Sunday, 21 November 2010

THUCYDIDES: THE FALL OF PLATAEA: FROM "THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR" BOOKS II-III

FACTS IN CONNECTION WITH PLATAEA.


Introduction. 


In a third extract from Thucydides' famous history of the Peloponnesian War, Sabidius translates the well-known piece about the siege of Plataea by the Lacedaemonians (or Spartans) in 429-27 B.C, following an unsuccessful attempt by Thebes to capture Plataea in 431. Although Plataea was a city in Boeotia (central Greece) it was allied to Athens, and that attack by Thebes was effectively the beginning of the long Peloponnesian War (431-404) between Athens and Sparta. Plataea was also famous as the only city that had sent its troops to help Athens repel the Persians at the Battle of Marathon in 490, and was the location of the battle in 479 that saw the final defeat of Xerxes' army. Thucydides' account of this siege was used by subsequent historical writers in Antiquity as a stereotype for the detailed description of sieges, rather as his account of the Great Plague of Athens in 430 was subsequently plagiarised by classical historians to embellish accounts of the outbreaks of disease. (Such emulation should not be seen as dishonest; indeed, because of  Thucydides' reputation, and the widespread view that his work could never be bettered, such borrowings were both expected and welcomed by the readers or audiences of authors in later centuries.) The story of this long siege, the exciting escape of half the garrison, and its eventual downfall is stained by the appalling atrocities which mark its beginning and its ending. The Plataeans were so incensed by the attempt of the Thebans to capture their city by stealth in 431 that they executed all 180 of the captives that fell into their hands. Eager for revenge, the Thebans persuaded the Spartans to execute in turn 225 prisoners when Plataea finally surrendered in 427. These deaths were precursors of the many similar atrocities with which the annals of the Peloponnesian War are filled. 

As in the case of the Plague account, the text for this extract is taken from an edition in the Macmillan Elementary Classics series, edited by W.T. Sutthery, M.A. and A.S.Graves, M.A.,(1912), in which Chapters  1-6 and 71-78 of Book II; and Chapters 20-24, 52, 60 and 68 of Book III are in the original Greek. In the following extract , Sabidius has employed the chaper titles of Sutthery and Graves, and also their summaries of chapters 53-59 and 61-67 (see below in italic script). The comments about Thucydides' writing style, and its challenge to the translator, in Sabidius' translation of the Capture of Sphacteria (see his blog, dated 11 June 2010) apply also to this extract.


BOOK II: CHAPTERS 1-6.


Chapter 1.  Beginning of the Peloponnesian War.


The war between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians and the allies on either side now begins, while they did not hold communication with each other any longer except through heralds, and, settling down, they made war continuously; it has been written (down) according to winters and summers as each happened in turn.

Chapter 2.  The Thebans surprise Plataea, a town in alliance with Athens, and enter the town by night, helped by traitors inside.


The thirty year truce, which occurred after the conquest of Euboea, continued in force for fourteen years; in the fifteenth year, at the time when Chrysis had been priestess in Argos for forty-eight years, and Aenesias ephor in Sparta, and Pythodorus archon at Athens for two months still in the sixth month after the battle at Potidaea, and at the same time as spring having begun, the men of the Thebans, a little more than three hundred (strong), - and the Boeotarchs, both Pythangelus, the son of Phyleides, and Diemporus, the son of Onetorides, were leading them - , entered under arms (lit. with their weapons) around the first sleep (i.e. the first watch of the night) into Plataea, (a town) of Boeotia, being an allied state of the Athenians. Men, both Naucleides and those with him, invited (them) in, and opened the gates of Plataea, wishing, for the sake of their own power, both to kill the men among the citizens who (were) hostile to them, and to bring the city over to the Thebans. They arranged these things through Eurymachus, the son of Leontiades, a very powerful man among the Thebans. For the Thebans, realising that there would be war, wished to seize prior control of Plataea, which was always (lit. being) at variance with them, (while) still in peace (time) and with war not yet clearly established. For which (reason) also those entering escaped notice quite easily, a guard not having been posted. Having grounded their arms in the market-place, they were not persuaded  by those who had invited (lit. having invited) (them) in that they should at once proceed to business and go to the houses of their enemies, but they at once made up their minds to employ sympathetic announcements, and rather to lead the city into a friendly agreement (lit. an agreement and friendship), and, in fact, their herald proclaimed that, if anyone wished to ally themselves according to the traditions of all of Boeotia, they should join their ranks (lit. pile their weapons with them), thinking that the city would easily be won to themselves in this way.

Chapter 3.  The Plataeans at first come to terms with the Thebans, but afterwards attack them, finding them to be less numerous than they had supposed. 

The Plataeans, when they became aware that the Thebans were inside and had suddenly seized the city, fearing greatly and thinking that much more men had entered, for they could not see in the night, came to an agreement, and, accepting their proposals, remained still, especially since they had made no drastic movements against anyone. But somehow, (while) managing these things, they perceived that there were not many Thebans, and they considered that, if they attacked (lit. having attacked), they would overpower (them) easily: for amongst the mass of the Plataeans there was not a wish to secede from the Athenians. And so it seemed to be worth attempting, and they assembled, digging through their party walls (so as to get) to each other, in order that they were not clearly (seen) going through the streets, and they placed wagons in the streets without their beasts of burden so that (the barricade thus made) was instead of walls, and they prepared the other things where each seemed to be convenient for the present. When (things) were as ready as  possible, taking care that it (should) still (be) night, around cock-crow they sallied out of their houses against them, in order that they should not be met in daylight by (men) being more courageous and (who) were on equal terms with themselves, but, being more fearful at night, they would be inferior to their experience of things concerning the city. And they attacked at once and were at close quarters as soon as possible.

Chapter 4.  They meet with almost immediate success and kill or take prisoner almost the whole number.

They, when they became aware that they were deceived, both began to close up and proceeded to push back the attacks on themselves whenever they were assailed. Twice or thrice they beat off (their attackers), (and) then, the men attacking (them) with much noise, and the women together with the servants, employing from the house (tops) both shouting and cheering and pelting (them) both with stones and with tiling, and at the same time much rain happening throughout the night, they became fearful, and, having turned, they fled through the city, the majority being ignorant, in the darkness and the mud, of the ways out, (not knowing) in what direction  it was necessary to be seek salvation, for these events were happening as the month was ending, and, having knowledgeable men pursuing (them) to prevent their escape, the result was that many were killed. One of the Plataeans shut the gate by which they had entered and which was the only one opened, thrusting the spike of a javelin into the bar instead of the pin, so that even here there was not a way out. Being pursued all through the town, some of them climbing on the wall, hurled themselves over it and the majority were killed; others, eluding notice by the undefended gates, a woman giving them an axe, and cutting through the bar, not many got out, for swift detection occurred; and elsewhere others were killed here and there in the city. The most numerous (group), inasmuch as it was the most compact, rush into a large dwelling, which was next to the walls and the doors there happened to be open, thinking that the doors of the dwelling were the gates and a passage through to the outside. The Plataeans, seeing that they had been trapped, deliberated whether they should set fire to the building, burning (them) just as they were, or whether they should be treated in some other way. At length, both these and as many others of the Thebans wandering around the city (as) were surviving, agreed to surrender themselves and their weapons to the Plataeans, to be treated in whatever way they wished. Thus, you see, had those in Plataea fared.

Chapter 5.  Reinforcements arrive from Thebes too late to be of service, and propose to ravage the country, whereupon the Plataeans agree to give back the prisoners, but massacre them as soon as the Thebans have retreated. 


The rest of the Thebans, who ought (lit. for whom it was necessary) to have arrived in full full force, while (it was) still night, in case it were not going well for those who had (lit. having) entered, from the time when the news about what had happened having been told to them upon the road, were hurrying to their assistance. Plataea was seventy stades distant from Thebes and the rain which had happened (lit. having happened) during the night made (it) slower for them to progress; for the Asopus river was running high and was not easily fordable. Marching in rain and crossing the river with difficulty, they arrived too late, some of the men having been slain, others having been taken alive. When the Thebans learned what had happened, they contrived a plot against those men outside the city of Plataea; for there were both men and property outside in the fields just as (would be the case), the unexpected evil having occurred in peace-time. For whomsoever they were to take by themselves they wished to keep as hostages for those within, if, that is, any chanced to have been captured alive. And they intended these things. But, while they were still deliberating (lit. them still deliberating) carefully, the Plataeans, suspecting that there would be some such thing and becoming fearful about those outside, sent out a herald to the Thebans, saying that they had not done what they had done justly, trying to capture their city (which was) at a time of peace, and told them not to harm their possessions outside (the walls). Otherwise (lit. if not), they said that they themselves would kill the men of theirs whom they were holding alive; but, on their withdrawing (lit. them having withdrawn) again from their territory, they would give these men back to them. The Thebans say this, (and) they say that they swore upon (it); but the Plataeans do not agree that they promised to give back the men immediately, but if, negotiations having first occurred, they were to agree something, and they did not affirm that they had sworn upon (it). And so the Thebans withdrew from their territory, having harmed nothing; and the Plataeans, after they had speedily brought in their possessions from the countryside, immediately slew the men.  There were a hundred and eighty prisoners, and Eurymachus, with whom the traitors had intrigued, was one of them.

Chapter 6.   News comes to Athens, whence a garrison is sent to occupy Plataea.


Having done this, they sent a messenger to Athens, and returned the dead to the Thebans under a truce, and arranged matters in the city as it seemed good to them in the existing circumstances. The things happening at Plataea were reported to the Athenians, and they seized immediately as many of the Boeotians (as) there were in Attica, and sent a herald to Plataea, ordering (him) to say that they should do nothing extreme concerning the men whom they were holding, until they themselves should determine something with regard to them; for it had not been reported that they were dead. For the first messenger left at the same time as the entrance of the Thebans was happening, and the second just as they were being defeated and captured. And so they knew nothing of these later matters. Thus, the Athenians sent their message not knowing (the facts). And the herald, arriving, found the men having been slain. After this, the Athenians, having marched to Plataea, brought in provisions and left a garrison behind, and they took away those men most unfit for military service together with the women and children.

BOOK II: CHAPTERS 71-78.


Chapter 71.  429 B.C.  The Peloponnesians attack Plataea instead of invading Attica. The Plataeans protest.


The next summer (lit. the summer coming next), the Peloponnesians and their allies did not invade Attica, but marched against Plataea. The king of the Lacedaemonians, Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, was in command. Having encamped his army, he was about to lay waste their territory; but the Plataeans, sending ambassadors at once, spoke (words) of this kind to him: "(O) Archidamus, and Lacedaemonians, you are not doing just things, nor things worthy either of yourselves or of the fathers, of whom you are (sons), (by) marching into  the land of the Plataeans. For the Lacedaemonian Pausanias, the son of Cleombrotus, having freed Greece form the Medes with those Hellenes willing to take up together the risk in the battle which occurred near us, (and) having sacrificed to Zeus the Liberator in the market-place of Plataea, and having called together all the allies, restored to the Plataeans (the right) to dwell in their territory and city, holding (it) independently, and (he proposed) that no one should at any time make war upon them unjustly, nor with a view to their slavery; and in default (lit. if not), the allies present would defend (them) according to their power. Your fathers gave these advantages to us on account of the courage and enthusiasm which we showed (lit. having occurred) in those dangerous times, but you are doing the contrary; for you have come with the Thebans, to us the bitterest of enemies, for the purpose of our servitude. Appealing to the gods as witnesses of the oaths which had (lit. having) then happened, your ancestral ones and our native ones, we bid you not to harm the land of Plataea nor to transgress the oaths, and to allow (us) to live independently, just as Pausanias decreed for us."

Chapter 72.  Archidamus replies that the Plataeans can only avert the attack by remaining neutral.


The Plataeans having said so much, Archidamus, replying, said: "You say just things, O Plataean men, if you act in like manner to your words. For just as Pausanias granted (it) to you, both enjoy independence yourselves, and join in freeing those others, who, having shared the dangers of those times, swore the oaths with you, and are now under the Athenians, and all this great preparation and war has happened for the sake of the liberation of them and the other states. Sharing in this (course) in particular, abide by the oaths yourselves; but, failing that (lit. if not), keep the peace, dividing your own possessions amongst yourselves, and do not be with one side, but receive both (as) friends, but not either on a war footing. And these things will suffice for us." Archidamus said so much; the representatives of Plataea, hearing these things, went into the city, and, sharing what had been said with the crowd, they replied to him that it was impossible for them to do as he proposed without consulting the Athenians; for their own children and wives were with them. And (they said) that they also had fears about the whole city, lest, they (i.e. the Lacedaemonians) having withdrawn, the Athenians, having come, might not entrust (the decision) to them, or (lest) the Thebans, as being included in the terms of the covenant in the matter of receiving both (sides), might try to seize their city again. Encouraging them upon these points, he said, "You must hand over your city and houses to us Lacedaemonians, and you must point out the boundaries of your land and your trees by number and whatever else (it is) possible to admit to computation. You, yourselves, must go away to wherever you wish, while there is war. Whenever it is over, we shall give back to you whatever we have received. Until that time, we shall hold (it) in trust, farming (it) and paying (you) an allowance which is likely to be sufficient for you."

Chapter 73.  The Plataeans reply that they must consult the Athenians, and secure a truce for this purpose.    

