed in something like the following words: "Crushed by a conspiracy of my foes, and by the resentment caused by a false charge, since there is no place for the truth and my innocence, I call upon the immortal gods to testify that I have lived in loyalty towards you, Caesar, and in equal piety towards your mother; and I beg you (both) to care for my children, of whom Gnaeus Piso, has had no involvement of any kind in my affairs, since he has spent all this time (here) in the City, (while Marcus Piso (actually) discouraged (me) from returning to Syria. Now, if only I had yielded to my young son, rather than he to his aged father! (So,) I pray the more earnestly that this innocent (man) should not pay the penalty of my wickedness. On account of my forty-five years of obedience, on account of being your colleague in the consulship (i.e. in 7 B.C.), (as the man who) once earned the approval of your father, the divine Augustus, (and as) a friend who will never ask you for anything else after this, I ask for the life of my unlucky son." Concerning Plancina he added nothing.   

Chapter 17. Cotta proposes the punishment for Piso's sons.

After this, Tiberius exonerated the young man (i.e. Marcus Piso) of the charge of civil war, on the basis that a son could not have declined a father's orders, (and) at the same time he expressed pity for a noble house, (and) also for the terrible fate of the man himself, to whatever extent he might have deserved (it). On behalf of Plancina he spoke with shame and embarrassment, pleading the entreaties of his mother, against whom the secret complaints of all good (men) were becoming more vehement. So it (was, people said,) the duty of a grandmother to look a grandson's murderess in the face, to speak to (her, and) rescue (her) from the senate. What (protection) the laws may provide on behalf of all (other) citizens, had not come to Germanicus alone. A Caesar (had been) bewailed by the voices of a Vitellius and a Veranius, (while) Plancina (had been) defended by an emperor and an Augusta. So, she might (as well) turn the poisonings and the devices, (which had) proved so successful, against Agrippina, (and) against her children, and so sate this exemplary grandmother and uncle with the blood of this most unfortunate family. 

Two days (were) spent on this mockery of a trial, with Tiberius urging Piso's children to defend their mother. While the prosecutors and their witnesses were pleading their case with competitive zeal, and there was no response, pity rather than resentment was on the increase.  The consul, (Marcus) Aurelius Cotta (Maximus Messalinus) (i.e. cos. 20 A.D.), having been asked for his opinion first - for when Caesar puts the question, even magistrates performed this duty - , proposed that Piso's name should be erased from the calendar, that half of his property should be confiscated and half should go to his son Gnaeus, and that he should change his first name; that Marcus Piso should be stripped of his rank, and that he should be banished for ten years with a gratuity of five million sesterces, and that a pardon should be granted to Plancina, on account of the intercessions of the Augusta.  

Chapter 18. Tiberius mitigates the sentence.

Much of the sentence was mitigated by the emperor. He would not have the name of Piso removed from the calendar, when (the names) of Marcus Antonius, who had waged war on his country, and Iullus Antonius, who had dishonoured the house of Augustus, (still) remained. And he saved Marcus Piso from ignominy and granted him his father's property. As I have often stated, he was firm enough against (greed for) money and now he was more lenient through his shame at Plancina's acquittal. And again, when Valerius Messalinus (i.e. probably Marcus Valerius Messala Messalinus, cos. 3 B.C., the father of the consul of 20 A.D.) proposed that a golden statue should be set up in the temple of Mars the Avenger, (and) (Aulus) Caecina Severus (i.e. cos. suff. 1 B.C.) (proposed) an altar to Vengeance, he blocked (them), while asserting that such (memorials) were dedicated to victories abroad, while domestic disasters should be shrouded in sadness.   

Messalinus had also proposed that (public) thanks should go to Tiberius, and the Augusta, and to Antonia, and to Agrippina and Drusus for having avenged Germanicus, but he had omitted any mention of Claudius. Now, Lucius (Nonius) Asprenas (i.e. cos. suff. 6 A.D.) particularly asked Messalinus before the senate whether he had deliberately left (him) out, and only then was the name of Claudius written in. As for myself, the more widely I reflect on recent or past (events), the greater does their mockery of human affairs appear in every transaction. For, by repute, expectation (and) respect, all (men) were destined for sovereignty rather than (he), whom fortune was holding in reserve as a future emperor. 

Chapter 19. Emotion about the death of Germanicus subsides.

A few days later Caesar (i.e. Tiberius) proposed to the senate that the priesthood should be conferred on Vitellius, and Veranius and Servaeus: to Fulcinius he promised his support for office, but warned him not to ruin his eloquence by undue forcefulness. This was the end of avenging the death of Germanicus, (which was) the subject of conflicting rumours, not only among those who were then living, but also in times to come. So full of doubt are all the greatest (events) that, while some treat hearsay of whatever kind as solid evidence, others twist the truth into its opposite, and both are magnified by posterity. 

Drusus, meanwhile, left the City to resume his command, (and) soon (afterwards) (re-)entered (it) with an ovation. After a few days, his mother Vipsania died, the only one of all Agrippa's children to die without violence: for (it is) certain that the rest perished by the sword or, it is believed, by poison or starvation. 

Chapter 20. Tacfarinas resumes hostilities in North Africa. 

In the same year, Tacfarinas, whom I have said (had been) defeated by Camillus in the previous summer, renewed hostilities in Africa, at first by desultory raids, (which went) unavenged on account of their swiftness, then (by) destroying villages (and) carrying off extensive plunder; finally, he encircled a Roman cohort  not far from the river Pagyda. Decrius was in command of the fortress, energetic in action (he was, and) experienced in war, and he regarded the siege as a disgrace. Encouraging his men to create an opportunity to fight in the open, he drew up his battle-line in front of the camp. When the cohort was driven back at the first onset, he darted eagerly among the missiles to intercept (those who were) fleeing, and he cursed the standard-bearers because Roman soldiers had shown their backs to a rabble of deserters; at the same time he suffered wounds, but, although he had been pierced in the eye, he turned his face directly towards the enemy, nor did he cease to fight, until he fell, abandoned by his own (men).  

Chapter 21. The Numidians are defeated.

After Lucius Apronius (i.e. cos. suff. 8 A.D.) - for he had succeeded Camillus - (had) learned of these (things), he was more alarmed by the dishonourable conduct of his (men) than the glory of the enemy, (and, adopting) a procedure exceptional at that time and (taken) from ancient tradition, he killed with a club every tenth (man) from the disgraced cohort drawn by lot. So effective (was this action) in its severity that a detachment of veterans, not more than five hundred in number, routed the same forces of Tacfarinas (that had) attacked a fortress, to which the name of Thala (had been given). In this engagement Helvius Rufus, a common soldier won the honour of saving (the life of) a citizen, and was presented with a necklace and spear by Apronius. Caesar added the civic crown, lamenting rather than angry that Apronius had not also bestowed it through the authority of a proconsul. 

But Tacfarinas, the Numidians being demoralised and disdaining siege-warfare, dispersed the fighting, falling back, when he was pressed, and then attacking from the rear. While the barbarian continued with these tactics, he could mock the Romans with impunity: (but,) when he marched off to the coastal regions, (and,) hampered by booty, adhered to a standing camp, (Lucius) Apronius Caesianus,  dispatched by his father, together with cavalry and auxiliary cohorts, to which he had added the most mobile of the legions, fought a successful battle against the Numidians and drove (them) into the desert. 

Chapter 22. Lepida is arraigned on various charges.

At Rome, (Aemilia) Lepida, who, in addition to the glory of (being one) of the Aemilii, had Lucius (Cornelius) Sulla (Felix) and Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus) as her great-grandfathers, was accused of pretending to have given birth by Publius (Sulpicius) Quirinius (i.e. cos. 12 B.C). Acts of adultery, poisonings, and an inquiry by Chaldaeans (i.e. astrologers) with regard to the house of Caesar, were put forward as charges, with her brother, Manius (Aemilius) Lepidus (i.e. cos. 11 A.D.) defending the accused (woman). Quirinius, still hostile towards her even after their divorce (had been) declared, had procured some sympathy (for her), infamous and guilty as she was. (It was) not easy for anyone to discern the mind of the emperor at her trial: so (adroitly) did he alternate and intermingle the signs of anger and compasion. Firstly, he begged the senate that charges of treason should not be heard, then he induced Marcus Servilius, (one) of the ex-consuls (i.e. cos. 3 A.D.), and other witnesses to reveal what he had seemingly wished to hold back. And, likewise, he handed over to the consuls Lepida's slaves, as they were being kept in military custody, but he did not allow (them) to be interrogated by means of torture concerning those (matters) which related to his own family. He also exempted Drusus, the consul-elect (i.e. for the year 21 A.D., together with his father, Tiberius), from having to express his view in the first place; some thought this a gracious (act), lest others should have the necessity of having to agree, (while) others ascribed (it) to malignity; for he would not have conceded anything, save the duty of having to condemn (her).  

Chapter 23. Lepida is banished.

On the days of the games, which had interrupted the trial, Lepida entered the theatre with some high-ranking ladies, and, as she invoked with tearful lamentation her ancestors and Pompey, himself, whose memorials and statues were seen standing nearby, she aroused such sympathy that (people) burst into tears and shouted savage curses on Quirinius, to whose old-age and childless state and very obscure family, she, (who was) once destined (to be) the wife of Lucius Caesar and the daughter-in-law of the divine Augustus, was being surrendered. Then, by the torture of her slaves, her infamies were brought to light, and a motion of (Gaius) Rubellius Blandus (i.e. cos. suff. 18 A.D.) was passed, by which she was deprived of fire and water (i.e. she was banished). Drusus supported him, although others had proposed a milder (sentence). Then, a concession was obtained by (Mamercus Aemilius) Scaurus (i.e. cos. suff. 21 A.D.), who had fathered a daughter through her, that her property should not be confiscated. Only then did Tiberius disclose that he had also learned from the slaves of Publius Quirinius that his (life) had been sought by Lepida through poison. 

Chapter 24. Decimus Silanus returns from exile.

It brought some consolation to the great houses - for in no great space of time the Calpurnii had lost Piso (and) the Aemilii Lepida - that Decimus Silanus (was) restored to the Junian family. I will recount his downfall in a few (words). While the divine Augustus (had enjoyed) unshaken good fortune in public affairs, so he had been unhappy in his home (life), on account of the shameless behaviour of his daughter and granddaughter, whom he had expelled from the City, and he punished their adulterous (partners) with death or exile (i.e. of the paramours of Julia the Elder, Iullus Antonius was executed for treason, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus was exiled, and Decimus Junius Silanus, the paramour of Julia the Younger, was also exiled). For, by calling a vice (so) common among men and women by the dreadful names of sacrilege and treason, he went beyond the mildness of his ancestors and (indeed) his own laws. But I shall record the fates of the other (delinquents) together with the rest (of the events) of that period, if, after fulfilling (the other tasks) which I have set myself, I prolong my life in further works of writing. 

Decimus (Junius) Silanus, the paramour of Augustus' granddaughter, although he had not been punished further than to be denied the friendship of Caesar, realised that in his case exile was indicated, nor till the reign of Tiberius did he venture to appeal to the senate and emperor, relying on the influence of his brother, Marcus (Junius) Silanus (i.e. cos. suff. 15 A.D.), who was distinguished by his conspicuous nobility and his eloquence. But Tiberius, when Silanus gave (him) thanks, replied, in the presence of the senate, that he too was delighted that his brother had returned from his lengthy excursion, and this was rightly allowable, as he had not been banished by a decree of the senate or by any law; but, for himself, his father's aversion towards him (remained) untouched, nor was what Augustus had intended annulled by Silanus' return. After this, he lived in the City without attaining honours.   

Chapter 25. The law against celibacy. 

It was then proposed to modify the Lex Papia Poppaea (i.e. a law introduced in 9 A.D. to encourage and strengthen marriage, and which included provisions against adultery and celibacy), which Augustus in his old age had enacted to increase the penalties for celibacy and to swell the treasury. And yet, for this reason, marriages and the rearing of children had not become more frequent, the attractions of a childless state being so strong; besides, the large number of those at risk increased, for every household was undermined by the insinuations of informers, as (the community) was now suffering from its laws, as it had hitherto from its vices. This situation suggests that I should go into more detail about the origins of the law, and the ways in which we have arrived at the endless multitude and variety of our statutes.    

Chapter 26. The origins of the legal system.

The most ancient of mortals lived for a time without any evil desires, without shame, (or) guilt, and, consequently, without punishment or constraints. There was no need for rewards, since good (things) were sought on their own basis; and, as they desired nothing contrary to normal practice, they were forbidden nothing through fear. But, when equality was laid aside, and egotism and violence proceeded in place of modesty and decency, despotisms prospered and have remained permanent among many peoples. Some preferred law-codes from the beginning, or (when they had) tired of kings. At first these were simple, when men's minds (were) raw; and fame most glorified (those) of the Cretans, which Minos (had framed), (those) of the Spartans, which Lycurgus (had framed), and then the more sophisticated and more extensive (ones, which) Solon drew up for the Athenians. Romulus (i.e. 753-716 B.C.) had ruled over us as it pleased (him); then Numa (Pompilius) (i.e. 715-672 B.C.) won over the people completely by religious rituals and divine law; and some (were) procured by Tullus (Hostilius) (i.e. 672-640 B.C.) and Ancus (Marcius) (i.e. 640-616 B.C.). But Servius Tullius (i.e. 578-534 B.C.) was our principal enactor of laws, with which even kings were to comply.   

Chapter 27. Roman law: to Pompey's third consulate.

(After) Tarquin (had been) expelled (i.e. in 510 B.C.), the people took many measures against the senators to ensure liberty and to establish unity, and decemvirs (were) appointed, and, by incorporating what (were) the finest (elements) from all quarters, the Twelve Tables were compiled (i.e. in 451 B.C.), the ultimate in equitable legislation. For subsequent laws, though sometimes (directed) against evil-doers in relation to some (specific) crime, were more often carried by violence amid class dissension, and in order to obtain illicit powers or to banish distinguished citizens, and for the sake of other base (purposes). Hence, those popular agitators, the Gracchi (i.e. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, tr. pl. 133 and Gaius Sempronius Gracchus B.C. tr. pl. 123-122 B.C.) and (Lucius Appuleius) Saturninus (i.e. tr.pl. 100 B.C.), and (Marcus Livius) Drusus (i.e. tr. pl. 91. B.C.), no less of a spendthrift in the name of the senate; then, our allies (were) bribed by (false) expectations and cheated by (the use of) the tribunician veto. Even the Italian, (and) then the Civil War (i.e. 91-88 B.C.) did not pass without many conflicting (laws) being enacted, till the dictator Lucius (Cornelius) Sulla (Felix) (cos. I. 88 B.C.), by the repeal or alteration of previous (laws), while he added more (himself) (i.e. 82-79 B.C.), gave us a brief lull in the process, (to be) instantly (followed) by the seditious proposals of (Marcus Aemilius) Lepidus (i.e. cos. 78 B.C.) and not long afterwards by the tribunes recovering their license to stir up the people just as they chose (i.e. the powers of the tribunate, curtailed by Sulla, were restored in 70 B.C. by the consuls Pompey and Crassus). And now bills (were) passed not only in relation to the community but (also) with regard to individual citizens, and laws (were) most numerous (when) the commonwealth (was) most corrupt. 

Chapter 28. Roman law: to Tiberius and 20 A.D.

Then, Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus) (was) elected consul for the third time (i.e. in 52 B.C., having been consul previously in 70 and 55 B.C.), to reform (public) morals, and by (applying) remedies more grievous than the abuses, and (as) the author and, at the same time, the subverter of his own laws, he lost by (force of) arms what he had been maintaining by (force of) arms (i.e. at the Battle of Pharsalus in 48 B.C.). Then for twenty years (there was) continuous strife, no morals and no law; all the very worst (deeds) went unpunished, and many noble (ones) led to ruin. At last, in his sixth consulship (i.e. in 28 B.C.) Caesar Augustus, secure in power, annulled what he had enacted in the triumvirate and gave (us) laws which we might enjoy in peace and under an emperor. From then on, our chains (became) sharper, and guards (were) imposed (on us), induced by rewards under the Lex Papia Poppaea, so that if (men) were to shrink from the privileges of parenthood (i.e. the ability to bequeath his estate to his children), the state, as a universal parent, might possess our vacant (properties). But they went too far, and they had taken hold of the City, and Italy, and wherever there were citizens, and the circumstances of many (were) ruined. And terror hung over everyone, till Tiberius, in order to provide a remedy, selected five ex-consuls, five ex-praetors, and the same number from the rest of the senate, by whom most of the legal knots (were) untied, and they provided some slight relief for a time.   

Chapter 29. The elevation of Germanicus' eldest son, Nero. 

At about the same time (i.e. in 20 A.D.), he (i.e. Tiberius) commended to the senate Nero (Julius Caesar Germanicus), (one) of the children of Germanicus, who had now entered the age of manhood (i.e. having been born in 6 A.D., he was now fourteen), and he asked, not without some derisory smiles in the audience, that he be relieved from the duty of serving on the Vigintivirate (i.e. the Board of Twenty, who supplied the four inferior magistracies, one of which normally had to he held before applying to be a quaestor) and that he should seek the quaestorship five years earlier than the law allowed (i.e. twenty-five was the minimum legal age for the quaestorship). He gave as his pretext a similar decree being sought by Augustus for himself and his brother (i.e. the Elder Drusus). But not even then can I doubt that there were some who secretly laughed at petitions of this kind; but, in the case of the Caesars, they were at the beginning of their high status and ancient usage (was) more before men's eyes, and the connection of stepsons with stepfather (was) weaker than (that) of grandfather towards a grandson. A pontificate was added (to Nero in addition), and, on the day when he first entered the Forum, a largess (was distributed) to the people, who greatly rejoiced that they were seeing a child of Germanicus (having) now (grown) to manhood. Then was their joy increased by the marriage of Nero and Drusus' daughter, Julia. While this (news was) thus (met) with favourable comments, (it was) heard with disgust that Sejanus was intended to become the father-in-law of the son of Claudius. He (i.e. Tiberius) was thought to have defiled the nobility of his family, and to have further elevated Sejanus, (whom they) already suspected of excessive ambition. 

Chapter 30. Volusius and Sallustius Crispus. 