Hearing (this), they entered into the city again, and, having consulted with the mass (of the people), they said that they wished first to share with the Athenians what things were being proposed, and, if they persuaded them, to agree them. Until that time they bade (him) to make a truce with them, and not to ravage their land. He granted (them) a truce for the (number of) days in which it was requisite to return (from Athens) and did not damage their territory. The Plataean envoys having gone to the Athenians and having consulted with them, they went back reporting the following things to those in the city: "O Plataean men, the Athenians say that in all the time before this from when we have been allies, they have abandoned us at no time, nor will they overlook (us) now, but they will help (us) according to their power. By your oaths they enjoin you to disturb nothing which your fathers swore concerning the alliance." 

Chapter 74.  The Athenians promise them aid if they remain true to the alliance, which the Plataeans resolve to do. Archidamus makes a solemn appeal to the gods to justify his action.


The envoys having reported such things, the Plataeans determined not to betray the Athenians, but even to  endure seeing their land being ravaged, if it were necessary, and suffering whatever else might happen; (they decided) to send out nothing further, but that (their envoys) should answer from their wall that it was impossible for them to do what the Lacedaemonians were proposing. When they had replied, King Archidamus thenceforth appealed firstly to the witness of both the gods and the heroes of their native-land, saying thus: " (You) gods and heroes, such as inhabit the district of Plataea, be witnesses that at the beginning we did not come unjustly, but they having earlier forsaken the common oath, against this land, in which our fathers, having offered prayers to you, defeated the Medes, and, well disposed, you offered it for the Greeks to contend therein, nor now, if we have to resort to anything, shall we be acting unjustly; for, having proposed many reasonable things, we are not happening (to be successful). Be indulgent to those first beginning the injustices that they should be punished, and to those justly inflicting vengeance that it should happen."

Chapter 75.  The siege of  Plataea begins. The operations of the besiegers and of the besieged. 


Having appealed to the gods in so great a manner, (the king) arranged his army for war, and first he fenced them in with the fruit-trees which they had cut down in order that no one should get out any longer, (and) next they piled up a mound against the city, expecting that a very speedy capture of them would happen, so great an army being employed. And so, cutting down timber from Cithaeron, they built up (a framework) on both sides (of the mound), placing (the logs) cross-wise up against the walls, in order that the mound might not collapse to (any) great extent; and they carried loose wood to it, and stones and earth and whatever other material might be likely to accomplish its throwing up. They piled (it) up for nine days and nights continuously, having been divided up according to shifts (lit. reliefs), so that some were carrying, and others were taking their sleep and their food; the officers of the Lacedaemonians, having jointly supervised each city (contingent),  compelled (them) to (keep doing) the work. The Plataeans, seeing the mound rising up, having put together a wooden wall and having fixed (it) on top of their own wall, beside where (the mound) had been heaped up, they built bricks into it, taking them down from the houses nearby. The timbers were a fixture for them (i.e. the bricks), in order that the building should not become weak as it was becoming lofty; and (as) coverings it had skins and hides so that those working and the timbers were in safety, and not pelted by fire-carrying arrows. And the height of the wall was raised greatly and the mound went up against it no more tardily. The Plataeans also think of some such thing. Going through the (part of the) wall where it abutted the mound, they carried away the earth.

Chapter 76.  Ill-success of the Lacedaemonians; the energy and vigilance of the Plataeans. battering rams are employed in vain by the besiegers.


Discovering (this), the Peloponnesians, rolling up clay in wattles of reed, threw (it) into the breach, in  order that it could not be dispersed just as the soil had been carried away. Thwarted in this way, they desisted from (lit. as to) this (method), and digging from the city and calculating (their way) under the mound, they began drawing off the soil again to their own (side). For a long time they escaped the notice of those outside, so that, although they were throwing (earth) on top of (the mound), they accomplished less, (soil from) the mound being carried away from them from beneath, (and upper parts) settling constantly into the vacuum. Fearing that even so their small force might not be able to hold out against (so) many, they had this further stratagem. They stopped working on the large building opposite the mound, and, starting from the low wall from this side and from that side of it, they also built from the inside a crescent-shaped (fortification curving back) towards the city, in order that, if the main wall were to be taken, this would hold out, and it would be necessary for the enemy to make a mound against it again, and, (while) advancing within, to have their trouble duplicated, and even more to become (exposed) to cross-fire. At the same time as the heaping up of the mound, the Peloponnesians also brought up siege engines against the city, one which, having been employed upon the mound against the great structure, shook (it) violently and  alarmed the Plataeans, and they brought up others elsewhere on the walls, which the Plataeans, having put lassoes around (them), broke, and, hanging huge beams by long iron chains at each extremity (lit. from the cut part at each end) from two poles, having been laid horizontally on, and projecting over the wall, (and) drawing (them) up at an angle, whenever the siege-engine was about to have struck in some way, they let the beam go with its chains slack, and not keeping (them) within their grasp; the force (of the beam) falling down snapped off the nose of the head of the battering ram.

Chapter 77.   Attempt to fire the town frustrated by a storm of rain.

After this, the Peloponnesians, as their siege-engines were achieving nothing, and the counter-wall was meeting their mound, concluding that it was impracticable, in the face of the present difficulties to take the city, made preparations for its circumvallation. But, first, it seemed good to them to try fire, (to see) if, a wind happening, they could set fire to the city, which was not (lit. not being) large; for they brought to mind every (possible) form (of attack), (to see) if somehow it could be obtained for them without the expense of (lit. and) a siege; bringing faggots of wood, they threw (them) from the mound first into the (space) between the wall and the mound, and (this) soon becoming full through the multitude of hands, they heaped (them) up as far into the rest of the city as they could direct mostly from the top, and, throwing flame together with sulphur and pitch, they set fire to the wood. And there occurred a fire so great such as no one had ever seen made by human hands up to that time. For (before) now in the mountains wooden (branches), having been rubbed against themselves by the winds, have let loose fire and flame from this spontaneously. This was very great and came within a very little (distance) of destroying the Plataeans, who had escaped (lit. having escaped) other things; for within a large portion of the city it was not possible to approach (it), and, if a wind had come next, blowing upon it, as the enemy hoped, they would not have escaped. But, now, it is also told that this occurred, much water from heaven and thunderstorms happening to quench the blaze and thus to end the danger.

Chapter 78.  The siege is turned into a blockade, and most of the Lacedaemonians return home. 
      
The Peloponnesians, since they had utterly failed in this, leaving some part of their army and letting the rest go, walled the city around in a circle, dividing the ground between the (contingents of the) cities; and there was a ditch within and without (the wall), from which they made their bricks. Since everything had been finished at about the rising of Arcturus (i.e. at the autumnal equinox), leaving guards for half of the wall, and the Boeotians guarded the (other) half, they withdrew their army and were dispersed according to their cities. The Plataeans had previously brought out their children and their women and the oldest and the general mass of non-combatants among the men to Athens, and four hundred men, and eighty of the Athenians, and a hundred and ten women, (as) bread-makers, having been left behind, were themselves besieged. Such was the sum total, when they settled into the siege, and there was no one else within the walls, either slaves or freemen. The siege of the Plataeans was prepared for in such a way.

BOOK III:  CHAPTERS 20-24.

Chapter 20.  The starving Plataeans propose to break out through the blockading lines. The method  of escape.


In the same winter, the Plataeans, for they were still being besieged by the Peloponnesians and the Boeotians, since they were hard pressed by their provisions failing and there was no hope of succour from Athens, nor did there seem any other (means of) safety, they themselves and those among the Athenians being besieged with them plan that all would come out and scale the enemy's walls, if they can force their way, Theaenetus, (the son) of Tolmides, a male soothsayer, and Eupompides, (the son) of Daimachus, who also took command, suggesting the attempt to them; then, half of them shrunk back to some extent from the danger, thinking (it) great, but about two hundred and twenty men in particular stood by (their determination to) escape (as) volunteers in the following  way. They made ladders equal to (the height of) the enemy's wall. They measured (it) by the layers of the bricks, at a point where their wall, not thoroughly plastered, faced towards them. Many were making computations of the course of bricks at the same time and some of  them were likely to make a mistake, but the majority would hit upon the correct calculation, particularly counting (the layers) again and again, and at the same time not being far away, but the wall being easily seen for what they wanted. So, they obtained the length they required for the ladders thus, having calculated the measure from the thickness of the brick.

Chapter 21.  Description of the Peloponnesian lines.


The wall of the Peloponnesians was as follows in its construction. It had two circuits, both against the Plataeans, and in case (lit. if) any one might come from the outside  from Athens, and the circuits were about sixteen feet apart from each other; now this interval (of) sixteen feet was built upon (in the form of) huts allotted to the men on guard, and they were continuous so as to appear (as) one thick wall, having battlements on either side. At intervals of ten battlements there were towers, tall and of equal breadth to the wall, reaching right across to its inner face and the same with regard to its outer (face), so that there was no way through past the towers unless they went through the middle of them. Accordingly, during the nights, whenever there was a rain storm, they deserted the battlements and kept guard from the towers, being at a short distance (from each other) and roofed from above. And so, such was the wall by which the Plataeans were blockaded.

Chapter 22.  Execution of the plan by half the Plataean garrison. They scale the walls.


When (everything) had been prepared by them, having waited for a wintry night with rain, and at the same time moonless, they set out; and (those) who were responsible for the plan were leading. First, they crossed the ditch, which was surrounding them, (and) next they came into contact with the wall, eluding the notice of the enemy's guards, them not seeing (them) amid the darkness and not hearing (them), the wind drowning out the noise of their approaching them; at the same time they kept (lit. were) far apart, lest their weapons clashing against each other should attract attention (lit. offer the means of perception). And they were appropriately arrayed with equipment, and (were) shod only in respect of the left foot, for the sake of security (against stumbling) in the mud. And so, they came into contact with a space between towers, seeing that it was deserted, those carrying the ladders (went) first and planted (them); then twelve lightly-armed men with a dagger and a breastplate climbed up, of whom Ammias, the (son) of Coroebus, was in charge, and he ascended first, and his followers proceeded to climb up after him, six to each of the towers. Then, after these came other lightly-armed men with spears, whose shields other men behind (them) carried, in order that they might advance more easily, and they were to give (them to them) whenever they should be face to face with the  enemy. When a considerable number had managed (to climb) up, the sentinels in the towers discovered (them). For one of the Plataeans, in getting a hold of the battlements, knocked down a tile, which made a loud noise. And at once there was an alarm and the troops rushed to the wall. For they did not know what the trouble was, there being a dark night and stormy weather, and at the same time those in the city of the Plataeans, having been left, having made a sortie, attacked the wall of the Peloponnesians on the side opposite to where their men were climbing over in order that they might hold their attention towards them as little as possible. And so, they were distracted, remaining at their stations and no one ventured to give help from his own (sector of the) watch, but they were at a loss (in) calculating what was happening. However, the three hundred of them, for whom it had been ordained that they should provide assistance, if it were necessary at any time, advanced outside the wall towards the alarm. And danger fire-signals were raised in the direction of Thebes; but the Plataeans in the city also replied with many fire-signals from their walls, prepared beforehand for this very (purpose), in order that the signals of the fire-beacons should be unintelligible to the enemy, and that they should not come to their assistance, thinking that what was happening was something other than it was, until their comrades, who had gone out, should have made good their escape, and made sure of their safety.  

 Chapter 23.  The struggle with the guards; subsequent dangers and difficulties.


Meanwhile, those of the Plataeans climbing up, when the first of them had ascended and had captured each tower, killing the sentinels, and taking up position themselves in the passage-ways between the towers, kept watch that no one should provide reinforcements through them, and, setting up ladders from the wall and sending up several men, some, pelting from the towers, hindered the reinforcements coming up both on the ground and on the wall, and meanwhile others, the main body, setting up many ladders, (and) pushing down the battlements at the same time, climbed over through the space between the towers. Any one from time to time (succeeding in) getting across, formed up at the edge of the ditch and both shot from there and hurled javelins, if anyone, coming along by the wall, might become a hinderer of their passage across. When everyone had got across, those from the towers coming down, the last of them with difficulty, they advanced to the trench, and meanwhile the three hundred coming up, carried torches with them. The Plataeans, standing  on the edge of the trench, saw them well, and they both shot (their arrows) and hurled (their spears) at the unprotected parts (of the body) and could be less well seen themselves, being in obscurity on account of the torches, so that even the last of the Plataeans manage to cross the ditch, but with difficulty and painfully; for ice had formed, not firm so that one could walk on it, but slushy, such as (comes) with the east wind rather than the north wind, and the night, rather snowy in such a wind, had made much water in it, which they got across, scarcely getting their heads above (it). However, their escape happened chiefly through the size of the storm.

Chapter 24.  They reach Athens, for the most part in safety.


Starting from the ditch, the Plataeans went in a body down the road leading to Thebes, keeping the shrine of Androcrates on their right, thinking that they had surmised that they would be least (likely) to turn down the (road) towards the enemy, and at the same time they saw the Peloponnesians with torches following the (road) towards Cithaeron and Dryocephalae, the (road) leading to Athens. The Plataeans went for six or seven stades down the road in the direction of Thebes, then, turning sharply around, they went on the (road) leading towards the mountain, to Erythrae and Hysiae, and, taking to the hills, they made good their escape to Athens, two hundred and twelve men in all; there are some of them who turned back to the city before they climbed over, and one archer was captured at the outer ditch. And so, the Peloponnesians, ceasing their attempt (at pursuit), went back to (lit. were at) their stations; the Plataeans in the town, knowing nothing of the things having happened, and those who had turned back to them having reported that no one had survived, sent out a herald, when day came, to make a truce for the recovery of the dead, but, having learned the truth, they desisted. In this way, the men of the Plataeans, getting across (the wall), were saved.