At the end of the year (i.e. 20 A.D.), those remarkable men Lucius Volusius (Saturninus) and (Gaius) Sallustius Crispus ended their lives. Volusius (was) of an old family, but (it had) not, however, risen beyond the praetorship; he himself took on the consulship (i.e. he was cos. suff. in 12 B.C.), and he also discharged the censorial functions with the power to select knights for the board of judges, and he was the first accumulator of the wealth by which that house was to flourish exceedingly (n.b. he was also a first cousin of the Emperor, as his mother Claudia was Tiberius' aunt). Gaius Sallustius, that most flourishing author of Roman history, adopted Crispus, the grandson of his sister, descended from equestrian rank, (and gave him) his name. And, although his pathway to achieving honours (would have been) straightforward, he chose to emulate (Gaius) Maecenas, and, without achieving senatorial rank, he surpassed in power many (who had won) triumphs and (had held) consulships, contrasting with the traditions of antiquity in his refinement and elegance, and in his wealth and abundance coming close to excess. But a vigorous mind, equal to to matters of great importance, lay beneath, (which was) all the sharper the more he exhibited sloth and inertia. So (he was) next (in favour) to Maecenas, while he lived, then he became the chief (repository) upon whom the secrets of the emperors rested, and, being aware of the murder of Postumus Agrippa, he retained in advanced age the shadow rather than the substance of the emperor's friendship. This also happened to Maecenas, so rarely (is it) the fate of power (to be) lasting, or a state of sufficiency comes along, when they have given everything to one party or to the other, (and) when there is now nothing left which they desire.   

Chapter 31. Tiberius withdraws to Campania.  

There followed (i.e. in 21 A.D.) the fourth consulship of Tiberius and the second (one) of Drusus, remarkable for the partnership of father and son. For three years earlier (i.e. in 18 A.D.) the same honour of Germanicus with Tiberius had neither been agreeable to the uncle nor so (closely) connected by nature. 

At the beginning of this year, Tiberius, as though to strengthen his health, withdrew to Campania, (either) contemplating (what would) gradually (become) a long and continuous absence, or so that, in the absence of his father, Drusus might fulfil the duties of the consulship alone. Now it happened that a small thing (which had) grown into a serious dispute gave the young man the opportunity of acquiring popularity. (Gnaeus) Domitius Corbulo, who had served as a praetor, complained to the senate with regard to Lucius (Cornelius) Sulla, a young nobleman, that he had not given up his place to him during a gladiatorial show Age, national custom, (and) the feelings of the older (senators) were on the side of Corbulo: on the other side, Mamercus (Aemilius) Scaurus, and Lucius Arruntius, and other kinsmen of Sulla exerted themselves. now there was a vigorous exchange of speeches, and they were reminded of the example of our ancestors, who had censured youthful irreverence with strict decrees, until Drusus spoke some words calculated to calm their feelings; and an apology was made to Corbulo by Mamercus, who was Sulla's uncle as well as his stepfather, and the most fluent speaker of the day. 

The same Corbulo, by loudly exclaiming that most of the roads in Italy (were) obstructed and impassable through the dishonesty of contractors and negligence of officials, willingly undertook the management of this business; this proved not so useful to the community as ruinous to the many, whose property and reputation he ravaged by convictions and confiscation. 

Chapter 32. Lepidus is appointed to the governorship of Asia Minor rather than North Africa. 

Not long afterwards, in a letter sent to the senate, Tiberius informed (them) that Africa (had) again (been) disturbed by an incursion of Tafarinas, and through the judgement of the senate (a man) must be chosen as pro-consul, (who was) experienced in military service, physically strong, and fit for war. Sextus Pompeius (i.e. cos. 14 A.D.) took this opportunity of venting his hatred towards Marcus (Aemilius) Lepidus, (whom) he criticised as lazy, poverty-stricken and a (source of) disgrace to his ancestors, and so (someone who) should be excluded from the ballot for Asia as well; (but) the senate (were) against (him in this), for they thought Lepidus gentle rather than cowardly, and that the inherited poverty, (in which he had) lived without a stain, ought to be regarded as praiseworthy rather than discreditable. So he was sent to Asia (n.b. though not until 26 A.D.), and, with regard to Africa, (it was) decided that Caesar (i.e. Tiberius) should chose to whom it were to be entrusted.   

Chapter 33. Caecina Severus proposes that wives should be banned from official postings.

During this (debate), (Aulus) Caecina Severus proposed that no wife should accompany any magistrate, to whom a province had been allocated, before he recounted at length the harmony (in which he lived with) his wife, (who had) given birth to six children, and that he had observed in his own home what he was proposing for the public, by keeping her within Italy, although he himself had completed forty campaigns in several provinces. "For, in the past," (he said), "it was not a mistake to decide that women should not be taken into allied (states) or foreign (nations): it is the function of a train of women to retard peace through excess and war through timidity, and to convert a Roman column on the march into the likeness of a barbarian procession. Not only (is) the female sex feeble and unequal to hardship, but, if it should have the license, (it is) spiteful, scheming, and eager for power; they strut around among the soldiers and have the centurions at their beck and call; a woman has recently presided at military exercises and at a parade of the legions (i.e. Plancina, the wife of Gnaeus Piso). They, themselves (i.e. his audience), should reflect that, whenever some (men) are charged with extortion, most (of the charges) are levelled against their wives: (it is) to them that the vilest of the provincials instantly attach themselves; the business is undertaken and transacted by them; the landings of two are to be cultivated; there are two centres of government, and the orders of the women (are) the more wilful and intemperate. Formerly restrained by the Oppian (i.e. laws against extravagance in dress passed during the Second Punic War) and other laws, they (are) now loosed from their chains, and rule our homes, our courts, (and) now even our armies."   

Chapter 34. Caecina's proposal is rejected.

This (speech) was heard with the assent of a few; the majority objected that there was no motion on the matter, and that Caecina was not a proper judge of such an issue. Then, (Marcus) Valerius (Messala) Messalinus, whose father was (Marcus Valerius) Messala (Corvinus) (i.e. cos. 31 B.C.), and in whom there resided a shadow of his father's eloquence, replied that much of the sternness of antiquity (had been) changed into (something) better and more congenial; "For," (he said,) "the City was not beset with wars, as it once was, nor were the provinces hostile. Now, a few concessions are made to the wants of women, which are not even burdensome to their husbands' homes, and still less to our allies; all other (things) a wife shares with her husband, nor is there any difficulty with this in peacetime. War certainly requires men to be well equipped; but, when they return after their labours, what (is) more pleasant than the comfort of their wives? But some have fallen into scheming and avarice. Well? Are not several of the magistrates subject to various passions? Still, that is not a reason for no one to be sent into a province. Husbands are often corrupted by their wives' depravities. Then, surely not all bachelors (are) guiltless, (are they)? The Oppian laws were formerly adopted to meet the requirements of the community at the time: afterwards (there was) some remission and mitigation on the grounds of expediency. It is in vain that our weakness should be called by other names: for the husband is to blame in the matter, if his wife oversteps the mark. Besides, (it is) wrong that (all) partners should be cut off from their husbands during prosperous or adverse circumstances on account of the weak mind of one or two (men). At the same time, the sex (that is) weak by nature will be left to itself and exposed to its own voluptuousness and the passions of others. Marriage ties are scarcely preserved intact, even with the custodian on the spot: what would happen if they were to be forgotten for several years, as in the case of a divorce? So, while they should go to meet those evils which are happening elsewhere, they should remember that (there are) abuses in the City." 

Drusus added a few words concerning his own marriage; "For it was quite often necessary," (he said), "for princes to visit the extremities of their empire. How often had the divine Augustus gone to the West and to the East accompanied by Livia! He had also gone to Illyricum, and, if it were required, he would go to other countries, (but) not always with a happy mind, if he were to be torn apart from his very dear wife and the mother of so many of their shared children."

So, Caecina's proposal (was) rejected.  

B. REBELLION IN GAUL (Chs. 35-55).  

Chapter 35. Blaesus is nominated to North Africa. 

At the next meeting of the senate, Tiberius, after indirectly censuring the fathers by letter, because they had thrown all their responsibilities at the emperor, nominated Manius (Aemilius) Lepidus (i.e. cos. 11 A.D.) and (Quintus) Junius Blaesus (i.e. cos. suff. 10 A.D.), (one) of whom was to be chosen proconsul of Africa. Then, the speeches of both (of them were) heard, with Lepidus earnestly excusing himself, since he made a pretext of physical ill-health, the (tender) age of his children, and a marriageable daughter, and also (something) which he was silent about, but which was well-understood, that Blaesus was the uncle of Sejanus, and that he was, therefore, a strong (candidate). Blaesus responded with the appearance of a refusal, but not with the same persistence, and he was supported by a conspiracy of flatterers.   

Chapter 36. The use of the emperor's effigy to claim immunity. 

Then (was) exposed what had been concealed by the secret complaints of many (people).  For, in the case of the very vilest (of wretches), the freedom to arouse abuse and ill-will against decent (people) with impunity was increasing by their grasping a statue of Caesar (i.e. the emperor). Freedmen, and even slaves, were feared, moreover, by their patron or master, since their words and gestures threatened (them). Accordingly, the senator Gaius Cestius argued that princes were indeed like deities, but that the prayers of their suppliants were not listened to by the gods unless they were righteous, and no one fled to the Capitol and to any other of the City's temples to use it as an aid to crime. The (concept of) law was abolished and completely overturned, when insults and threats were directed at him in the forum and on the threshold of the senate-house by Anna Rufilla, whom he had convicted of fraud before a judge, and he himself did not dare to try legal proceedings because an image of the emperor confronted (him). Others made similar and even more atrocious noises around (him), and (everyone) implored Drusus (i.e. in his capacity as consul) to set an example of vengeance, till he ordered (her) to be summoned and, after (she had been) convicted, to be held in a public prison. 

Chapter 37. Drusus gains credit. 