BOOK III: CHAPTERS  52-68.


Chapter 52.  427 B.C.  End of the siege; those still remaining in the town surrender, and are allowed to defend themselves before commissioners sent from Sparta. 


In this summer, at about the same time, the Plataeans no longer having food nor being able to endure the siege, surrendered to the Peloponnesians in the following way. They attacked their wall, and they could not   ward (it) off, and the Lacedaemonian commander, realising their weakness, did not wish to take (it) by storm;  for it had been said to him from Lacedaemon such that, if at some future time peace should happen with Athens, and both sides should agree to give back whatever territories they were holding in the war, Plataea would not be given up, as them having surrendered voluntarily, and he sends a herald to them, saying that, if they wished to surrender the city voluntarily to the Lacedaemonians and to accept them as judges, they were ready to punish wrongdoers, but no one contrary to the law. The herald spoke so many (words); and they, as they were already in the weakest possible (state), surrendered the city. And the Peloponnesians fed the Plataeans for some days until five men arrived from Lacedaemon as judges. And, (when) they came, no charges of theirs were put forward, but summoning them they just asked (them) simply if they had performed any service (to) the Lacedaemonians and their allies in the war having taken place. They, asking (leave) to speak at greater length (lit. a longer speech) and, having appointed as representatives of themselves Astymachus, the (son) of Asopalaus and Lacon, the (son) of Aeimnestus, being the consul, these, having come forward, spoke as follows.

Summary of chapters 53-59.  Defence or 'protest' of the Plataeans.


We are cruelly surprised to find executioners where we looked for judges, and to observe that a defence is no more asked of us than it will be regarded by you: so that it is in protest, rather than in defence that we speak. Your question is a mockery: we are your enemies, but it is you that have forced us to become so. Was it not for you, as well as for the rest of Greece, that we fought the Persians when the rest of Boeotia betrayed you; was it not for you that a third part of our citizens bore arms at Ithome? But when we in turn sought aid against the Thebans it was to the Athenians you sent us, it was the Athenians who aided us. Were we then to desert our alliance for you? And for hostility to the Thebans we are surely not to blame; they attacked us in time of peace; and so far as their hatred of us has brought us in conflict with you, whatever offence there is in our honourable adherence to Athens should be condoned by our no less honourable adherence to you at a time when the Thebans deserted you. Surely your own honour, which has stood so high in Greece, will not allow you to obliterate from the roll of Greek states the very name to which your fathers gave so distinguished a place on the Delphian tripod. Will you slay your suppliants for the mere asking of these wicked Thebans? Will you destroy the guardians of the sepulchres of your fathers to replace them by their murderers? Will you enslave the land in which the liberty of Greece was won? We entreat you by the common gods of  Greece, do no such thing. It was to you and not to the Thebans that we surrendered. 


Chapter 60.  The Thebans claim a reply.


The Plataeans spoke such (words). The Thebans, fearing lest the Lacedaemonians might be moved to some extent with regard to their address, coming forward, declared that they themselves wished to speak also, since, contrary to their own view, a longer speech had been given to them than the answer to the question  (asked). And, when they told (them to do so), they proceeded to speak as follows.


Summary of chapters 61-67.  Reply of the Thebans.


After this burst of self-glorification from the Plataeans, we must be heard in reply. They talk of our wickedness, but they are of the same race as ourselves, it is their own kindred they have deserted to join the Athenians. True, we went over to the Persians, we had no choice: ever since then we have appeared, as we now appear, on the side of freedom. They talk of their resistance to the Persians: this was as much of necessity as our submission: and yet they would parade it as a virtue at the expense of Greece. As for our attack upon their city, it was the best and foremost of their own citizens who invited it, and they themselves would at first have submitted to it, until they saw an opportunity for perjury, and for the treacherous slaughter of our men. The have no virtues, or if ever they had, their baseness has now dishonoured them, and their punishment should be double. An appeal to the memory of your fathers comes ill from those who have thus vilely butchered our sons. They are the criminals; ask them the question decided upon, and let their answer seal their fate.


Chapter 68.  The Lacedaemonians, having heard both sides of the question, put all the Plataeans to death. 


The Thebans spoke such (words). The Lacedaemonian judges, deciding that the question from themselves, whether they had received any service from them in the war, would be properly (asked), because they had , so they said, repeatedly desired them according to the ancient treaty of Pausanias after the (defeat of the) Mede, both on other occasions, and, particularly, when afterwards, just before the siege, they had proposed to them being neutral in accordance with that (treaty), which (proposal) they had not accepted, considering that they, as (being) now released from the terms of the treaty by their own just intention, had suffered injuries at their hands, (and) bringing forward and asking each one again whether they had performed any service (to) the Lacedaemonians and their allies in the war, when they said (they had) not, taking (them) away, they killed (them), and they made no one an exception.  They killed no less than two hundred Plataeans and twenty-five Athenians, who were besieged with them; the women they sold into slavery. The Thebans gave the city to (some) men from Megara, having been banished following civil strife, and such men among the Plataeans devoted to their own way of thinking, (who) had survived, to dwell in for about a year. Afterwards, razing it all to the ground, they built from the foundations on to the sanctuary of Hera an inn of two hundred feet all round, having rooms in a ring, downstairs and upstairs, and they made use of the roofs and doors of the Plataeans and the rest which was movable property within the walls, copper and iron, (and) equipping couches, they dedicated (them) to Hera, and they built a stone temple of a hundred feet to her. Having confiscated the land, they let (it) out for ten years, and Thebans occupied (it) as tenants. The Lacedaemonians
became so inveterately hostile in the whole business concerning the Plataeans mainly for the sake of the Thebans, considering that they would be useful in the war just then being waged. Thus was the end of the  matters about Plataea in the ninety-third year after they became allies of the Athenians.
















Friday, 12 November 2010

SOPHOCLES: EXTRACT FROM "ANTIGONE"

Introduction.


Sophocles (c.496-406 B.C.) was the second of the great Athenian tragedians of the Fifth Century B.C. He  wrote some 130 plays, of which only seven tragedies and one satyr play survive. "Antigone", written in 441 B.C. is the first of these surviving plays. The play concerns the decision of Antigone, daughter of Oedipus, king of Thebes, to bury her brother Polynices, against the instructions of her uncle Creon. After the death of Oedipus Polynices had quarelled with his brother Eteocles over the succession to the kingship, and had raised an army from Argos to attack Thebes. Both brothers died at each other's hand. Creon, the brother of Jocasta, then took over power in Thebes, but refused to allow Polynices to be buried. At the beginning of the play, Antigone pperforms the funeral rights for Polynices, in defiance of Creon's decree. This text of the extract below comes from "A Greek Anthology", JACT, Cambridge University Press, 2002.

Ll. 441-525.  As this passage opens, Antigone has been caught and is brought before Creon by a guard. Although her sister, Ismene, has not taken part in Antigone's action, Creon believes her to be guilty as well. The chorus is comprised of old men of Thebes.

CREON:  Well, (I call) you, bending your head to the ground, do you affirm or do you deny that you have done this?

ANTIGONE:  I affirm that I did it, and I do not deny it at all. 

CR: (Addressing the guard) You can take yourself wherever you wish, free (and) without a heavy charge. (Then, turning to Antigone) But you, tell me, not at length but briefly, did you know that it had been proclaimed that you were not to do this? 

AN:  I knew (it). How was I not likely (to have heard it)? For it was public.

CR.  And yet you dared to overstep these laws?

AN.  (Yes), for Zeus was not at all the one proclaiming this, nor has Justice, living with the gods down below, laid down such laws among men, and I did not think that your commandments have power to such an extent that mortal beings could override the unwritten (yet) firm laws of the gods. For they do not in any way live now and  yesterday, but ever always, and no one knows from where they appeared. I was not about to pay the penalty among the gods for (breaking) these (laws) (through) fearing the purpose of any man; I well know that I must die, how could I not? (It is so), even if you had not proclaimed it publicly. If I die before my time, I say that it is a gain. For whoever lives among many evils as I (do), how can he not carry off gain (by) dying? So for me to meet this fate is next to no pain; but, if I had allowed the son of my mother to die unburied, I should have  grieved over that. Yet for this I am not distressed. And, if I seem to you to happen to do foolish things now, I am perhaps in some way incurring a charge of foolishness from a foolish person.

CHORUS.  (It is) clear that the wild character of the child comes from her wild father. And she knows not how to yield to troubles.

CR.  But, indeed, remember that excessively hard spirits fall particularly, and that the strongest iron baked hard out of the fire you may most often see shattered and shivered. And I know wild horses disciplined by a small bit; for it is not permitted that whoever is a slave of those nearby should think big. This girl was already practised in committing outrages when she overstepped (lit. overstepping) the published laws; and, when she had done (this), this (is) a second outrage, to boast of things and to gloat that she has done (them). Now surely I (am) not a man but she (is) a man, if this victory lies with her with impunity. But whether she happens to be (the child) of my sister or the one most closely related to me of the whole household devoted to Zeus, both she and her sister will not avoid a most evil fate; for so I accuse the latter of an equal share in the plotting of this burial. Now call her. For I saw her inside just now raging and not in control of her wits. And beforehand the heart tends to have been caught out as the secret criminal (lit. thief) of those plotting nothing rightly in the darkness. And yet I hate (it) when someone caught amidst evil things, then wishes to dress (it) up.

AN.  What more do you want, having captured me, than to kill (me)?  

CR.  I (want) nothing else. Having this, I have everything.

AN.  Why then are you waiting? As none of your remarks (are) pleasing to me, and may they not ever be pleasing, and so to you my (words) are by nature displeasing. And yet from where could I have won a more glorious fame than by putting my own brother in a tomb? I would say that it would be pleasing to all these (here), if fear was not locking up their tongues, but tyranny is blessed with many other things, and it is possible for it to do and to say what it wishes. 

CR.  You alone of these people of Cadmus ( i.e. Thebans) sees it (thus).

AN. And they do see (it thus), but they check their mouths for you.

CR.  But are you not ashamed if you think differently from them?

AN.  (No), for it is not at all disgraceful to honour those from the same womb.

CR.  Was he not also your brother who died on the opposite side? 

AN.  A brother of both one (mother) and the same father.

CR.  How then do you pay a disrespectful service to him?

AN.  The dead corpse will not bear witness to that.

CR.  (Yes, he will), if indeed you honour him on equal terms to the impious one.

AN.  But (it was) not any slave but his brother (that) died. 

CR.  And (a man) besieging this land; and the other was resisting on behalf of this land.

AN.  Nevertheless, Hades desires these rites.

CR.  But the good man does not receive (burial rites) equal to the bad man.

AN.  Who knows if these things are proper down below?

CR.   Indeed, the enemy (is) not ever a friend, not even when he has died.   

AN.  Indeed, I do not naturally join in hate but I join in love.

CR.  Now, having gone down to hell, love them, if it is necessary to love (them); A woman will not rule over me, while I live (lit. living).

Thursday, 11 November 2010

VIRGIL: GEORGICS BOOK IV

Introduction.


Sabidius' previous translations have included four books from Virgil's great epic, the "Aeneid", and in September 2010 an extract from Book IV of the "Georgics", which featured the tragic tale of Orpheus and Eurydice. Now he has translated below the whole of this delightful book. 

Publius Vergilius Maro (70-19 B.C.) was born at Andes, near Mantua, in what was then the Roman province of Cisalpine Gaul. After the battle of Philippi in 42, his father was compelled to give up his farm to discharged soldiers of the victorious triumvirs, but, after obtaining an introduction to Caesar Octavian, he managed to recover the family property. He then joined the literary circle of Octavian's confidant, Maecenas, who, recognising his sublime poetic talents, encouraged the progress of his career. Virgil's first work, published in 37, was the "Eclogues", or "Bucolics", ten short poems in hexameters in the 'pastoral' style of the Greek poet Theocritus. He then spent the next seven years perfecting the "Georgics", a didactic poem, in four books of hexameters, the ostensible purpose of which was to act as a Manual for Farmers in verse. This was published in 30-29. The first book dealt with Agriculture, the second with Trees, mainly vines and olives, the third with the rearing of Cattle and Horses, and the Fourth with Bee-keeping.  But, while it is plain that Virgil was really interested in the practical details of farming, and that he had a deep knowledge and love of the countryside, the purpose of the "Georgics" transcends any purely practical considerations. This exquisite poem reminds his readers of the ancient Romans' love of the land, and of the old farmer-heroes who went straight from the plough to fight Rome's enemies; it includes splendid descriptions of Italy and allusions to the great days of Roman history, and aims to give a new stimulus to the reviving patriotism of the age immediately after the Civil Wars, in line with the political programme of Octavian, better known to history as the Emperor Augustus (27 B.C. -14 A.D.) To this extent, therefore, the poem was less a serious manual to instruct farmers in the details of husbandry, but a book written to entertain, and to instruct in a moral sense, the First century B.C. equivalent of the general reader.

Just as he had consciously sought to model the "Eclogues" on the work of Theocritus, his model for the form of the "Georgics" was the didactic "Works and Days" of the Greek Eighth Century B.C. poet  Hesiod. In poetic terms, however, Virgil's principal influence was Lucretius (c.98-54 B.C.) whose great work, "De Rerum Natura", published when Virgil was a youth of sixteen, had an abiding effect on his development. Lucretius was the first great Roman poet, and the first to use the Greek hexameter metre with success in the Latin language, and the rhythm of Lucretius' verse with its dignity and beauty was the undoubted inspiration behind much of Virgil's best verses. The influence of Homer is also perceptible in  Book IV of the "Georgics", particularly in relation to the long episode or 'epyllion' (i.e. little epic) at the end of the book involving Aristaeus, the legendary 'master of the bees', Proteus, Homer's 'ancient of the sea', and the tragic tale of Orpheus and Eurydice, the poetic beauty of which provides a fitting culmination, not just for Book IV but for the work as a whole. This epyllion is no longer didactic in nature; rather it is an 'aition', a poem explaining the origin of a custom, in this case that of 'Bugonia', the legendary practice of generating bees from the putrefying carcasses of cattle. In terms of its practical contents, the main sources for the "Georgics" are Xenophon, Aristotle and Theophrastus (Greek), and Cato the Censor and Varro (Latin). With regard to bee-keeping, the ostensible focus of Book IV, much of the content is taken directly from Varro's "De Re Rustica", published in 37, seven years before the "Georgics", at about the time when Virgil commenced his composition of this work, with the encouragement of Maecenas, to whom he later dedicated it. Virgil worked tirelessly over a seven year period on perfecting the "Georgics", which many consider to be the most artistic piece of work of the poet, whom the Victorian poet laureate, Alfred Tennyson, called the 'wielder of the stateliest measure ever moulded by the lips of man'.


Ll. 1-7.  My subject is the bees.


I shall forthwith describe the heavenly gift of air-dropped honey. Look (kindly) at this theme also, Maecenas. I shall speak to you of a marvellous spectacle of a little state, and its great-hearted chieftains, and, in the order of a whole nation, its character, and its pursuits, and its clans, and its battles. The task (is) on a small scale; but the praise (is) not small, if the stern spirits permit a particular (poet to speak), and Apollo, having been invoked, hears (his prayer). 

Ll. 8-50.  The choice of a place for hives.

Firstly, an abode and fixed quarters for your bees must be sought, so that there may be neither an entrance for the winds [for winds prevent (them) from bringing home their food], nor may sheep and butting kids trample the flowers, nor may the heifer, wandering on the plain, shake off the dew and bruise the springing blades of grass. May the scaly back of the bright-coloured lizard also keep aloof, and the bee-eater and other birds, and Procne (i.e. the swallow), marked on the breast by her blood-stained hands; for these lay waste all things far and wide, and, flying, carry in their beaks (the bees) themselves, a sweet dish for their cruel nestlings. But let clear springs and pools green with moss and a shallow stream hurrying through the grass be near, and may a palm-tree and a huge olive-tree overshadow the porch, so that, when the kings lead (forth) the first swarms in their own spring-time, and the young ones, released from their honey-combs, play, may the neighbouring bank tempt (them) to take refuge from the heat, and may a tree in their path detain (them) with a leafy welcome. Whether your water stands still or flows, throw willow branches or hefty stones into its midst, so that they can alight on frequent bridges and spread their wings to the summer sun, if, by chance, while they linger (lit. lingering), Eurus (i.e. the East Wind) splashes (them) or, in headlong haste plunges them into the deep (lit. Neptune). Let green cinnamon and thyme, smelling far and wide, and a wealth of  savory, breathing heavily, bloom (all) around these, and may violet-beds drink the irrigating spring.

The hives themselves, whether they have been stitched for you of hollow bark or woven of pliant osier, may they have narrow entrances: for winter solidifies the honey with cold, and (summer's) heat thaws the same into liquid. Either effect is equally to be feared by the bees; nor in vain do they in rivalry smear the tiny crevices in the roof with wax, and fill up the entrances with pollen and flowers, and, for this very purpose, they keep the glue (which they have) collected, (which is) stickier than bird-lime and the pitch from Phrygian Ida. Often, too, if the report is true, they keep snug homes in holes tunnelled under ground, and are found deep in hollow pumice-stone and in the cavern of a rotten tree. But you should daub their leaky dormitories with smooth mud, closing (them) up (all) around, and throw scattered leaves on top. Neither allow a yew-tree (to be) too near to their home, nor burn reddish crabs on the hearth, nor trust a deep bog, or where (there is) the smell of stinking slime, or where the hollow rocks ring with a stroke, and, having been struck, the echo of the voice rebounds.

Ll. 51-66.  When the warm weather comes around, the bees begin to swarm.


Furthermore (lit. as to what is remaining), when the golden sun has driven winter in flight (lit. having been pushed) beneath the earth, and has opened up the sky to summer's light, forthwith they roam through the glades and forests, and harvest the bright flowers and lightly sip the surface of the streams. Hence, with I know not what sweetness, they joyfully nurture their progeny and nestlings, hence, with skill, they forge new wax and fashion the sticky honey. Hence, when you look up at the column, now having been sent forth from their hives, floating through the clear (air) of summer to the stars of heaven, (as) an observer, you will marvel at the dark cloud spreading on the wind: they always seek fresh water and a leafy shelter. Hither you must scatter the appointed scents, pounded balm and the humble herb of the wax-flower, and you must awake the tinkling sounds and shake about the cymbals of the (Great) Mother (i.e. Cybele). Of their own accord they will settle in the scented resting-places, of their accord they will hide themselves instinctively (lit. by their own custom) in the innermost cradles.

Ll. 67-87.  The signs of battle: the bees fight bravely.


But if they may have gone forth for battle - for often discord between two kings irrupts with great commotion; and at once you can (lit. it is permitted to) discern from afar the passions of the mob and hearts beating at the prospect of war. For indeed that warlike blare of raucous bronze rebukes the waverers, and a sound is heard imitating the broken brays of the bugles; then, they eagerly assemble between themselves and flash their wings, and they whet their stings upon their beaks and make ready their (strong) arms, and round their kings, up to the general's tent itself, they swarm thickly, and call upon the enemy with loud shouts. So, when a dry spring (day) and open fields are obtained, they burst forth from the gates: battle is joined (lit. it is run  together), a noise occurs, mingling, they crowd together into a large ball, and they fall headlong; (it is) not less thick than hail from heaven, nor does it rain so greatly with acorns from a shaken holm-oak. (The chiefs) themselves, (moving) through the midst of the battle-lines with their conspicuous wings, keep their great hearts beating in their tiny breasts, still truly resolute not to yield, till the strong victor has compelled either these or those to show (lit. give) their backs turned in flight. These disturbances of the spirits and these very great contests are repressed and (lit. having been repressed) lie quiet with the throwing of a little dust.

Ll. 88-102. The beaten "king" must be put to death.


But, when you have recalled both leaders from the battle-line, give up the one who seems to be the weaker to be killed, lest he be harmful (as) a prodigal; allow that the better one should rule in the empty palace. One will be aglow with markings stiffened with gold; for there are two kinds: this one (is) the better, conspicuous of countenance and shining with ruddy scales; that other one (is) unkempt with sloth and dragging ingloriously its bloated belly. As (are) the two-fold appearances of the kings, so (are) the bodies of their people. For indeed, some are shamefully squalid, like the traveller, when he comes parched from the thick dust, and spits out the dirt from his dry mouth; the others shine and flash with brightness, gleaming with gold and overlaid with even spots. This breed (is) the more capable, hence at the appointed time of the seasons you will strain sweet honey, nor (yet) so sweet as (it is) clear as well, and fit to tame the harsh savour of wine (lit. Bacchus).

Ll. 103-115.  You need to stop the bees from flying aimlessly.


But, when the swarms fly aimlessly and play in the air, and despise their honey-combs and leave their hives (to
get) cold, you must check their spirits from giddy play. Nor (is it) a great labour to check (them): you must tear the wings off the kings; with these lingering (at home), no one will dare to go on a lofty journey or to pluck the standards from the camp. Let gardens, fragrant with saffron flowers, invite (them), and let their sentry, the protection of Priapus of the Hellespont, preserve (them) against thieves and birds with his sickle (made) of willow-wood. Let (the bee-keeper) himself, to whom (there are) such cares, carrying thyme and pine-trees from the high mountains, grow (these) in broad belts around the hives; let he himself bruise his hands with hard work, let he himself plant the fertile shoots in the ground, and let him shed favourable rains over them.

Ll. 116-148.   A  digression on gardens.


And, if indeed I were not to furl my sails, (being) now at the furthest end of my work, and hastening to turn my prow to land, I might perhaps even sing of how the care of husbandry adorns fertile gardens, and of the rose-beds of twice-blooming Paestum, and in what possible way endives rejoice in their streams and the green banks in parsley, and (how) the gourd, having been twisted through the grass, swelled into a belly; nor would I be silent about the late blooming Narcissus, or the stem of the curling acanthus, and the pallid ivy and myrtles loving the sea-shore.

For indeed I remember that, under the high towers of Oebalia (i.e.Tarentum), where the dark Galaesus waters the yellow crops, I saw an old Corycian (i.e. Cilician) man, who had ( lit. to whom there were) a few acres of waste (lit. left over) land, that land not (made) fertile by (the toil of) oxen, nor suitable for flocks, nor fit for vine-yards, yet he, planting (lit. pressing) here and there among the thorn-bushes vegetables (all) around, and white lilies, and vervains and fine poppy-seeds, matched the wealth of kings, and, returning home late at night, he loaded his table with unbought feasts. (He was) the first in spring (to gather) roses and in autumn to pick apples, and, when gloomy winter was still cracking rocks, he was already shearing the locks of the tender hyacinth, chiding the late summer and the lagging west winds. Therefore, the same man was the first to overflow with pregnant bees and a full swarm, and to gather the foaming honey, the honey-combs having ben strained; he had (lit. there were to him) lime-trees and the very rich pine, and, as many as the fruits (with which) the fertile orchard-tree had clothed itself in early blossom, the same number the mature (fruit-tree) bore in the autumn. He also planted out in rows (lit. in line) well-grown (lit. late) elm-trees, and the very hard pear-tree, and blackthorns, already bearing plums, and the plane-tree providing shade for drinking (parties). But I myself indeed, restricted by unequal limits, (must) pass by (all) this, and leave these worthy (themes) to  others after me.

Ll. 149-218.  The nature of bees and their daily life. 


Now, come, I shall disclose the natures, which Jupiter himself has bestowed upon the bees, for the sake of which reward, pursuing the tuneful sounds of the Curetes and their clashing bronzes, they fed the king of heaven in Dicte's cave. Alone they hold their progeny in common, and shared houses in their city, and they pass their lives under mighty laws, and alone they recognise a native-land and fixed homes (lit. household gods); and, mindful of the coming winter, they experience toil in the summer, and lay up their gains for the common good, for indeed some watch over (the gathering of) food, and, a compact having been agreed, are exercised in the fields; some, within the confines of their house, lay the first foundations of the honey-combs, Narcissus' tears and sticky glue from tree-bark, and then suspend the clinging wax; others initiate the full-grown offspring, the hope of the tribe; some pack the purest honey, and distend the cells with liquid nectar. There are (those) to whom guard-duty at the gates has fallen by lot, and in turn they keep a look out for rains and clouds in the sky, or receive the loads of those coming (back), or, a column having been formed, they ward off the drones, a lazy herd, from their precincts. The work is hot, and the fragrant honey is redolent with thyme; just as when the Cyclopes hasten (to forge) thunderbolts from sticky lumps (of ore), some take and return air from bellows of bull's hide, and others plunge the hissing bronze in a trough; Etna groans, anvils having been placed upon (it); with mighty force, they raise their arms among themselves in measured beat (lit. in number), and turn the iron with their gripping tongs: not otherwise, if it is permitted to compare small things with great ones, an innate love of possessing urges on the Cecropian (i.e. Athenian) bees, each in his own sphere of duty. The town, and building the honey-combs, and moulding the cunning houses is a duty for the aged. But the younger ones betake themselves (homewards), exhausted, late at night, their thighs full of thyme; far and wide they feed on arbutus, and grey-green willow, and cinnamon, and ruddy crocus, and rich lime and dark blue (lit. rusty) hyacinths. Rest from labour (is) for all together, one toil (is) for all:  in the morning they rush from the gates; delay (is) nowhere; again, when the Evening Star warns them (lit. the same) to retire at last from their pasture in the fields, then they seek their homes, then they rest (lit. care for) their bodies; a sound occurs and they hum around door steps (lit. edges) and thresholds. Afterwards, when they have already settled themselves in their bed-chambers, silence is effected far into the night, and welcome (lit. their own) slumber takes possession of their weary limbs. But, with rain impending, they do not depart too far from their stalls, or trust the weather (lit. the sky) with the east winds coming rapidly; but safe around under the city's walls they fetch water, and try brief sorties and take up tiny pebbles, (and), as unstable skiffs in a tossing surf take ballast, they balance themselves by these (means) through the insubstantial clouds.

You will marvel that that custom has so pleased the bees that they neither indulge in copulation, nor enervate their languid bodies in love (lit. Venus), nor bring forth their offspring in travail; but they themselves gather their children in their mouths from leaves and from fragrant herbs; they themselves supply their king and small citizens (lit. Quirites), and remould their palaces and waxen kingdoms. Often, too, by wandering among hard rocks they bruised their wings and freely (lit. further) gave up their lives beneath their burden: so great (is) their love of flowers and their pride in generating honey.  So, although the end of a narrow life awaits themselves [for no more than a seventh summer is passed], yet the stock remains immortal, and for years the fortune of the house stands fast, and the grandfathers of grandfathers are counted.

Moreover, neither Egypt, nor boundless Lydia, nor the people of the Parthians, nor the Median Hydaspes so regard their king. Their king (being) safe, there is one mind among all; (their king being) lost, they break their loyalty, and tear asunder the built-up honey and wreck the framework of the honey-combs. He (is) the guardian of (all) their works, they admire him and they all surround (him) with a concentrated noise and pack tightly in crowds, and often carry (him) on their shoulders and expose their bodies in the battle, and seek through wounds a glorious death.