Both Considius Aequus and Caelius Cursor, Roman knights, (were) punished at the instigation of the emperor and by a decree of the senate, because they had assailed the praetor Magius Caecilianus with false charges of treason. Both these (decisions) were taken as a compliment to Drusus: his father's secret (designs) were mitigated, (it was thought,) by him moving around in the City amidst meetings and conversations with people. Nor was his voluptuousness displeasing in (one) so young: better that he should be inclined that way, and spend his days on buildings and his nights in banquets, than that he should be absorbed by gloomy vigilance and sinister machinations, in solitude and distracted by no pleasures. 

Chapter 38. Disturbances in Thrace. 

Foe neither Tiberius nor the accusers were ever weary. And Ancharius Priscus had prosecuted Caesius Cordus for extortion, adding the charge of treason, which now accompanied all accusations. Caesar (i.e. Tiberius) dragged back Antistius Vetus, (one) of the chief (men) of Macedonia, (who had been) acquitted of adultery, the judges having been censured, to be tried on the charge of treason, as a dangerous man, who had been implicated in the designs of Rhescuporis, when, at the time that his brother Cotys (IV) (had been) murdered, he had contemplated (going) to war against us. The accused was accordingly denied fire and water (i.e. he was banished) and (it was) added that he was to be held on an island accessible neither to Macedonia nor to Thrace. 

For Thrace, its rule divided between Rhoemetalces and the children of Cotys (IV), who, on account of their infant (age) had Trebellenus Rufus as their guardian, and, unaccustomed (as it was) to our (rule), was in disorder, and (the country was) accusing Rhoemetalces, no less than Trebellenus, of allowing the wrongs of its people (to go) unpunished. The Coelaletae, and the Odrusae, and the Dii, strong tribes, took up arms, under different leaders, equal among themselves in their obscurity; this was the reason that they did not join together in serious warfare. Some aroused their immediate neighbourhood, others crossed Mount Haemus (i.e. the Balkan mountains) to stir up the outlying tribes; most (of them), and the best disciplined, besieged the king and the city of Philippopolis, founded by Philip (II) of Macedon (i.e. the father of Alexander the Great).  

Chapter 39. Publius Vellaeus pacifies Thrace. 

When these (things) became known to Publius Vellaeus  - he was in command of the nearest army - , he sent the auxiliary cavalry and the light-armed cohorts against those who were roving around in quest of plunder or of recruiting reinforcements, (while) he himself led the flower of the infantry to break up the siege.  Every (operation) was successfully conducted simultaneously; the pillagers (were) cut to pieces and dissension arose among the besiegers, and the king (i.e. Rhoemetalces) made a timely sally just as the legion arrived. Neither a battle nor (even) a skirmish did (the action) deserve to be called, in which half-armed stragglers were slaughtered without any bloodshed on our side.  

Chapter 40. Rebellion in Gaul.

That same year, some states, on account of their heavy indebtedness, began a rebellion, the keenest promoters of which (were) Julius Florus among the Treviri, (and) Julius Sacrovir among the Aedui. In both cases they could point to the nobility of their birth and the distinguished services of their ancestors, and so Roman citizenship (had) formerly been bestowed when it (was) rare and was the reward of merit only. In secret conferences, to which even the fiercest (of men) were admitted, or those for whom (there was) a great necessity for crime due to want or the fear of prosecution, they arranged that Florus should arouse the Belgae (and) Sacrovir the Gauls, (who lived) nearer. Accordingly, they talked of sedition before public gatherings and assemblies with regard to the perpetual tax demands, the oppressive usury, the cruelty and the arrogance of their governors, and (they said) that the soldiers were mutinous since they heard of the murder of Germanicus. (It was) a grand opportunity for the recovery of freedom, if only they would compare their own vigour with the exhaustion of Italy, with the unwarlike (nature) of the City populace, (and) the lack of strength in their armies other than the external (element).      

Chapter 41. Action against the rebels.

Scarcely a single community was untouched by the germs of this disturbance: but the Andecavi and the Turoni were the first to rebel. Of these, the legate Acilius Aviola put down the Andecavi, after summoning the cohort that was manning the garrison at Lugdunum. The Turoni (were) quelled by some legionary troops, whom Visellius Varro, the legate of Lower Germany, had sent under the leadership of that same Aviola and some Gallic chieftains, who brought aid so that they might disguise their disaffection and exhibit (it) at a more favourable moment. Sacrovir, too, (was) conspicuous, with his head uncovered, calling upon (his men to) fight for the Romans, (and,) as he said, to display his own valour; but the prisoners maintained that he sought recognition so that he might not be the target of missiles. Consulted about this, Tiberius disdained this information, and fostered war by his lack of resolve.   

Chapter 42. The death of Julius Florus. 

Florus, meanwhile, pressed on with his designs, and sought to entice a troop of cavalry, (which had been) levied from the Treviri and kept in our service and discipline, to begin the war by slaughtering some Roman traders; but, (while) a few of the cavalrymen (were) corrupted, the majority remained in their allegiance. Another host of debtors and dependants took up arms, and were making for the forest lands, to which (were given) the name Ardennes, when legions from each army. that Visellius and Gaius Silius had sent against (them) by separate routes, blocked (their path). Julius Indus, from the same state, (who was) at odds with Florus, and therefore all the keener to render (us) a service, (was) sent on ahead with a picked band (of men) and broke up the still indisciplined rabble. Florus, after eluding the victors in unknown hiding places, was eventually seen by some soldiers, who barred his means of escape, and he fell by his own hand. And this (was) the end of the revolt of the Treviri. 

Chapter 43. Sacrovir assembles the rebellious Aedui at Augustodunum.

A greater revolt arose among the Aedui, a much wealthier state and (one that was) far from any suppressing force. The tribe's capital, Augustodunum (i.e. today's Autun), Sacrovir had occupied with some armed cohorts, in order to enlist the support of the noblest offspring of Gaul, (who were) there pursuing their liberal studies, and, by that token, their parents and relatives; at the same time, he distributed weapons, manufactured in secret, to these young men. There were forty thousand soldiers, a fifth with arms like our legionaries, (and) the rest with spears and knives, and such other weapons as belong to the chase. There was also (a party) of slaves, intended (to be) gladiators, who were completely encased in iron in accordance with national fashion: they call (them) 'cruppellarii' (i.e. mail-clad fighters), (and, although they were) unwieldy in inflicting wounds, (they were) impenetrable (when it came) to receiving (them). These forces were increased in number among the neighbouring states, not yet by open agreement, but by the zealous enthusiasm of individuals, and by the strife of the Roman generals, between whom there were quarrels, with each one of them claiming (control of) the war for himself. Then, (Gaius Visellius) Varro, infirm due to old age, gave way to (Gaius) Silius. 

Chapter 44. The view from Rome.

Meanwhile, at Rome (it was said) that it was not only the Treviri and the Aedui that had revolted, but the sixty-four states of Gaul, and that the Germans had joined in their federation, that the Spanish (provinces were) wavering, (and,) as is the way with rumour, everything was all the more (readily) believed. All good (men) were sad due to their concern for their country: many, with their loathing of the present (arrangements) and their desire for change, even welcomed their perils and criticised Tiberius because, amid such a great political disturbance, he should pay attention to the calumnies of informers. Was Sacrovir really to be accused of treason before the senate? At last, men were available to check those bloodthirsty missives by (force of) arms. Perhaps a miserable peace was well-exchanged for war. (He was) all the more greatly composed by his lack of anxiety, nor did he change his place (of residence) or his expression, but during all that time he acted as usual, through the secrecy of his mind or (because) he had learned that these disturbances were moderate and less significant than (they were) reported (to have been). 

Chapter 45. Sacrovir prepares to face Silius as he advances on Augustodunum.

Meanwhile, Silius, advancing with two legions and having sent some auxiliary (troops) on ahead, was ravaging the villages of the Sequani, which lay on their farthest frontier adjoining the Aedui and allied (to them) in arms. Then, he made for Augustodunum by a forced march, with their standard-bearers vying between themselves, and even the common soldiers insisting that there should be no halt for their usual rest, nor during the course of the night: 'Let them only see their adversaries and be seen (by them); that (was) enough for victory.' At the twelfth milestone (i.e. twelve miles from Augustodunum), Sacrovir and his forces came into view on an open plain. He had stationed his iron-clad (men) in the van, his (light-armed) cohorts on the wings, and his half-armed (men) in the rear. He, himself, rode amid the foremost (ranks) on a splendid horse, so as to remind (them) of the ancient glories of the Gauls and the reverses they had inflicted on the Romans; how grand (would be) their liberty if they were victorious, how much more insufferable (would be) their bondage, if they should be vanquished once again.  

Chapter 46. The death of Sacrovir.

These (words were) brief and brought no joy: for now the battle-array of the legions was coming near, and the rabble of townsmen, (being) unused to warfare, could not make enough use of their eyes and ears. Silius, on the other hand, though presumptive hope took away any need for encouragement, continued to exclaim that it was shameful for them that the conquerors of Germany were to be led against the Gauls, as though against an enemy. 'A single cohort has recently struck down the rebellious Turoni. a single troop (of horsemen) the Treviri, (and) a few squadrons of this very army the Sequani. Prove to the Aedui that the more (they are) wealthy in money and opulent in luxuries, so (they are) the more unwarlike, but spare (them) when they flee.' 

At this, there was a huge cheer, and the cavalry surrounded (their ranks), and the infantry charged the van, nor was there any delay on the flanks. The iron-clad (men) caused a slight hold-up, as their iron plates stood firm against javelins and swords; but our men, snatching up hatchets and pickaxes, hacked at their armour and bodies, as if they were breaking down a wall; some cast down the inert masses with poles or forks, and they were left lying (on the ground) without any attempt to rise, as if they were dead (men). Sacrovir, with his most loyal (followers), hurried firstly to Augustodunum, (and) then through fear of being surrounded, to a nearby country-house. There they fell, (he) by his own hand, the rest by mutually (inflicted) wounds; the house, set alight above (them), consumed (them) all with fire. 

Chapter 47. Tiberius acknowledges victory. 

Then, at last, Tiberius informed the senate in a letter of the war that had arisen and been completed; he neither minimised nor exaggerated the facts, but (said) that his generals by their loyalty and their courage, and he by his advice, had won the day. At the same time, he added the reasons why neither he himself nor Drusus had gone to the war, emphasising the extent of the empire, and stating that it would not be advisable, whenever one or two states were in disorder, for the rulers to leave the City, where the direction of affairs occurred. Now, as he was not being induced by fear, he would go to examine and settle matters on the spot. 

The senate decreed vows for his (safe) return, and thanksgivings and other (ceremonies). (Publius) Cornelius Dolabella (i.e. cos. 10 A.D.) alone, while endeavouring to outdo the others, proceeded in outrageous flattery, and proposed that he should enter the City from Campania with an ovation. So, there came a letter from Caesar (i.e. Tiberius), in which he declared that he (was) not so destitute of glory that, after having subdued the most fearsome of nations, and having received or turned down so many triumphs in his youth, that, now that (he was) older, he should seek the meaningless reward of a suburban tour. 

Chapter 48. Tiberius commemorates Sulpicius Quirinius. 

At about the same time, he (i.e. Tiberius) asked the senate that the death of (Publius) Sulpicius Quirinius should be marked by a public funeral. Quirinius, (who was) born in the town of Lanuvium, had no connexion with the old patrician family of the Sulpicii: but (he was) an indefatigable soldier, and for his zealous services he had earned the consulship (i.e. in 12 B.C.) and the renown of a triumph under the divine Augustus for having stormed the fortresses of the Homonadenses throughout Cilicia, and he was appointed adviser to Gaius Caesar in governing Armenia. He had also paid court to Tiberius, (when he was) living in Rhodes: (all)  this he made known to the senate, praising his good offices to himself, while censuring Marcus Lollius (i.e. cos. 21 B.C.), whom he accused of (being) the instigator of the perverse and quarrelsome behaviour of Gaius Caesar. But people generally had no pleasure in the memory of Quirinius, on account of the perils he had brought upon Lepida, as I have related (vid. Chapters 22-23), and his mean and very powerful old age.  

Chapter 49. Accusations against Clutorius Priscus.

At the close of the year, an informer accused (Gaius) Clutorius Priscus, a Roman knight, (who had been) given a financial reward by Caesar, after (he had written) a popular poem, in which he had bitterly lamented the death of Germanicus, claiming that, (when) Drusus (was) ill, he had composed (another one), which, if he were to die, would be published with an (even) greater reward. In an idle moment, Clutorius had read it at the house of Publius Petronius (i.e. cos. suff. 19 A.D.) in the presence of Vitellia and several ladies of rank. When the informer emerged, and all the others were terrified into giving evidence, Vitellia alone swore that she had heard nothing. But more belief was (given) to those making fatal accusations, and, at the motion of (Decimus) Haterius Agrippa, the consul-designate (i.e. he had been elected for the year 22 A.D.), the ultimate penalty (was) invoked on the accused.  

Chapter 50. Manius Lepidus speaks against the sentence.

Manius (Aemilius) Lepidus began to (speak) against it in this manner: "If, conscript fathers (i.e. senators), we look at that one (thing) only, by which Clutorius Priscus had polluted his own mind and the ears of the public with his heinous voice, no prison cell, no rope, not even a slave's crucifixion would be sufficient for him. But, if vice and wicked deeds are without limit, the moderation of the sovereign and the precedents (set) by our ancestors and ourselves regulate the penalties and correctives, and folly differs from wickedness, and words from evil deeds; (then) there is room for a sentence, by which this deed will not go unpunished, and we shall not have cause to regret either its leniency or its severity. Often have I heard our emperor complain when someone has anticipated his mercy by a self-inflicted death. The life of Clutorius is in a sound (state), nor, (if) he is spared, (will) the state (be) in danger, nor, (if he is) put to death, will it be an example (to anyone). His endeavours are as full of absurdity, as they are empty and frail; nor should you fear anything alarming or serious from a (man) who (is) himself the betrayer of his own vices (and) insinuates himself into the minds not of men but of silly women. But let him leave the City, and, having lost his property, let him be denied fire and water (i.e. be banished); that is my proposal, just as if he were convicted under the law of treason."

Chapter 51. The execution of Priscus.

Of the ex-consuls only (Gaius) Rubellius Blandus concurred with Lepidus: the others (all) followed Agrippa's decision, and Priscus (was) led off to prison and executed at once. Tiberius complained about this with his usual ambiguity: while he extolled their loyalty in sharply avenging offences against the emperor, even though they were moderate (ones), he deprecated such hasty punishments for (mere) words, (and) praised Lepidus without censuring Agrippa. Accordingly, the senate passed a resolution that decrees of the senate should not be taken to the treasury (for registration) before ten days (had passed). But the senate did not have the freedom to repent of (its decision), nor was Tiberius softened by the passage of time. 

Chapter 52. The problem of excessive private expenditure.

Gaius Sulpicius (Galba) (and) Decimus Haterius (Agrippa) follow as consuls (i.e. for the year 22 A.D.); the year (was) undisturbed by external events, (but) at home stern measures were anticipated against the extravagance which had reached excess in relation to everything on which wealth is squandered. But some of this outlay, although quite serious, was generally concealed by disguised prices; the arrangements for eating and gluttony, made public by incessant talk, had created a concern that a prince of antiquated frugality might adopt (measures that were) too harsh. For when Gaius (Calpurnius) Bibulus had raised the matter, the other aediles had also pointed out that the sumptuary law (i.e. probably the Lex Iulia of 22 B.C.) (was being) disregarded, and that the prohibited prices for household articles were increasing on a daily basis, and that this could this be stopped by moderate remedies, and the senate, (when) consulted, referred the matter to the emperor without discussion. But Tiberius, after long debating with himself whether such profuse passions could be suppressed, whether such coercion might prove more of a loss to the state, (and) how unworthy (it would be) to involve himself (in matters in) which he could not succeed, or (if) effected, would require the ignominy and disgrace of illustrious citizens, finally composed a letter to the senate, the drift of which was to this effect:    

Chapter 53: Tiberius addresses the issue.

"Perhaps with regard to other matters, Conscript Fathers, it would be more expedient for me to be questioned in your presence, and to state what I think is in the public interest: (but,) in this debate, it was better for my eyes to be withdrawn, lest, by your indicating the anxious faces (of those) who might be accused of shameful extravagance, I myself might observe them too, and, as it were, detect (them). But, if these energetic men, our aediles, had first taken counsel with me, I do not know whether I should have advised (them) to leave such vigorous and mature vices alone, rather than to pursue them, so that it should become well-known that we are unable to cope with such abuses. But they have certainly done their duty, as I would wish all other magistrates to fulfil their functions also: for me, however, (it is) not honourable to keep silent, nor (is it) expedient to speak out, for I do not hold the offices of aedile, or praetor, or consul. Something greater and more exalted is required from an emperor; and, while everyone gives himself the credit for right policies, the failings of (us) all are blamed on one person. For what (task) am I to take up first in prohibiting (things) and cutting (them) back to old standards? The vast size of our country-houses? The weight of silver and gold? The marvels of bronze and painting? The clothing (worn) in common by men and women, and those (extravagances) peculiar to women, by which, for the sake of jewels, our wealth is exported to foreign or hostile races?     

Chapter 54. Roman luxury examined; Tiberius declines to intervene.

"I am not unaware that these (things) are condemned and a restriction demanded at entertainments and public gatherings, but if someone should pass a law and disclose penalties, such (people) will exclaim at the same time that the state (is being) overthrown, that ruin is being prepared for everybody, (and) that no one (is) safe from incrimination. Yet, you cannot even check old bodily disorders, (which have been) growing for a long time, except by harsh and painful (treatments); and (so) the fever of a sick soul, corrupted and corrupting alike, can (only) be extinguished by remedies no weaker than the passions (that) inflame (it). Of the many laws devised by our ancestors, (and) of the many (laws) which the divine Augustus passed, the former have been abolished due to forgetfulness, and the latter, (something) which is more greatly to our shame, due to contempt, (and this) has made our extravagance the more secure. For, if you wish for (something) which is not yet forbidden, you fear that it may be forbidden: but, if you transcend (what is) forbidden with impunity, there is neither fear nor shame any longer.   

"Why, then, did frugality prevail in the days of old? Because each one of us restrained himself, and because we were (all) citizens of one city, nor (were there) even the same temptations, when our dominance (was) confined to Italy. From victories over foreigners we learned to consume the (substance) of others, and from victories over our citizens our own. What a paltry (matter) this is about which the aediles are admonishing us! What a trivial (thing) it must appear to be, if you look at everything else! By God, no one mentions that Italy needs external resources, (and) that the existence of the Roman people depends on a daily basis on the uncertainty of the waves and the storms. And, unless the resources of the provinces come to the assistance of master, slaves and farms, our meadows and our country-houses will certainly have to support us. 