Ll. 219-227.  Are bees divinely inspired?


Through these signs and following these examples, some have affirmed that bees have (lit. there are to bees) a share of the divine mind and draughts of ether; for indeed (they say) that God permeates (lit. goes through) all, both lands, and expanses of sea, and the depth of the sky; hence flocks, herds, men and every kind of wild beast draws, each to itself, the subtle (breath of) life; hither, no doubt, all things are then restored and, having been dissolved, are brought back, nor is there room for death, but, alive, they fly into the rank of the stars, and climb the high heaven.

Ll. 228-250.   Spring and autumn honey-harvests.

If at any time you unseal their narrow dwelling and the honey preserved in its treasuries, first wash your face, having been sprinkled with a draught of water, and hold before (you) in your hand a torch with penetrating smoke. Twice (in the year) they gather the teeming produce, a harvest in two seasons, firstly when Taygete shows its comely face to the earth, and with her foot has repelled the spurned rivers of Ocean, or when the same star, fleeing before the watery Pisces, more sadly descends the sky into the wintry waves. Their anger is beyond measure, and, injured, they breathe poison into their stings (lit. bites), and, clinging to your veins, they leave their unseen darts, and in that wound lay down their lives. But, if you fear the harsh winter and spare their future, you will pity their bruised spirits and their shattered fortunes: but who will hesitate to fumigate (the hive) with thyme and cut out the useless wax (cells)? For often an undiscovered newt nibbles at the honeycombs, and the dormitories are infested with light-loathing cockroaches, and the drone (is) squatting idly at another's board; or the rough hornet joins battle (lit. intermingles itself) with ill-matched (lit. unequal) wings, or moths, a dreaded tribe, or the spider, hated of Minerva, hangs her loose web (lit. hunting net) in the doorway. The more exhausted they are, the more eagerly on account of this they will strive to mend the ruins of their fallen race, and will fill their cells (lit. gangways) and weave their granaries from flowers.

Ll. 251-280.  Diseases among bees, and how to cure them. 


But if, since life brings our misfortunes to the bees also, their bodies will languish with a sad disease - you will now be able to recognise this by no uncertain signs: forthwith the bees have another colour (lit. there is another colour to the bees); grim leanness mars their visage; then they carry out of the house the bodies of the dead (lit. of those bereft of light), and they conduct sad funerals; or they (i.e. the sick bees) hang about the entrances, linked by their feet, all listless with hunger and benumbed by the cramping cold; then a deeper sound is heard and they buzz in a long-drawn tone, as sometimes a cold South Wind sighs in the woods, as the anxious sea hisses with ebbing waves, (and) as a violent fire seethes, the furnaces having been closed: - at this point I shall urge (the bee-keeper) to burn the scent of galbanum, and to introduce honey through pipes of reed, (himself) even cheering, and calling the tired (creatures) to their familiar food.  It will be useful, as well, to mingle the pounded flavour of oak-apple and dried roses, or must thickened over a strong fire, or dried grape-clusters from the Psithian vine, and Cecropian (i.e. Attic) thyme and strong smelling centaury. There is also a flower in the meadows, to which farmers have given the name amellus (i.e. the yellow aster), a plant easy for seekers (to find); (the flower) itself is golden, but in its petals, which are clustered abundantly around (it), it shines purple (shot) with dark violet; the altars of the gods are often decked with wreathes bound with it; its taste in the mouth (is) bitter; shepherds gather it in the cropped valleys and near the winding waters of the Mella. Cook the roots of this in scented wine (lit. Bacchus), and place (it) in full baskets by the doorways.

Ll. 281-314.  An Egyptian method of renewing the stock.  


But, if the whole generation suddenly fails, and he does not possess a family whence he may renew a new stock, (it is) time to reveal the noteworthy discovery of the Arcadian master (i.e. Aristaeus), and by what means, bullocks having been slaughtered, the putrefying blood has often even now engendered bees. I shall unfold the tale from the first (lit. far back), retracing (it) from its earliest source. For where the favoured race of Pellean (i.e. Macedonian) Canopus dwells beside the inundating Nile, the river having flooded (lit. having been poured out), and sails around its fields in their painted skiffs, and where the border of quiver-bearing Persia presses close, and (where) the rushing river, having been carried down from the swarthy Indians (i.e. Ethiopians) still runs apart into seven different mouths, the whole region places its sure safety in this device.

Firstly, a small spot is chosen and (is) designated for this very purpose; this both a narrow roof of tiles and constricting walls confine, and they add four windows with slanting light in the direction of the four winds. Then is sought a steer already curving in respect of his horns on a two-year old forehead; his twin nostrils and the breath of his mouth are plugged, despite him struggling greatly, and, (he) having been killed with blows, his pounded flesh is mashed through unbroken skin. This is done with the West Winds first ruffling the waters, before the meadows can blush with new colours, (and) before the chattering swallow can hang her nest from the rafters. Meanwhile, the moisture in those softened bones, having been made warm, ferments, and creatures to be seen in wondrous wise, deprived of feet at first, but soon, buzzing with wings, they swarm, and more (and) more they take to the thin air, until, like a rain-shower having been poured from summer clouds, or like arrows from a quivering bow-string, if at any time the nimble Parthians first enter into battle, they burst forth.

Ll. 315-386.  Its invention: the story of Aristaeus.


Which deity, which one, Muses, fashioned this craft for us? Whence did this new experience of men take its beginning? The Shepherd Aristaeus, fleeing Peneian Tempe, as the story (goes), his bees having been lost both through disease and through famine, stood sadly at the sacred source at the brink of the river, complaining loudly, and he addressed his mother in this voice: "Mother, Mother Cyrene, (you) who occupies the depths beneath this whirlpool, why did you bear me in the illustrious line of the gods - if indeed my father is (he) whom you state, Apollo of Thymbra - to be despised by the Fates? Or whither (is) your love for me driven (away)? Why did you bid me to aspire to heaven? Lo, even this very crown of my mortal life, which skilful guardianship of crops and herds had hardly wrought for me endeavouring everything, I (now) abandon, (although) you (being) my mother. But, come now, and uproot with your very hand my fruitful orchards, bring hostile fire to my cattle-stalls, and destroy my crops, burn my seedlings, and wield a hard double axe against my vines, if such great weariness of my praise has taken hold of you."

But his mother, in her chamber in the deep river, perceived his sound. Around her the Nymphs were carding Milesian fleeces, dyed with the rich colour of glass-green, Drymo, and Xantho, and Ligea and Phyllodoce, cascading their locks over their white necks, [Nesaee, and Spio, and Thalia, and Cymodoce,] and Cydippe, and the golden(-haired) Lycorias, the one a maiden, the other then discovering the first travails of Lucina, and Clio, and her sister Beroe, both daughters of Ocean, and Ephyre, and Opis, and the Asian Deiopea, and the swift Arethusa, her arrows laid aside at last. Among them Clymene was telling of Vulcan's fruitless care, and of the tricks and stolen joys of Mars, and was recounting from Chaos (downwards) the countless (lit. thronging) loves of the gods. Captivated by her song, while the soft wool rolls down from their spindles, again the lamentations of Aristaeus smote the ears of his mother, and they were all transfixed on their glassy seats; but Arethusa, before the other sisters, raised her golden(-haired) head, peering over the top of the waves, and from afar (she cried): "O sister Cyrene, not for naught having been terrified by so great a groan, he himself, your own, your chiefest care, mournful Aristaeus, stands in tears at Peneus' ancestral wave, and calls you cruel by name." To her the mother, pierced to the heart by a strange fear, says, "Come, lead (him), lead (him) to us; for him (it is) lawful to tread the threshold of the gods." At the same time she bids the deep rivers to depart far away, by which the young man might effect his entrance. But the wave, having been curved into the shape of a mountain engulfed him, and took (him) in its mighty bosom and sped (him) beneath the river.

And now, marvelling at his mother's home and watery realm, and pools immured in caverns and resounding groves, he went on, and, stunned by the huge whirl of waters, he beheld all the rivers, separate in respect of their places, gliding under the great earth, both Phasis and Lycus, and the source whence deep Enipeus first bursts itself forth, whence (comes) father Tiber, and whence (come) the streams of the Anio, and Eridanus (i.e. the Po), with his bull's face and gilded in respect of his two horns, than whom no other river flows more violently through fertile farmland into the dark-blue sea. After he had reached (lit. it had been reached) into the roof of the chamber hanging with pumice-stone and Cyrene had discovered that her son's tears (were) needless, her sisters give (him) in order liquid spring(-water) for his hands and bring towels of cut cloth; others burden the tables with feasts and replenish the brimming wine-cups, the fires blaze with Panchaean fires (i.e. burnt incense), and his mother cries "Take up goblets of Maeonian wine (lit. Bacchus): let us pour a libation to Ocean." At the same time, she herself offers a prayer to Ocean, the father of (all) things, and to her sisters, the Nymphs, who have in their keeping a hundred forests, (and) who (have in their keeping) a hundred rivers. Three times she drenched the burning hearth (lit. Vesta) with clear nectar, three times the flame, having been made to flare up, flickered on the top of the roof. Fortifying his heart with this omen, she herself begins (to speak) thus:

Ll. 387-414.  Cyrene tells Aristaeus that he must seek out Proteus.


"There is in the Carpathian gulf of Neptune a seer, sea-green Proteus, who traverses the great sea in a chariot of two-footed horses also yoked to fishes. He is now revisiting the harbours of Emathia (i.e. Macedonia) and his native-land, Pallene; both we nymphs, and aged Nereus himself, venerate him; for indeed he knows everything, whatever is, whatever has been, (and) whatever things about to come soon are being drawn (towards us);  so, doubtless, this seemed right to Neptune, whose monstrous herds of (lit. and) shapeless seals he feeds under the sea. He must be captured in fetters by you, my son, so that he may explain the whole cause of the disease and that he may make the outcome favourable. For without force he will not give any counsels, nor will you bend him by beseeching; extend to (him) having been captured sheer force and fetters; around these his unavailing wiles will at last be broken. I, myself, when the sun will have kindled the midday heat, when the grasses are parched and the shade is now more welcome to the herd, shall lead you to the old man's hiding place, whither he betakes himself (when) weary from the waves, so that you may easily assail (him) lying in sleep. But, when you grasp (him) having been seized in your hands and in fetters, then changing shapes and visages of wild beasts will baffle (you). For suddenly he will become a bristly boar, and (then) a black tigress, and (then) a scaly serpent, and (then) a lioness with a tawny neck, or he will give the shrill sound of flame, and thus slip out of his fetters, or, having melted away into insubstantial waters, he will be gone. But according as the more he will turn himself into all shapes, so much the more must you, my son, stretch his bonds tight, until his body having been changed (back), he will be such as you saw (him), when he covered his eyes, sleep having been begun.

Ll. 415-452.  Aristaeus' encounter with Proteus.


She says this, and sprinkles around the liquid scent of ambrosia, with which she anointed the whole of her son's body; but a sweet odour breathed from his smoothed hair, and a supple vigour came over his limbs. There is a huge cave within the side of a hollow mountain, where countless waves are driven by the winds, and divide themselves into secluded recesses, sometimes a very safe anchorage for sailors caught (in a storm);   inside (it) Proteus covers himself within the barrier of an enormous rock. Here, the Nymph stations the young man in a hiding-place, turned away from the light, (and) she herself stands far back, obscured in a mist. (And) now the fiercely blazing Dog-star scorched the thirsty Indians, and the fiery sun had consumed the middle of his course in the sky; the grasses were parched (by it), and its rays baked into mud the warmed hollow river(-beds), with their dry mouths. When Proteus went from the waves, seeking his usual cavern, around him the wet tribe of the mighty deep, leaping about, scatters widely the salty spray; his seals stretch themselves in sleep here and there along the beach: he himself, like a sometime guardian of a cattle-stall in the mountains, when evening leads back the steers from the pasture to their home, and lambs rouse the wolves, their bleatings having been heard, he sits down on a rock in their midst, and counts up their number.

Ll. 453-527.  Proteus tells the story of Orpheus and Eurydice, wronged by Aristaeus.