"Your emperor bears this responsibility, Conscript Fathers; the neglect of these (matters) will bring utter (ruin) on the state. The cure of other (things) must come from within our hearts; let a sense of honour change us for the better, necessity the poor, and satiety the rich. Or, if anyone of our magistrates can promise such energy and strictness as to be able to go and meet (this corruption), I both applaud him and confess that a part of my labours is discharged; but if they wish to denounce vices, (and) then, when they have acquired renown in this matter, they create resentments and leave (these) to me, be assured, Conscript Fathers, that I, too, am not eager to cause offence; while I will (continue to) undertake (tasks) which (are) serious and often unfavourable on behalf of the state, I rightly wish to avoid (those which are) worthless and without meaning and (which) will be of no use either to me or to you."   

Chapter 55. Tacitus reflects on the outcome.

After Caesar's letter had been read, such a great responsibility (was) taken back from the aediles; and that extravagance at table, (which had been) practised with profuse expenditure during the hundred years from the battle of Actium to those (displays of) arms by which Servius (Sulpicius) Galba attained power,  became obsolete. It is as well that I should seek the reasons for that change.

Once rich families of noblemen, or those conspicuous for their distinction, sank into ruin through their passion for splendour. For even then (it was) lawful for such (families) to court the people, our allies and (foreign) kingdoms, and to be courted (by them); so the more splendid each (one) was in its wealth, its residence and its belongings, the more illustrious was it thought to be in its reputation and its clients. After those savage massacres, when greatness of reputation was a source of destruction, those that remained turned to wiser (ways). At the same time, the new men (who were) often admitted to the senate from the towns, and the colonies, and from the provinces also, brought their domestic thrift with (them), and, although many of them attained a wealthy old age through good luck or hard work, yet their old way of thinking remained. But the chief promoter of strict manners was Vespasian (i.e. emperor 69-79 A.D.) himself through his old-fashioned dress and way of life. Henceforth, a compliant attitude towards the emperor, and a love of emulation, (proved) stronger than legal penalties and terrors. But possibly there is in all things a certain kind of cycle, and, just as (there are) changes in the extent of the seasons, so there are revolutions in morals; nor (was) everything better in the past, but our own age too has produced many (examples) of excellence and artistry to be imitated by posterity. But yet, may this rivalry of ours with our ancestors be maintained in all honesty.    

C. THE DECLINE OF THE SENATE (Chs. 56-76).

Chapter 56. Tiberius seeks tribunician power for Drusus. 

Tiberius, having acquired a reputation for restraint, because he had checked the growth of accusers, (now) sent a letter to the senate, (in which) he sought tribunician power for Drusus. Augustus devised this designation for the highest power, so as not to assume the name of dictator or king, and yet (to acquire) some title that would surpass all other authorities. He then chose Marcus (Vipsanius) Agrippa (as) his associate in power, (and,) on his death (i.e. in 12 B.C.), Tiberius (Claudius) Nero, so that his successor should not be in doubt. So, he planned that the perverse ambitions of others might be thwarted; at the same time he had faith in Nero's good sense and in his own greatness. 

(Following) this precedent, then, Tiberius had brought Drusus to the highest position, although, (while) Germanicus (was still) alive, he had maintained an unbiassed judgment between the two. But at the beginning of his letter he implored the gods to prosper his plans for the state, and he (then) added  a few (remarks) about the young man's character, without falsehood or exaggeration. He had a wife and three children, and his age was that at which he himself had once been called by the divine Augustus to undertake this duty. Nor (was it) now a premature (step), but (it was only) after he had undergone an eight-year trial, in which he had put down mutinies, completed wars, had received a triumph and had twice been consul (i.e. in 15 A.D. and 21 A.D.), that he was adopted as a partner in a familiar task. 

Chapter 57. The sycophantic senate immediately grants Tiberius' request. 

The senators had anticipated this speech in their minds, and so their flattery was all the more special. But nothing was devised except to decree effigies of the princes, altars to the gods, temples, and arches and other customary (honours), except that Marcus (Junius) Silanus sought honour for the princes by slighting the consulship, and he put forward a motion that the names engraved on public or private monuments to record dates (should) not (be those) of consuls, but of those who exercised tribunician power. Yet, Quintus Haterius (i.e. cos. suff. 5 B.C.), when he proposed that the senatorial decrees of that day should be engraved in gold letters in the senate-house, was derided (as) an old man, who would gain nothing but infamy from his disgusting flattery.   

Chapter 58. Servius Maluginensis seeks to be governor of Asia Minor.

Meanwhile, (after) (Quintus) Junius Blaesus' governorship of Africa had been extended, Servius (Cornelius Lentulus) Maluginensis (i.e. cos. suff. 11 A.D. together with Blaesus) demanded that he should be allotted Asia, and kept saying that it was a common misconception that it was not lawful for the priests of Jupiter to leave Italy, and that his own legal position was no different from that of the priests of Mars and Quirinus (n.b. the 'flamines' of Jupiter, Mars and Quirinus were the triad of chief priests from early Roman times); moreover, if they had governed provinces, why was it forbidden in the case of the priest of Jupiter? There were no resolutions of the people (passed) on the subject, nor (was anything) to be found in the books of ceremonies. Pontiffs had often performed the rites of Jupiter, if ever the priest was hindered by ill-health or by public duty. For seventy-five years since the suicide (i.e. in 87 B.C.) of (Lucius) Cornelius Merula (i.e. cos. suff. 87 B.C.), no one had been appointed to succeed him, yet the religious rites had not ceased. If this (post) could not be filled for so many years without any detriment to religious rites, how much easier would it not be for him to be absent for one year with the authority of a proconsul? In former times, it was due to personal rivalries that they (i.e. the priests of Jupiter) were prohibited by the chief pontiffs from going to provinces: now, by the grace of the gods, the chief pontiff is also the chief of men, (and is) influenced by no rivalry, no hatred or by any personal feelings.  

Chapter 59. Drusus evades the proposed celebrations.

Since the augur (Gnaeus Cornelius) Lentulus (i.e. cos. 14 B.C.) and others argued against this on various (grounds), it was decided to await the opinion of the chief pontiff. Tiberius, having postponed the inquiry into the legal rights of the 'flamen', modified the ceremonies decreed with regard to Drusus' tribunician power, especially denouncing the extravagance of the motion concerning golden lettering (as) contrary to national usage. A letter from Drusus (was) also read out, and, although it aimed at modesty, it was considered as arrogant in the extreme. Everything has come down to this, (they said), that a mere youth, (who has) received so great an honour, would not go to the gods of his city (to worship), enter the senate, or even take the auspices on his native soil. No doubt there is a war, (they said), or he is being detained in some remote (part) of the earth, just as he was touring around the shores and lakes of Campania. Such is the training of the ruler of the human race; this (is) the first (thing) he learns from the counsels of his father. An aged emperor may, indeed, object to his citizens' gaze, and plead infirm old age and labours performed; (but) what hindrance (can) Drusus (have) but arrogance?   

Chapter 60. Tiberius acts against the Greek cities providing asylum.

But Tiberius, while confirming on himself the power of the principate, bestowed a shadow of its ancient (authority) on the senate by referring the petitions of the provinces to its investigation. For throughout Greek cities license and impunity in establishing sanctuaries was on the increase; temples were filled with the vilest of slaves; debtors escaping their creditors and (those) suspected of capital offences were admitted to the same refuge, and no authority was sufficiently strong to check the disturbances of people (who) sought to shelter the crimes of men as much as the worship of their gods. It was, therefore, decided that the cities were to send their charters and deputations (to Rome). Now, some relinquished the (power) that they had falsely exercised of their own accord; many relied on old superstitions or on their services to the Roman people. It was a grand sight on that day, when the senate examined the grants of its ancestors, the treaties with our allies, even the decrees of kings who had flourished before the ascendancy of Rome, and the forms of worship of those very deities, with the freedom, as in former days, to confirm or alter it. 

Chapter 61. The deputation from the Ephesians.

First of all came the people of Ephesus, asserting that Diana and Apollo (had) not (been) born at Delos, as was commonly believed; they had a river Cenchrius, (with) a grove Ortygia (i.e. a poetical name for Delos), where a heavily pregnant Latona had leant on an olive (tree), which was there even now, and had given birth to these deities, and the grove (was) consecrated at the instigation of the gods, and there Apollo himself, after the Cyclopes had been slain, avoided the anger of Jupiter. Later, Father Liber (i.e. Bacchus), victorious in war, had accepted the supplications of the Amazons, who had gathered around the altar. After this, with the permission of Hercules, the sanctity of the temple (was) enhanced, while Lydia was being conquered, nor this privilege curtailed under the rule of the Persians; afterwards, the Macedonians, and then we ourselves maintained (it).   

Chapter 62. Further deputations.

Next to them, the Magnesians relied on the arrangements of Lucius Scipio (i.e. Scipio Africanus the Elder) and Lucius Sulla (i.e. the dictator), of whom the former had crushed Antiochus (i.e. in 190 B.C.) and the latter Mithridates (i.e. in 88 B.C.), to allow (the temple) of Diana of the White Brow to become an inviolable sanctuary. After that, the people of Aphrodisias (i.e. a town and promontory in Caria) produced a decree of the dictator Caesar with regard to their long-standing services to his cause, and the people of Stratonicea (i.e. also a town in Caria) a recent (one) of the divine Augustus, (in which they are) praised because they had endured an invasion of the Parthians (i.e. in 40 B.C.) without wavering in their loyalty to the Roman people. But the community of the Aphrodisienses were keeping the cult of Venus, and (that) of the Stratonicenses (that) of Jupiter and Trivia (i.e. Diana of the Crossroads). 