"The wrath of some god is plaguing you (lit. the wrath of no god is not plaguing you); you are paying for a grievous sin: wretched Orpheus invokes these punishments upon you, less than what you deserve (lit. by no means because of your deserts), unless the fates are resistant, and he rages grievously on behalf of his wife having been assaulted. Indeed, while she was fleeing headlong from you along the river, the doomed girl did not notice before her feet in the long grass the monstrous snake guarding the bank. But the chorus of Dryads, equal (to her) in age, filled the tops of the mountains with their cries; the citadels of Rhodope and the heights of Pangaea wept, as did (lit. and) the martial land of Rhesus and the Getae and the Hebrus and Actian (i.e.    Attic) Oreithyia. He, himself, soothing his sorrowful love with a tortoise-shell (lyre), used to sing (of) you, his sweet wife, (of) you alone (lit. with himself) on the desolate shore, (of) you with day coming, (of) you with day dying. He even entered the jaws of Taenarus, the lofty portals of Dis, and the gloomy grove with its black terror, and approached the the Manes (i.e. the Shades, or the spirits of the dead) and their awesome king, and hearts not knowing how to be softened by human prayers. But insubstantial shadows from the lowest resting-places of Erebus and the phantoms of those lacking life (lit. light), (as) many as the thousands of birds (that) hide in the leaves (of trees), when evening or a wintry storm drives (them) from the mountains, mothers and men, and the bodies of heroes, finished with life, boys and unmarried girls, and young men laid on the pyre before the eyes of their parents; these the black mud and the ugly weed of Cocytus and the hateful marsh with its sluggish water encloses (all) around, and the Styx, flowing between (them) nine times, confines. Indeed, the very halls of Death and the innermost parts of Tartarus and the Furies, having interwoven snakes into their blue-green hair, were dumb-founded, and Cerberus, with his three mouths agape, kept still, and the wheel of  the circle of Ixion stood still in the wind. And now, retracing his foot-steps, he had avoided all hazards, and, Eurydice, having been restored (to him), following behind, he was coming to the upper air, - for in fact Proserpina had required this ruling - when a sudden madness took hold of the unwary lover, (a madness which) must indeed be worthy of pardon, if the Manes knew how to pardon: he halted, and now on the verge of light itself, alas! forgetful and defeated in his resolve, he looked back at his Eurydice. Thereupon, all his endeavour (was) wasted, and the condition of that merciless tyrant (was) broken, and three times the crash of thunder (was) heard in the pools of Avernus. She says, 'What madness, what very great (madness) has destroyed me, wretched (as I am), and you, Orpheus? Behold, the cruel Fates are calling (me) back again, and sleep is closing my swimming eyes. And now farewell: I am being carried away, surrounded by deepest night, and stretching (out) to you these helpless hands (lit. palms), alas no (longer) yours!' She spoke, and suddenly, out of his sight, like smoke mingling into thin air, she fled in a different direction, and she did not see him grasping in vain at shadows and wishing to say many things further, and the ferryman of Orcus (did) not allow (him) to cross again the marsh having been put in his way. What should he do? Whither should he betake himself, his wife having been snatched a second time? Indeed, she, already cold, was sailing (across) in the Stygian barque. For seven whole months in a row they say that he grieved under a lofty crag beside the waters of the lonely Strymon, and he unfolded these things in chilly caves, taming tigers and moving oak-trees by his song; just as under the shade of a poplar-tree a sorrowing nightingale laments her lost offspring, which a heartless ploughman, observing the chicks in the nest, had stolen; but she weeps (all) night (long) and, perched on a bough, continues her pitiful song, and with her sad laments she fills the region far and wide. No woman's love, not any marriage moved his heart. Alone, he roams over the Hyperborean ice-fields and the snowy Tanais (i.e. the river Don) and the fields of Rhipaeus, never free from frosts, lamenting the snatched Eurydice and the futile gifts of Dis; the Ciconian (i.e. Thracian) women, having been scorned by his devotion (to her), amid the sacred rites of the gods and the revels of Bacchus at night, scattered (the limbs of) the young man, having been torn apart, over the wide fields. Then too, (as) the Oeagrian Hebrus rolled (along), carrying in the midst of its stream his head severed from his marble neck, the voice itself and the frozen tongue, his life ebbing away, continued to call 'Eurydice, ah poor Eurydice!' The banks across the whole river re-echoed 'Eurydice'."

Ll. 528-547.   Cyrene tells Aristaeus to appease the Nymphs with sacrifices of cattle.


(Having said) these things, Proteus, both plunged (lit. gave himself) into the deep sea with a bound, and, where he plunged, he churned up the waves foaming beneath the whirlpool.

But not (so) Cyrene; for indeed she addressed her fearful (son) of her own accord: "Son, it is permitted (to you) to lay aside the cares (which are) sad to your heart. This (is) the whole reason for the plague, hence the Nymphs, with whom she used to excite dances on the high groves, have wrought wretched destruction upon your bees. You, as a suppliant seeking pardon, must offer up gifts and worship the gracious dell-nymphs; for indeed to your prayers they will grant pardon, and will let go their anger. But first I shall tell (you) in due order what is the method of supplicating. Pick out four exceptional bulls with excellent bodies, who are now feeding on the tops of your green Lycaeus (i.e. Arcadia), and the same number of heifers with unyoked necks. For these, set up four altars at the lofty shrines of the goddesses, and let the sacred blood fall from the (victims') throats, and (then) abandon the very bodies of the oxen in a leafy grove. Afterwards, when Dawn will have shown her risings nine times, you will send poppies of Lethe (i.e. Unmindfulness) (as) funeral offerings to Orpheus, and you will sacrifice a black ewe, and, revisiting the grove, you will venerate the appeased Eurydice with a slaughtered heifer-calf.

Ll. 548-566. The success of the sacrifice. Conclusion.


No delay; forthwith he eagerly performs the instructions of his mother; he comes to the shrines, he builds the prescribed altars, he leads (to them) four outstanding bulls with excellent bodies, and the same number of heifers with unyoked necks. Afterwards, when Dawn had exhibited her risings nine times, he sends funeral offerings to Orpheus, and revisits the grove. But here, suddenly, and wonderful in the telling, they behold a miracle: throughout the putrid entrails of the oxen, bees are buzzing from its whole belly, and are swarming forth from its broken ribs, and they are drawn away in immense clouds, and now they mass at the top of a tree and drop their cluster from its pliant branches.

I was singing this song about the cultivation of crops and flocks and about trees, while great Caesar was thundering at the Euphrates in war, and, (as) victor, was giving laws among willing peoples and essaying the path to heaven (lit. Olympus). Sweet Parthenope (i.e. Naples) was nurturing me, Virgil, at that time, flourishing in the studies of ignoble ease, (myself) who played with the songs of shepherds, and, emboldened by youth, sang (of) you, Tityrus, under the cover of a spreading beech-tree.

































































Friday, 29 October 2010

THE BYZANTINE MOSAICS OF NORMAN SICILY

Introduction.


We are all familiar with the Norman conquest of England following the battle of Hastings in 1066, but we are less aware of the almost simultaneous conquest of Sicily and much of southern Italy by free-booting Norman adventurers under the leadership of the remarkable de Hauteville clan. The island of Sicily, because of its strategic significance in the centre of the Mediterranean, and as the stepping stone from Europe to Africa, had been fought over for centuries by different races and cultures. While the island had its own indigenous inhabitants, the Sicani in the west and the Siceli in the east, both of Italic origin, in the classical period it was occupied by successive waves of Greek and Carthaginian colonists, but from the end of the First Punic War in 241 B.C. it became the first Roman province. When the Roman Empire in the West collapsed at the end of the Fifth Century A.D. Sicily, together with the rest of Italy, came under the domination of the Ostrogoths, but the island was reconquered in 535 by Belisarius on behalf of the East Roman, or Byzantine, Emperor Justinian. The Byzantines lost most of the island to the apparently invincible Moslem Arabs in 662, and for centuries its ownership was disputed by Moslems and Byzantines, with the former on the whole having the upper hand. 

In the first half of the Eleventh Century it looked as though the Byzantines might reconquer Sicily, but the death of the invincible Emperor Basil II "The Bulgar-slayer", in 1025, when he was on the verge of launching such a campaign, was a decisive turning point. From then onwards the Byzantines not only lost the chance to reconquer Sicily, but they began to lose their grip on Apulia and Calabria, which they had controlled since the Sixth Century. Norman cavalrymen, originally engaged as mercenaries in the increasingly anarchic southern states of Italy, began to turn on their paymasters and build up territories in their own right. In 1071 Robert Guiscard ("The Cunning"), fourth son of Tancred de Hauteville, captured Bari, the last Byzantine stronghold in Italy. The Normans had already begun to attack Sicily in 1160, taking Messina the following year. While Guiscard turned his attention to attacking the Byzantine Empire itself, he left his younger brother, Roger, to invade Sicily, the control of which was at that time divided among three quarrelling Moslem emirs. In 1072 Palermo, with its splendid harbour, fell to the Normans, and Roger was created Count of Sicily by his brother. By 1091 the whole island, and Malta as well, were under Roger's control. Roger died in 1101 but his second son, Roger II (1105-54), not only united Sicily with Apulia in 1127 when Guiscard's grandson died without heir, but was shortly afterwards created King of Sicily by Pope Anacletus II in 1130. The establishment of the "Regno", as the Kingdom of Sicily was called, in the teeth of opposition from both the Holy Roman Emperors of the West and the Byzantine Emperors of the East, and not long afterwards too by the Papacy, which soon regretted the "enfant terrible" which it had spawned, was a remarkable achievement of the Normans, on a par, perhaps with the earlier conquest of England by William the Conqueror, and its effect was to elevate Sicily from its position as a relative backwater to that of a state of great power and prestige and the seat of the first monarchy in Italy. Furthermore, Roger II conquered significant territories in North Africa - Tunisia and Tripolitania - between 1134 and 1153, and also the coast line of Albania and the island of Corfu, and, he and his successors had ambitions to win the Byzantine imperial throne. But what was the nature of this new kingdom?

Norman rule in Sicily.


This new Norman kingdom in Sicily was unique for two reasons: the number of conquerors, especially in Sicily itself, was few, and the conquered population was sparse as well. Consequently, the policy of the Norman kings was to welcome both comrades and settlers from all parts, and the multi-ethnic population that resulted, whether Norman knights, Italians from both the north and south of the country, the Byzantino-Greek element, and the Moslems that remained, all had to be accommodated and conciliated. In terms of its public image, the Norman kings sought to project themselves as autocratic monarchs 'crowned by God', that is with an authority akin to that of Byzantine emperors. The public law was a mixture of Byzantine law based on the Justinianic Code and the feudalism of Western Europe, which the Normans introduced, but the varying customs of the different communities were respected unless these were in express conflict with royal decrees. Religious toleration was complete: Christians were free to worship according to the rites of their respective churches, Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox, and Moslems too were permitted to follow their traditional religious practices. The feudal system of the Regno, with its barons holding fiefs in return for military service, was based upon that of Normandy. The Norman knights were a privileged caste, and below them were the smaller freeholders, who lived mainly in the towns, and the peasantry who were serfs required to perform the duties of the corvee. The kingdom was administered effectively by the Curia Regis, with justiciars and financial chamberlains in the provinces. It was also very wealthy, and the king's income, derived from feudal dues, customs duties and the profits from royal monoplies such as silk, was unusually large for a medieval state, and Roger and his successors presided over a court of great splendour at Palermo.

Culturally, the civilisation of Sicily under the Norman kings reflected its variegated components. Attracted by Constantinople as a beacon of civilisation, the sovereigns of the de Hauteville dynasty adopted the form of State, the imperial vestments and the ceremonial of the Byzantine Empire. The language of the court at Palermo was northern French, but the king's diplomas were issued in Latin, Greek or Arabic, according to need. Arabic poets celebrated the achievements of the kings and royal bureaucrats translated Greek literature into Latin. The king was defended by two corps of bodyguards, one composed of Christian knights and the other of Moslem negroes, while the feudal levy of Norman knights was reinforced by Saracen archers. Another feature of the Norman court at Palermo, borrowed from the Arabs and adopted by Roger II (1105-1154) and fully maintained by his son William I (1154-66), was the development of a harem, in which these kings spent much of their leisure time. The Sicilian kingdom of the Twelfth Century was, indeed, a remarkable amalgam of cultural influences and practices, although fusion between the different cultures involved was relatively limited. The exception to this was in the field of the arts, where an intimate combination of Norman, Byzantine and Saracen forms produced masterpieces of architectural beauty in marble, mosaic and internal church decoration, which have provided a lasting memorial to this extraordinary Norman state in southern climes.

Church art in Norman Sicily.


The Twelfth Century Norman kings of Sicily, following the Byzantine notion of State art, were active patrons of art, particularly in relation to church building and its associated mosaic decoration. Their motives were relatively straightforward: they wanted to emphasise the triumph of Christianity involved in their reconquest of Sicily from the Moslems after almost four hundred years of infidel rule; they planned to use the medium of mosaic decoration to educate the faithful, still mostly illiterate, in the details of scripture;  and they wished to advertise and promote the prestige of the de Hauteville dynasty. Furthermore, they had the financial resources to build on the grand scale, and to hire artists and craftsmen from the Byzantine world, including the workshops of its capital, Constantinople. Although the churches they built were mostly the longitudinal three-aisled basilicas associated with Western Europe, and were generally without the traditional domes of Byzantine churches, their decoration, both without and within, was very Byzantine in detail, and reflected a consciously 'orientalising' style. Futhermore, the decoration of the ceilings and the tapestries produced for these churches were inspired either by the same Byzantine sources or reflected the proximity of the Islamic world.

Although the Eleventh Century had seen a decisive reduction in the territorial size and power of the Byzantine Empire, this Middle Byzantine period was prolific in works of art of the highest quality. Although Constantinople teemed with churches and monasteries in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, which would certainly have been superbly decorated, the accidents of survival have meant that the main examples of Byzantine church decoration from this period available to us today come from monasteries in Greece: Hosios Loukas near Styris in Phocis; the Nea Moni on the island of Chios; and Daphni, between Athens and Eleusis. The churches of these three monasteries have the common factor of a full mosaic decoration, and have been used to exemplify a system of Middle Byzantine church decoration, upon which the Greek artists working for the de Hautevilles in Sicily would have based their own decorative schema. This system was not intended just to beautify or to educate, but was designed to ensure that a Byzantine church was both an image of the cosmos and a calendar of the Christian year. Christ Pantocrator (the Ruler of the Universe) reigns in the dome, the Virgin in the 'orans' position intercedes in the apse, below her and in different parts of the church the apostles, saints and prophets are revealed in the order of the reverence due to them, and on the walls of the church and the narthex (entrance porch) are depicted scenes designed to highlight the Twelve Feasts of the Church. As a result this system was not primarily intended to be didactic; rather it was a mirror of the liturgy. While the three monastic churches of the Eleventh Century, whose decorative system survives,  differ considerably in relation to the number of biblical scenes and saints that they depict, there can be little doubt that they provided the main inspiration for the Byzantine artists working in Sicily in the Twelfth Century, albeit their programme had to be adapted to the longitudinal structure of the Sicilian churches. There are four church buildings, either in Palermo or adjacent to it, which provide superb examples of Byzantine mosaic art: the Cathedral at Cefalu; the Capella Palatina in Palermo; the Church of La Martorana, also in Palermo; and the Cathedral of Monreale. Each of these are now considered in turn.

The cathedral at Cefalu. 


Cefalu is a small coastal town about fifty miles east of Palermo, which nestles immediately below the fortified high cliffs of a headland (kephalos), after which the town is named. It was the location chosen by Roger II for the building of a cathedral, and it was where he originally planned to be buried. Work on the construction of the basilica began in 1131. Seventy metres long from  the west door to the extremity of the apse, it is a Romanesque structure built in a very eastern style, with its elevated east end adorned with blank arcading of a very Byzantine type. (It is regrettable that it is not normally possible for the visitor to gain a view of the east end exterior, as it is wedged in between the cliffs and the property of private houses.) One is struck by the majestic strength of the overall architectural design, daringly projecting upwards at the east end, as if almost ready to take flight. The presbytery was not completed until 1148, when Roger summoned artists from Constantinople to commence the mosaics in the apse, which were completed by 1154 when he died. At this point work ceased, but it recommenced in 1160 under Roger's successor, William I, and between then and 1170 the vault, the walls of the presbytery  and the junction between the two were decorated with mosaics.

The most important feature of the interior, and the one for which the duomo at Cefalu is chiefly renowned,  is the magnificent mosaic of Christ Pantocrator in the conch of the apse. In a truly Byzantine building this figure would have occupied the top of the central dome or cupola. In a longitudinal basilica, where there is no dome, the place of honour becomes the conch of the apse, an arrangement which has the virtue of making the icon of Christ more accessible to the worshipper, and the fact that the Cathedral was dedicated to the Transfiguration makes the almost awesome visibility of Christ most appropriate. In this case, the Christ Pantocrator figure is surrounded by the following Latin inscription: "Factus homo factor hominis factique redemptor iudico corporeus corpora corda deus" [Having been made man, (I as) the maker of man and the redeemer (of man) having been made, judge, (as) god incarnate, bodies (and) souls]. His left hand holds a Bible open at the text: "I am the light of the world; he who follows me will not walk in darkness but will have the light of life". In keeping with the dual character of civilisation in Sicily, and in order that all may understand, one leaf of the book is in Latin and the other in Greek. The figure of Christ Pantocrator in the cathedral of Cefalu undoubtedly reflects the influence of the Christ Pantocrator in the cupola of the monastic church at Daphi (about 1100), which portrays Christ as the stern judge of mankind, far removed from the Western conception of Jesus as a suffering mortal. However, at Cefalu, the Pantocrator is a far less awesome figure than the one at Daphni, and, while the face retains its majesty, there is perhaps a touch of melancholy or pathos in it too. More reminiscent of the Pantocrator icon at Cefalu is the miniature mosaic, dated to the middle or later Twelfth Century, now to be found in the Museo Nazionale at Florence. This beautiful work must have come from the workshops of Constantinople, and despite its small size it matches the majesty and poignancy of the Cefalu Christ. On the vertical wall of the apse, below the conch, the members of Christ's court are portrayed in three rows or registers: in the top one is the Virgin in the 'orans' (praying) position, with  two archangels on either side, below her are six apostles, and at the bottom are the other six. Further saints are portrayed on the walls of the presbytery and on the quadripartite vault there are angels in the corners and the Cherubim and Seraphim in the middle. Although it is likely that the artists who worked on the vault and walls of the presbytery were not artists from Constantinople, but local craftsmen who had learned from the Constantinopolitan artists who had earlier decorated  the apse, the stylised drapery of these figures and the human warmth of their faces are most effective and give them a penetrating force.

The Capella Palatina.


Like the cathedral at Cefalu, the building of the Capella Palatina (Palatine Chapel), dedicated to St.Peter, in Palermo began soon after Roger II's coronation in 1130, and is another example of a building that reflects a blend of external influences. Its architectural structure, that of a domed basilica, points to a south Italian provenance, its stalactite ceiling to the Islamic world and the mosaics in its cupola and supports to a Byzantine artist. These mosaics were completed by 1143, and have been attributed, almost certainly correctly to Greek craftsmen, and the walls of the central square below, probably worked on by the same artists, were finished by 1148. The mosaics in the nave are dated to 1158 and those in the aisles to the 1160s or later. For any visitor this chapel presents a brilliant profusion of colour, with almost every wall, arch or niche decorated with gleaming mosaics. There are 134 pictures, 110 single figures and 131 medallions, and, in accordance with Byzantine artistic tradition, the characters are portrayed in a strictly hierarchical order. The hemispherical dome has eight small windows that cleverly filter light from the ceiling. The dome represents the afterlife and closeness to God as it rises to the sky. In the middle of the dome, on a golden background, is Christ Pantocrator, in the act of blessing. He is dressed in the sacred colours of purple and gold, with his head surrounded by a halo with a Greek cross, and, as at Cefalu, holding a Bible in his left hand, although this time it is closed, and calling for silence with his right hand.  He is placed inside a circular inscription in Greek, which emphasises his almighty power, both in heaven and on the earth. Below him are archangels and angels, beautifully portrayed, and the other members of his heavenly court: the prophets, the evangelists, other saints, and of course, his mother, Mary. The Church has a massive sanctuary, elevated by a five-step platform. In the conch of the central apse, Christ Pantocrator is portrayed again among angels and archangels; this time the Bible he holds in his left hand is open at the quotation of "I am the light of the world", shown in Latin in the right-hand leaf and in Greek on the left-hand one. The impressive mosaics of the dome and presbytery represent the most refined part of the whole complex.

The mosaics of the nave and aisles were commenced after 1158 and work continued on them into the 1160s and possibly even later. The inscriptions relating to them are in Latin and it is clear that they are the work of Sicilian craftsmen. They represent a transition from the transcendent manner of Byzantine art to a more illustrative style, typical of Western art. Byzantine art specialists find them clumsy in comparison with the mosaics of the dome and presbytery, but this seems a harsh judgment. The scenes portrayed are vivid and delightfully expressive: for instance, those of the Creation story. There is also an arresting mosaic on the wall of the right-hand aisle which depicts the Emperor Nero, dressed in the garb of a medieval king, talking to St. Peter and St. Paul.  On the west wall at the back of the church, over the beautiful Fifteenth Century throne platform, is another icon of Christ, flanked by the two saints. A further and very particular feature of the Chapel is its wooden lacunar ceiling, painted with precious and very rare Kufic figures and inscriptions. The ceiling in the central nave is especially remarkable as it represents the widest Islamic painting cycle in existence. It is made by two orders of eight pointed star-shaped lacunars with geometrical drawings inside and Kufic inscriptions around the perimeter.  The ceiling of the Capella Palatina at Palermo might indeed have graced equally well a palace in Cairo or the Maghreb.

La Martorana.


The church of La Martorana in Palermo differs from the other three buildings, upon which this article is focussed, because it was not commissioned at the behest of a king, but was built by a courtier, George of Antioch, Grand Admiral to Roger II. At this time, the post of Grand Admiral was the chief administrative post in the Kingdom of Sicily; indeed, the word 'Admiral' (Amiratus in Latin) comes from the Arab title 'Amir'. George had an outstandingly successful military career under Roger II. From 1141 to 1148 he commanded the naval operations which led to the conquest of Tunisia and Tripolitania, and in 1147 his piratical raids on Thebes and Corinth enabled him to abduct and to bring back to Palermo, as slaves, the silk weavers who were to form the first group of workers in the royal workshop, upon which was based the King's very lucrative silk monopoly. George of Antioch was Byzantine in culture and Greek Orthodox in religion, and thus his church, Santa Maria dell' Ammiraglio (St. Mary of the Admiral), as La Martorana is still often called today, was intended as a church for the Greek rite and designed architecturally as a centralised domed structure of the Greek type. It was built, next to George's palace, on a hillock in the centre of Palermo overlooking the port of La Cala, and it was dedicated, as an act of thanksgiving to Mary, the Mother of God (Theotokos in the Greek language). Work on the Church commenced in 1143 and it was finished and dedicated in 1151, and the mosaics too can be dated to between these years. The Church was originally conceived with a Greek cross plan (i.e. a cross with four arms of equal length) inscribed in a square and covered by a dome supported by a polygonal drum resting on four columns.

The hierarchic outlook of Byzantine art is well illustrated by the two mosaic panels in the narthex (the entrance porch) to the Church. In the scene on the one on the right-hand side of the entrance, King Roger II is being crowned by Christ in accordance with the iconographic model which was a prerogative of Byzantine emperors. Roger II is standing, dressed in the sumptuous ceremonial clothes of a Byzantine emperor, slightly bowing his head to receive the crown from Christ, who is also standing, but higher than him. The King's figure is nearly as large as that of Christ, for, through the act of coronation, he subsumes the role of Christ's vice-gerent on earth. Although no parallel portraits contemporary to this one survive in Constantinople, there is a Tenth Century ivory, now in the State Pushkin Museum in Moscow, showing the Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (945-959) being crowned by Christ, the details of which are almost identical to this mosaic panel in La Martorana. As in the portrait of Roger II, Constantine VII is wearing identical ceremonial clothes, is standing with head slightly bowed and once again is almost equal in height to Christ. A similar scene is also enacted in an ivory of the Emperor Romanus II (959-62) being crowned (this is held in the Cabinet des Medailles, Paris), although it differs to the extent that Christ is also simultaneously crowning the Empress Eudoxia. There can be no doubt that the artist who produced the mosaic of Roger II's coronation was working to an exact imperial stereotype.  The mosaic panel to the left-hand side of the entrance in the narthex, portrays George of Antioch, the Church's founder, in the act of 'proskynesis' (prostration), that is, he is kneeling before the standing figure of the Virgin Mary, who is towering above him, holding in her left hand the top of a long scroll in medieval Greek, which states as follows: "He who built this house of mine from its very foundations, George, first among the first of all princes, O Son (Jesus Christ), protect him and his own people from harm and forgive him for his sins: for you are empowered to do so as the one and only God, O Word". This is the 'Deesis', that is, the dedicatory prayer offered to God thorough the intercession of the Virgin Mary. The head and shoulders of Jesus, benevolently receiving his mother's prayer, appear in the top right-hand corner of the panel. Another Greek inscription, just above George's head reads: "Prayer of your servant George the Admiral". Whereas the King is shown in the coronation scene as almost as tall as Christ, the Grand Admiral appears grovelling on the ground like a worm. This is intentional: to stress on the one hand the importance of the King, and on the other hand, through the abasement of George, to emphasise the immensity of the gap which separates the divine from the human figure. Once again, there are no contemporary parallels to this panel in Constantinople, but there  are sufficient examples of such dedicatory scenes to show that this panel was also designed in fulfilment of a Byzantine model or stereotype. For instance, there is the mosaic over the west door  of Hagia Sophia in which the Emperor Leo VI The Wise ( 888-911) is prostrated before Christ; and then there is the mosaic of about 1310 in the Church of St. Saviour in Chora, in which Theodore Metochites, chief minister to Andronicus II (1282-1328), in an act of dedication, hands a model of his church to Christ. (In this case, however, the humbling effect of Metochites' kneeling posture is somewhat weakened by the spectacular size of the turban which he is wearing.) The effect of these two panels in the narthex of La Martorana, when taken together, is to reflect the religious, ethical, and political ideas which George of Antioch wished to promote, and, in the case of the coronation mosaic, it is clear that George played a key role in establishing the political ideology of Norman Sicily, based on the notion of an imperial power spanning the Mediterranean and ruled by a royal dynasty, the de Hautevilles, who could legitimately aim at the imperial throne of Constantinople itself.

Within the Church itself, despite the transformation of the church interior over the centuries and the demolition of the original main apse and the west wall, the mosaic circle has been for the most part preserved. The arrangement of the mosaic panels is marked by its simplicity and its symmetry. That the Church was intended for the Greek rite is shown by the fact that all the inscriptions that accompany both the individual figures and the more crowded scenes are in Greek. The focal point of the mosaic decoration is the dome, where an enthroned Christ Pantocrator is depicted within a central medallion, his right hand blessing and his left hand holding a closed Bible on his knees. The circular frame of the medallion contains the inscription, "I am the light of the world", etc., as is shown in the open Bibles held by the Christ Pantocrator figures at Cefalu and in the Capella Palatina. At his feet, the Earth is represented as a foot-stool. In the external ring of the sparkling golden dome are the four archangels, Michael, Gabriel, Raphael and Uriel. In the drum beneath are the prophets and in the corner niches the four evangelists. The two small apses feature the Virgin's parents, St. Joachim in the prothesis on the left, and St. Anne in the diaconicon on the right. In front of the presbytery, in the east vault between the dome and the Seventeenth Century Capellone, or 'Big Chapel' in the central apse, the archangels Michael and Gabriel are portrayed again, wearing sumptuous robes similar to those worn by Byzantine emperors. The triumphal arch on the west side, between the vault and the central square shows the Annunciation. The archangel Gabriel on the left is making his announcement to the Virgin Mary, depicting on the right, turning her head in surprise towards him. High in the centre is depicted the hand of the Creator, projecting towards the Virgin a ray of light, bearing a dove, the symbol of the Holy Spirit. In the vault to the west of the central square is the Nativity of the Christ and the Dormition of the Virgin, scenes which underline the dedication of the Church to Mary. These are the best known scenes in La Martorana's mosaic cycle, as well as being those which are most easily observed. Both these scenes are especially moving. In the Nativity scene the Madonna, draped in a shawl is watching over the Child who is lying in a cradle with the ox and the ass breathing enthusiastically over him. In the Dormition scene, the Madonna is represented on her death bed, surrounded by the apostles. In the centre of the picture stands Jesus, raising an infant, the symbol of the Virgin's soul, to the sky, and offering it to two descending angels who will take it to heaven.  There can be little doubt that the authors of these superb mosaics will have been summoned directly from Greece, if not from Constantinople.