The people of Hierocaesarea (i.e. a town in Lydia) went back further, (for) they had a temple of Persian Diana consecrated by king Cyrus (i.e. King of Persia 559-530 B.C.); they quoted too the names of (Marcus) Perperna (i.e. cos. 130 B.C. when he defeated and captured Aristonicus of Pergamum), (Publius Servilius Vatia) Isauricus (i.e. cos. I 48 B.C. with Caesar, and proconsul of Asia two years later), and many other of the generals who had bestowed the same sanctity not only on the temple but (on the area) two miles (around it). Then, the Cypriots (spoke) of three shrines, of which their founder Aerias had set up the oldest (one) to Paphian Venus, and the later (ones were established by) his son Amathus to Amathian Venus, and (by) Teucer to Jupiter of Salamis, when he fled from the wrath of his father Telamon.   

Chapter 63. The findings of the senate. 

Delegations from other states (were) also heard. Wearied by the number of these, and because they led to enthusiastic disputes, the senators empowered the consuls to look at (each) case, and, if any defect were involved, to refer the whole matter back to the senate. Besides those states, which I have mentioned, the consuls reported that a sanctuary of Aesculapius (had been) discovered at Pergamum: the others relied on obscure origins on account of their antiquity. For example, the people of Smyrna told of an oracle of Apollo, at the command of which they had dedicated a temple to Venus Stratonicis, (and) the inhabitants of Tenos (i.e. an island in the Cyclades) of an utterance from the same (deity), which ordered (them) to consecrate a statue and a shrine to Neptune. The people of Sardis (made) a more recent (claim): that it was a gift of the victorious Alexander. The people of Miletus relied no less on King Darius; but in both cases the cult of the gods being worshipped (was that of) Diana or Apollo. The Cretans, too, demanded (a similar privilege) for a statue of the divine Augustus. Now, decrees of the senate (were) passed, which, although very respectful, still prescribed certain limits, and (they [i.e. the petitioners] were) ordered to set up bronze (tablets) in the temples themselves to (be) a sacred memorial, and not to lapse into secular intrigues under the guise of religion.    being still genuine, or their hatred concealed. 

Chapter 64. Tiberius and Livia.

About the same time, a serious illness of Julia Augusta (i.e. Tiberius' mother, Livia) made (it) necessary for the emperor to return to the City in haste, the harmony between mother and son (being) still genuine, or their hatred concealed. For not long before, when she was dedicating a statue to the divine Augustus not far from the theatre of Marcellus, Julia had inscribed the name of Tiberius after her own, and it was thought that he had hidden this within (himself) as a deep and disguised offence against the dignity of the emperor. But supplications to the gods and great games were now decreed by the senate, which the pontiffs, and the augurs and the Board of Fifteen (i.e. for Religious Ceremonies), together with the Board of Seven (i.e. for Sacrificial banquets) and the Augustal Brotherhood, would celebrate. Lucius Apronius proposed that the Fetials (i.e. the priests who organised the rituals relating to making war and peace) should also preside over these games. Caesar spoke against (this), distinguishing between the functions of the priests and quoting precedents: for the Fetials had never enjoyed such dignity. And the (only) reason why the Augustal priests were involved (was) because that priesthood was peculiar to that family, on behalf of which the vows were being fulfilled. 

Chapter 65. The decline of the senate.

I have not set out every motion at length, but only (those) conspicuous for their excellence or notable for their decadence, because I consider that the chief function of writing history (is) that worthy actions should not go unrecorded and that (those who are guilty of) evil in their words and their deeds should have the fear of ill-repute in posterity. Furthermore, that age was so corrupted and debased by sycophancy, that not only the foremost men of the community, whose distinction had to be hidden under their servility, but all ex-consuls, a large part of those who had functioned as praetors, and also ordinary senators (i.e. those who had not held any curule office), vied in rising to propose shameful and extravagant (motions). Tradition has it that Tiberius, whenever he was leaving the senate-house, used to say the following words in Greek: "O men (who are) ready for slavery!" Now, even he, who had no love of public liberty, was growing weary of such abject abasement in his slaves. 

Chapter 66. Naked ambition.

Henceforth, they gradually passed from dishonourable acts to those of savagery. Mamercus (Aemilius) Scaurus (i.e. cos. suff. 21 A.D.), of the ex-consuls, the praetor Junius Otho, (and) the aedile Bruttedius Niger simultaneously attacked Gaius (Junius) Silanus (i.e. cos. 10 A.D.), (who had been) accused by our allies of extortion (when he was) proconsul of Asia, and they charged (him) with violating the divinity of Augustus (i.e. by perjury) (and) spurning the majesty of Tiberius, (while) Mamercus made the most of antique precedents, Lucius (Aurelius) Cotta (i.e. cos. 144 B.C.) (being) indicted by (Publius Cornelius) Scipio (Aemilianus) Africanus (i.e. cos. I 147 B.C. and the date of indictment being between 132 and 129 B.C.), Servius (Sulpicius) Galba (i.e. cos. 144 B.C.) by Cato the Censor (i.e. cos. 195 B.C. and censor 184 B.C. and the date of indictment being 149 B.C.), (and) Publius Rutilius (Rufus) (i.e. cos. 105 B.C.) by Marcus (Aemilius) Scaurus (i.e. cos. 115 B.C. and the date of indictment being 116 B.C.). It is evident that Scipio and Cato were avenging such (crimes), and Scaurus, too, whom (as) his great-grandfather Mamercus, that blot on his ancestors, was (now) dishonouring by his infamous activity. Junius Otho's former employment had been to run a grammar school; (becoming) a senator through the influence of Sejanus, he soon disgraced his obscure origins by his impudent audacity. Bruttedius (was) abounding in excellent accomplishments, and, if he had proceeded on a straight path, he would have attained all the highest distinctions, but a spirit of impatience spurred (him) on, while he himself strove to outstrip his equals, then his superiors, and finally even his own aspirations: (for it is the case) that many (men), even good (ones), have perished, who, when scorning what is slow and safe, have hastened to a premature (success), though it may be accompanied by their ruin. 

Chapter 67. The trial of Gaius Silanus.  

Gellius Publicola and Marcus Paconius, the former (being) Silanus' quaestor, (and) the latter his legate, swelled the number of the accusers. No doubt was felt that the accused was guilty on the grounds of cruelty and of financial extortion: but many charges were brought against him, (which would have been) perilous even in the case of innocent (men), since, besides a host of opposing senators, he had to respond to the most eloquent (lawyers) in the whole of Asia, (who had been) chosen to prosecute him, (though he was) alone and without any experience of pleading, and in (a state of) personal fear, which incapacitates even practised eloquence; for Tiberius did not refrain from pressing (him) hard by voice and look, and by the very fact that he himself interrogated (him) very closely, nor was he permitted to refute or elude (a question), and often he even had to make a confession, lest he (i.e. Tiberius) should have asked in vain. Also, the state-agent had taken Silanus' slaves by purchase, so they could be interrogated under torture. And, lest any of his friends might help (him in his hour) of peril, charges of treason were added, and (this was) a binding guarantee of silence. So, having requested a few days' respite, he abandoned his defence, after venturing to write Caesar a note, in which he intermingled reproach and entreaty.    

Chapter 68. Piso demands that Silanus be exiled.

In order that what he was arranging in relation to Silanus should find some justification in precedent, Tiberius ordered that the dispatch of the divine Augustus concerning (Lucius Valerius) Messalla Volesus (i.e. cos. 5 A.D.), also proconsul of Asia, and the decree of the senate (which was) passed against him (i.e. in about 12 A.D.), should be read out. Then, he asked Lucius (Calpurnius) Piso for his opinion. After a long preface concerning the emperor's clemency, he pronounced that Silenus should be deprived of fire and water (i.e. outlawed) and banished to the island of Gyara (i.e. a small rocky islet in the Aegean). The rest (said) the same, except that Gnaeus (Cornelius) Lentulus proposed the property of Silanus' mother should be treated separately, since the mother by whom he was born (was) an Atia (i.e. the 'gens' of Augustus' mother) and should (therefore) be transferred to his son, and Tiberius assented.  

Chapter 69.

Now, (Publius) Cornelius Dolabella (i.e. cos. 10 A.D.), so as to pursue flattery still further, after denouncing the character of Gaius Silanus, moved that no one with a disgraceful lifestyle and notorious for his infamy should be allotted a province, and that the emperor should be the judge of this. For. (he said,) offences are punished by law; (but) how much kinder it would be to ourselves, (and) how much better for our allies (it would be, would it not) to ensure that there were no wrong-doing?   

Caesar spoke against this (motion): while he (was) not unaware of what was being commonly said about Silanus, but (such a matter should) not (be) decided on hearsay. Many (men) had behaved in the provinces contrary to what expectation or fear there had been about them: some are inspired to greater (deeds) by the magnitude of their responsibilities, (while) others are put off (by them). Accordingly, laws are concerned (with things that have) happened, while (things that) will occur in the future are in doubt. So it was established by their ancestors that, if offences have occurred, penalties should follow. Let them not overturn (arrangements that have been) wisely devised and always observed: princes have burdens enough, and also enough power. Rights are diminished, whenever power grows, nor should there be recourse to imperial authority, when (a matter) can be managed by the laws.  

These popular sentiments (were) received with feelings that were (all) the more joyful, as they were quite rare on the lips of Tiberius. And, as he was capable of forbearance, if his own anger were not involved, he added that the island of Gyara was grim and without human habitation: they should concede to the Junian family and to a man, (who was) once of the same order (as themselves), that he should retire to to Cythnus (i.e. a larger Aegean island, south of Ceos) instead. Silanus' sister, Torquata, a virgin of old-fashioned sanctity (i.e. she was a Vestal Virgin), had also requested this. With regard to this motion, the (necessary) division took place (i.e. it was passed without discussion).  

Chapter 70. Capito tries to defend the powers of the senate.

The people of Cyrene (were) heard next, and, with Ancharius Priscus prosecuting, Caesius Cordus was convicted of extortion. (When) Lucius Ennius, a Roman knight, (was) accused of treason, because he had turned a statue of the emperor into silver plate for ordinary household use, Caesar forbade that he should be put on trial, with (Gaius) Ateius Capito (i.e. cos. suff. 5 A.D.) openly protesting as if it were a matter of liberty. For, (he argued that) the power of decision-making ought not to be wrested from the senate, nor should so great an offence go unpunished. Granted he might be indifferent with regard to a personal grievance; but he should not allow injuries to be lavished on the state. Tiberius understood these (remarks) as they were meant, rather than as thy were expressed, and he persisted in his veto. Capito was the more conspicuous in his disgrace, because, being an authority on human and divine law, he had tarnished his outstanding public (reputation) and his fine domestic qualities.   

Chapter 71. Religious matters.

Then (a matter of) religion came upon the scene, (namely) as to the temple, in which should be located the offering which the Roman knights had vowed to Equestrian Fortune for the good health of the Augusta (i.e. Livia): for although (there were) many shrines to that goddess in the City, yet none (of them) bore such a designation. It was discovered that there was a temple at Antium which was so named, and that all the sacred rites, and temples and images of deities in Italian towns were under the jurisdiction and authority of Rome. Accordingly, the offering was deposited at Antium. 

Now since there was a discussion going on about (matters of) religion, Caesar (now) produced his answer to Servius (Cornelius Lentulus) Maluginensis, the priest of Jupiter, (which he had) recently deferred, and he recited the pontifical decree, (stating) that, whenever ill-health adversely affected a priest of Jupiter, he might, with the permission of the chief pontiff, be absent for more than two nights, provided that (it was) not during days of public sacrifice, or more often than twice in the same year; this (regulation) set down by the emperor Augustus proved sufficiently that a year's absence and the government of provinces were not permitted to priests of Jupiter. And also cited was the precedent of the chief pontiff, Lucius (Caecilius) Metellus (i.e. cos. I 251 B.C.), who had detained (at Rome) the 'flamen (Martialis)' Aulus Postumius (Albinus) (i.e. in 242 B.C. when he was consul). So the allotment of Asia was conferred upon the (man) who came next as consul to Maluginensis. 

Chapter 72. Public works.

At the same time (Marcus Aemilius) Lepidus (i.e. cos. 6 A.D.) sought leave from the senate to strengthen and embellish, at his own expense, the basilica of Paullus (i.e. Lucius Aemilius Paullus, cos. 50 B.C.) , the monument to the Aemilian (family). Public munificence was still then in fashion; and Augustus had not debarred (Titus Statilius) Taurus (cos. suff. 37 B.C.), (or) (Lucius Marcius) Philippus (cos. 38 B.C.), (or) (Lucius Cornelius) Balbus (i.e. cos. suff. 40 B.C.) from devoting the spoils from their enemies or their surplus wealth to the adornment of the City and the applause of posterity. Now, by following their example, Lepidus, although of moderate wealth, revived the glory of his ancestors. 

But, when Pompey's theatre was destroyed by an accidental fire, Caesar promised that he would rebuild (it), for the reason that no one from the family had the means to restore (it), but with Pompey's name being kept. At the same time, he greatly extolled Sejanus, on the grounds that it was through his exertions and vigilance that such furious (flames) had led to the loss of only one (building); and the senate voted Sejanus a statue, which was to be placed in the theatre of Pompey. Not long afterwards, Caesar, when he exalted (Quintus) Junius Blaesus with the tokens of a triumph as proconsul of Africa, said that he was granting this in honour of Sejanus, whose uncle he was. Nevertheless, the achievements of Blaesus were worthy of such a distinction.   

Chapter 73. Events in North Africa. 

For Tacfarinas, although quite often driven back, had recruited reinforcements there in the interior of Africa, and had become so arrogant as to send envoys to Tiberius, demanding a voluntary place of settlement for himself and his army or threatening endless war. Never, it is said, was Caesar more provoked by an insult to himself and the Roman people, as that this deserter and brigand was assuming the character of a belligerent. 

Not even Spartacus, after the destruction of so many consular armies as he was blazing his way through Italy with impunity, and even though the state was troubled by the huge wars with (Quintus) Sertorius and Mithridates (VI, King of Pontus), was offered a negotiated treaty; far less in the most glorious height of power of the Roman people should the robber Tacfarinas be bought off by peace and a concession of territory. He gave the task to Blaesus, who was to entice the other (rebels) by the prospect of laying down their arms without detriment, but he was to gain possession of (the person of) the leader himself by any means possible. Now, many were won over by this amnesty. Before long the tactics of Tacfarinas were adversely confronted in a not dissimilar manner. 

Chapter 74. Blaesus takes control of North Africa.

For, as he was unequal (to us) in the strength of his army, (but) better at pillaging, he would attack by means of several detachments, and then elude (pursuit), while at the same time attempting (to make) ambushes, (and so) three expeditions and as many columns were arranged (by us). (One) of these the legate (Publius) Cornelius (Lentulus) Scipio (i.e. cos. 24 A.D.) commanded, (and it blocked the road) by which plundering (attacks were made by the enemy) on the Leptitanians (i.e. the inhabitants of Leptis Minor), and they then sought shelter among the Garamantes; in another spot Blaesus' son led a force of his own, so that the villages of Cirta should not be ravaged with impunity; between them the general himself with some picked (men), (by) placing fortresses and fortifications in suitable locations, had made the whole (country) cramped and perilous for the enemy, since, whichever way they turned, some part of the Roman army was in front of them, (or) on their flank and often in their rear, and many (were) killed or entrapped in this way. He then dispersed his triple army into several detachments, and put centurions of proven valour in command (of them). Nor, as had been the custom, did he withdraw his troops when summer ended, or put them together in winter quarters in the old province, but, having set up a chain of fortresses, as though he were on the threshold of a campaign, he drove Tacfarinas by flying columns (that were) well-acquainted with the desert from one hutted camp to another, until, having captured his brother, he returned, but (he did so) more hastily than (what was) in the interests of our allies, since he left behind (those) by whom war could be resumed.   

But Tiberius considered that it (i.e. the war) (was) as good as finished, and he awarded Blaesus the (distinction) that he should be hailed 'imperator' by his legions, an ancient honour conferred upon generals (who,) having  performed good deeds on behalf of the state, were loudly greeted with the joyous enthusiasm of a victorious army; now several (men) were 'imperatores' at the same time, nor (did it raise them) above an equality with the others. Augustus, too, bestowed this title on a few (men) and now, for the last time, Tiberius assigned (it) to Blaesus.   

Chapter 75. The passing of Saloninus and Capito. 

In that year (i.e. 22 A.D.) there died (two) illustrious men, (Gnaeus) Asinus Saloninus, the grandson of Marcus (Vipsanius) Agrippa (i.e. cos I 37 B.C.) and (Gaius) Asinius Pollio (i.e. cos. 40 B.C.) distinguished as the half-brother of Drusus, and the intended husband of Caesar's granddaughter, and (Gaius) Ateius Capito, about whom I have spoken, (who had) attained a leading position in the community by his civic exertions, and, although his grandfather had been but one of Sulla's centurions, his father (had been) a praetor. Augustus had accelerated his (progress) to the consulship (i.e. Capito was appointed cos. suff. in 5 A.D.), so that, by the honour of this magistracy, he might precede (Marcus) Antistius Labeo, who excelled in the same profession. For that age produced two ornaments of peace at the same moment: but (while) Labeo was more celebrated for his incorruptible independence and famous on account of that, Capito's compliance was more acceptable to those in power. The former, because he was confined to the praetorship (received) popularity from this injury, (whereas) the latter, because he had obtained the consulship, incurred the hatred (that arises) from envy. (n.b. Their names are famous in Roman jurisprudence, as founders of the two opposing schools of Proculiani, the followers of Labeo, and Sabiniani, the followers of Capito.)     

Chapter 76. The death of Tertulla. 

Junia (Tertia) (i.e. Tertulla, her parents being Decimus Junius Silanus, cos. 62 B.C. and Servilia, Julius Caesar's mistress) completed her last day (on the earth) this year (i.e. 22 A.D.), the sixty-fourth after the battle of Philippi (i.e. in 42 B.C.), (she who was) born with (Marcus Porcius) Cato as her uncle, (and who was) the wife of Gaius Cassius (Longinus) and the sister of Marcus (Junius) Brutus. Her will was the subject of much discussion among the crowd, because, although she had named almost all of the leading (citizens) with honour in (disposing of) her vast wealth, she omitted Caesar (i.e. Tiberius). He graciously accepted this, nor did he forbid that a funeral service should be held in her honour, with a eulogy before the Rostra and other solemnities. The effigies of twenty of the most famous families were borne at the front of (the procession), (with) the names of Manlius, Quinctius and others of the same nobility. But Cassius and Brutus outshone (them all), because their effigies were not to be seen (i.e. because they were Julius Caesar's murderers).