The future history of this most interesting church is worth recording briefly. In 1193 the small Greek convent set up beside Santa Maria dell' Ammiraglio was converted into a Benedictine convent, named after its founders Goffredo and Elisa Martorana. In 1435 the Church was annexed for the use of this convent and at that point  it was transferred from the Greek to the Latin rite. It was then too that the name of the Church was altered to that of La Martorana. In 1588 the Church was transformed and enlarged to meet the needs of a  conventual church, and in particular to have a choir large enough to meet the need to seat all the nuns.

The cathedral at Monreale.


Under Roger II, the ecclesiastical centre of Norman Sicily was Cefalu, but William II (1166-89), under whom  the Kingdom reached its apogee of power and prosperity, determined to move it nearer to Palermo, to the site of Monreale, on the heights above the valley of the Conca d'Oro (the Golden Shell), hemmed in on one side by a majestic range of mountains and skirted on the other by the Gulf of Palermo. The construction of this huge Romanesque church, 102 metres in length, and adjoining Benedictine monastery, of which now only the cloister survives, began in 1172 and was completed in about 1176, the construction work employing a large number of labourers and craftsmen of different origins, as the wide variety of styles visible clearly testifies.  Particular highlights of its exterior are the mosaic intarsia along the upper part of the front facade, its richly ornamented west door, known as 'The Door of Paradise', and its superb external apses at the east end of the Cathedral, with its intricate interlacing of ogee arches at different heights, which are obviously the work of Islamic masters. Decoration began in 1183 and was completed in 1190, the year after William II's death at the early age of thirty-six. The cycle of scenes is the fullest that survives in the whole Byzantine world, whether in mosaic or in paint, and involved the largest surface which any mosaicist had ever attempted to cover. The golden and polychrome surface covers almost 8,000 square metres, reaching out and into every conceivable space available. The dazzling scene which confronts the visitor upon entering the nave is as much the effect of the grandiose architecture with its spacious interior and harmonious interplay of forms as of the breathtaking blaze of colours on its mosaic-covered walls, but it is the forcefully impressive nature of the mosaics rather than the architecture which captures the eyes' attention. There is no doubt that this cathedral church was designed specifically to facilitate the decorative cycles of mosaics, and was not constructed first, and then decorated as an after-thought. But, if the architecture is intended for the decoration, the decoration is not an end in itself. Its purpose is that of conveying a message - a message of faith in Christ the Saviour, placed at the centre of the universe and of the course of human events. Part of the intensity of these portraits is explained by the fact that first and foremost this mosaic representation was aimed at the masses, very often illiterate, and it was intended to convey a profound and incisive message to them.  

The focal point of the complex, located, because there is no dome, in the apse, is the representation of Christ Pantocrator (the Almighty) amid his heavenly court of angels, prophets and saints. This massive image in the conch of the apse, seven metres in height, with the head measuring up to three metres, and a lateral span of over thirteen metres, is unforgettable. The penetrating gaze of Christs's eyes appears to cover every inch of the Cathedral and remains indelibly impressed upon the minds of the viewers. The effect on those who worshipped regularly in the Cathedral must have been electrifying. Suddenly there was before them a vision of their Saviour God, no longer incomprehensible, but now accessible. Yet those eyes, which encompass the whole cathedral, also look deep into the souls of the worshippers and demand their total submission. The figure of Christ is wrapped in rich and winding robes and its head is encircled by a radiant golden halo, forming a cross. His right hand is elevated in the traditional Greek gesture of blessing, and in his extended left arm he is holding a Bible open at the "I am the light of the world" quotation, once again shown in both languages. It is interesting to compare this image with the similar one at Cefalu, upon which it is obviously based. Byzantine art specialists generally consider the Monreale face to be harder and less sympathetic, and its pose more angular and exaggerated than its counterpart at Cefalu, but, if the figure of Christ at Cefalu is a more spiritural rendition of the Pantocrator image than the one at Monreale, and, if the latter is less expressive and perhaps less refined, it nevertheless serves its purpose excellently, that is, a purpose of communicating a sense of regal majesty, authority and power. At the same time, while the icon of Christ at Cefalu appears detached from its immediate surroundings, the Monreale Pantocrator is intimately related to the space in which it is placed, almost as though this space was subsumed within the figure rather than vice-versa. As at Cefalu, the Virgin Mary, is shown in the apse immediately below Christ, enthroned in glory and majesty at the centre of the scene. That she is in the central position and the fact that she is seated are appropriate because the Cathedral was dedicated to her. In her right hand she holds the Child Jesus, who stretches out his right hand in blessing. In her left hand she is holding a 'mapula' or white drape similar to the one held by the emperor when he directs the circus games. This indicates that she is leading the prayers of the faithful. Around her is the inscription "Mater theou, he achrantos" (Mother of God, the All-pure). The position of the child in the lap of the Virgin or Madonna is in itself symbolic as it signifies that the Word of God was made flesh through the womb of a woman. Her central position over the high altar of the presbytery is also symbolic as it shows that she presides over the sacrifice of Christ offered up and renewed daily in the Eucharist. On either side of Mary are portrayed the archangels Michael and Gabriel, dressed in imperial garments. They hold in one hand a staff and in the other a globe with a cross on it, representing the Eucharistic Host. They are further surrounded by saints.

Also on the walls of the presbytery and facing each together, are the mosaics of the ideal crowning of King William II by Christ, and of the dedication of the Monreale Cathedral by the King to the Virgin Mary. As in the two mosaics at La Martorana, these mosaics tell us about the political and religious ideology of the de Hauteville dynasty. In the coronation mosaic at Monreale, Christ is seated in  majesty on a bejewelled throne. His face has a stern and severe expression and his head is surrounded by a cross-bearing halo. In fact, it is a model for the many other images of Jesus in the Cathedral. The inscription in the Bible which Christ is holding with his left hand is, "I am the light of the world; he who follows...", just in Latin this time. Christ is shown as laying the crown on the head of William II, who is standing to his right, and who, because Jesus is elevated by his throne, appears much smaller than Him. The King's gaze is turned downwards, with his arms and his hands stretched open as a mark of submission and devotion. Aesthetically, this portrayal of the King's coronation is hard and mechanical, and is somewhat spoiled by its clumsy inscription and by the awkward arrangement of the angels hovering overhead. At the same time the figure of the King is rigid and hesitant, and his countenance seems strained. Certainly this mosaic compares unfavourably with its counterpart at La Martorana. In the mosaic opposite, King William II is shown presenting an archetype of the Cathedral to the Virgin Mary. Precedents for this set-piece scene include the mosaic over the south door in Hagia Sophia in Constantinople (probably commissioned under the Emperor Basil II between 986 and 994) where the Emperor Constantine (306-337) is shown presenting a model of the city, and the Emperor Justinian (527-565) one of the church, to the Virgin. In the dedication scene at Monreale, the Virgin is shown seated on a throne bedecked with jewels, and with a bejewelled halo surrounding her head.  The youthful figure of William II is shown dressed in his royal robes, as in the coronation scene opposite, in the act of presenting the model of the Cathedral to the Virgin who is stretching out her hands in a gesture of acceptance. Two angels are descending from above with outstretched arms ready to take the cathedral from the Virgin, while the hand of God is seen emerging from a celestial rainbow to bless the event. The details of this mosaic confer a lively character upon it and it is markedly less rigid than the coronation scene opposite.

The Pantocrator and his heavenly court is the focal mosaic cycle in the cathedral. Of the other cycles, the one of the Old Testament is on the upper level of the right-hand side of the nave (as one looks down from the sanctuary) and on the lower level of the left-hand side. The cycle concerned with the Life of the Saviour is shown in the transept area and the interior of the presbytery, and the miracles of Jesus are illustrated in the right-hand and left-hand aisles. The cycles concerning the lives of St. Peter and St. Paul appear in the side apses. The sheer quantity and extent of detail in these mosaics is remarkable. Assessment of their quality is mixed. Some Byzantine art specialists consider them inferior to the earlier Sicilian art works of the Twelfth Century, believing their colour to be frigid and unattractive, the setting of the cubes to lack subtlety, and the composition of some of the scenes to be unpleasingly overcrowded. However, others are impressed by how the compositional schemata binds the scenes on the walls into a single decorative pattern, in which the flow of movement and line is extended from one picture to another, and by how the figures in the mosaics are enmeshed and entangled in a web of abruptly contrasted and repeated lines and sparkling touches of light. It may be that the mosaics in Monreale reflect the somewhat later period in which they were executed in comparison with the works considered above, and that their prevailing mood of expressive and dynamic vitality, at the expense, perhaps, of spiritual refinement, reflects the mannerist tendencies of late Comnenian art, or that these works reflect the tastes of the Sicilian artists who probably produced them, or perhaps those of artists of Thessalonica, sacked by the Normans in 1185, and who may have been compelled to assist in the works at Monreale. Whatever one's assessment of their artistic quality, some of the individual mosaics are delightful and exciting, as well as iconographically of great significance.The scenes of the Creation, and of Adam and Eve, the scene in which Cain is shown in the act of killing his brother Abel, and the mosaic in which Isaac bids his son Esau to hunt for game, all show the dynamic composition of the mosaicists at their best, where a marked feeling for the decorative nature of mosaics is subtly allied to a vivid interest in the narrative of  the stories themselves.















      



Thursday, 14 October 2010

AESCHYLUS: EXTRACT FROM "THE PERSIANS": THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS

Introduction. 

Aeschylus (525-456 B.C.) was the the first of the three great Athenian tragic dramatists or tragedians. He was the author of around 80 plays, of which only seven survive. He is reputed to gave fought at the battle of Marathon in 490 B.C. and probably also at Salamis in 480 B.C. "The Persians" which was originally produced in 472 B.C. was the only tragic play, for which the subject matter was taken from recent history rather than the normal legendary background. Aeschylus seems to imply that the victories of the Greeks in the Persian wars deserve to be compared with the feats of the heroic age. The lack of the usual distance in time is, however, balanced by the exotic setting of the Persian court at Susa. The Messenger's speech, which is the subject of the extract below, is the earliest account of the battle of Salamis, and, since Aeschylus almost certainly was a participant, or, at least, a spectator in, the battle, this account deserves to be taken seriously as a historical document, although there are significant discrepancies between it and the other Fifth Century account of the battle of Salamis, that of Herodotus in Book VIII of "The Wars".  


Ll. 384-432. A Persian messenger describes to Queen Atossa in the royal palace at Susa the catastrophic defeat of her nation by the Greeks at the naval battle of Salamis. 


And night was passing, and the fleet of the Greeks did not try to make their sailing forth in any way unnoticed; when, however, radiant day with its white horses covered the sight of the whole earth, a shout like a roar first sounded triumphantly from the Greeks like a song, and, at the same time, returned like an echo, loud and clear, from the island crags; the fear was present among all the barbarians that they had failed in their purpose; for, then, the Greeks chanted their solemn paean, not as in flight, but as men rushing into battle with bold courage; and the war-trumpet with its blast set on fire all that side (i.e the Greeks). And, immediately, at the word of command, at the even stroke of the oar, they struck the deep briny, and swiftly they were all clearly to be seen. Firstly, their right wing, well-marshalled, led on, in order, and, secondly, their whole fleet advanced next, and, at the same time, it was possible to hear a loud shout, "Come on, O you sons of the Greeks, save your native land, save your children, your wives, the temples of your fathers' gods, and the tombs of your ancestors; now, the contest (is) about everything (you have)."  And, then, the clamour of the Persian tongue arose in return, and no longer was there time to hesitate. And, straightway, ship struck into ship with its brazen beak, and a Greek ship began the charge and breaks off all the stern of a Phoenician ship, and one (captain) steered his ship against another(ship). Now at first, the stream of the Persian fleet held out; but, when the majority of our ships had been collected in the narrow strait, and no help was possible for one another, they themselves were struck by their own bronze-beaked clashes, (and) they splintered their whole bank of oars, and the Greek ships in a circle, not without (good) sense, battered (them) on every side; and the hulls of our ships were overturned and the sea was no longer able to be seen, being full of wreckage and the slaughter of mortals. And the shores and reefs became full of dead bodies, and as many ships as there were in the babarian fleet every ship was rowed without order and in flight. They struck (them) and cut (them) in two with fragments of oars and pieces of wreckage as though (our men) were tunny-fish or some (other) catch of fish; loud wailing, together with shrieking, filled the water of the open sea, until  the black of night hid the scene from our eyes. I could not tell you fully of the multitude of these disasters, not even if I were to give you a detailed account for ten days. For you can be sure (lit. know this well), that so great a multitude of men never (before) perished in a single day.