"THE ROMAN REVOLUTION" BY SIR RONALD SYME: TRANSLATION OF FOOTNOTES

Introduction:

Ronald Syme's masterly book, "The Roman Revolution," first published in 1939, is one of the most renowned works of Roman history ever written. It is renowned, firstly for its conclusions, secondly for its style of writing, and, finally, for the astonishing, if not intimidating, level of erudition which it displays. 

With regard to his conclusions, Syme states bluntly in his introduction that, "It is surely time for some reaction from the 'traditional' and conventional view of this period. Much that has been written about Augustus is simply panegyric, whether ingenuous or edifying. Yet it is not necessary to praise political success or to idealise the men who win wealth and honours through civil war." Far from accepting Augustus' claim that he had restored the republic and the liberties which it enshrined, Syme maintains throughout the book that he was an autocrat who ruled in the interests of his family and close associates, and that the constitutional arrangements that he put in place in the decades following his victory at the Battle of Actium in 31 B.C, were but "a screen and a sham", behind which he ruled as a military monarch. At the same time, he maintained that the city-state constitution and political culture of the Roman republic were no longer adequate to manage an empire of the size which Rome had established by the middle of the First Century B.C. and that, if Augustus was going to restore order to public life, he really had no choice but to organise matters in the way that he did. The circumstances in which he found himself, and the reasoning behind his actions, were thus uncomfortably reminiscent of events in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy at the time when Syme was writing, when Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini had employed similar arguments to destroy democracy and set up regimes based on naked military force. Syme also denied the significance of different political ideas in First Century Rome, and dismissed the rhetoric of 'Optimates' and 'Populares' as nothing more than "political catchwords", behind which Roman noblemen exploited the powers of the Senate and the Popular Assembly, while manoeuvring to gain power for themselves, their kinsmen and their associates. In this respect, Syme's somewhat cynical conclusions in "The Roman Revolution" resemble those of Sir Lewis Namier in his book, "The Structure of English politics at the Accession of George III", published in 1930, in which Namier had controversially downplayed the significance of the political labels, Whig and Tory. With regard to Augustus himself and Syme's portrayal of him as a somewhat sinister autocratic figure who successfully manipulated the power politics of Rome for over five decades, Syme's conclusions about Augustus have been enormously influential on the thinking of subsequent Roman historians. 

Syme's style of writing is also worthy of note. The style of writing adopted by Roman historians had been influenced inevitably by Edward Gibbon's wordy masterpiece, "The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire", published in six books between 1776 and 1789; Gibbon's long rolling sentences, constructed in Ciceronian style, often leading up to an impressive crescendo, have meant that Gibbon's works have been read over the years almost as much due to admiration of his style of writing as to the significance of their content, controversial as this was with its vaguely anti-Christian bias. It is difficult, indeed, to immerse oneself in Gibbon's writings without it affecting the style and constructions of one's own writing. Not so, however, in the case of Syme, who in his introduction describes his own style as "direct and even abrupt, avoiding metaphors and abstractions." Furthermore, the hallmark of Syme's style is the short simple sentence, and the almost total absence of subordinate clauses, whether adjectival or adverbial. In this, Syme is surely following the example of his own favourite Roman historian, Cornelius Tacitus, whose biography in two volumes he published in 1958. Another significant feature of Syme's writing is his decision to exclude any references to secondary authorities, i.e. the views of other historians. By way of explanation, Syme again states in his introduction that, "The history of this age is highly controversial, the learned literature overwhelming in bulk. I have been driven to make a bold decision in the interests of brevity and clearness - to quote as much as possible of the ancient evidence, to refer but seldom to modern authorities ... " 

Finally, we come to the impressive level of erudition which Syme displays, not only in the text of "The Roman Revolution", but also in the notes, which accompany it, which, when these notes involve references to Latin or Greek quotations or relate to Latin or Greek quotations in the text itself, it is the purpose of the article below to offer translations. The details in these notes provide support for the arguments being advanced in the text, and at the same time produce clear evidence of the author's own knowledge of the wealth of classical literature and inscriptions which are available. In "The Roman Revolution", Syme employs to great effect the historical method, known as 'prosopography", i.e. writing about individual persons, in which he traces the links of kinship, marriage, and political appointments among the leading families of both late republican and early imperial Rome, and he uses this prosopographical analysis as a means to block, or obscure, the force of constitutional and ethical concepts in Roman politics. Building on the work of the German scholars, particularly Friedrich Münzer, Syme shows how Augustus built up the personal associates of his adoptive father, Julius Caesar, into the establishment of a 'Caesarian party' which gradually won an unassailable position in the state. At the back of "The Roman Revolution" is a list of consuls and some detailed genealogical tables which illustrate the importance given to prosopographical analysis, and most works of Roman history since its publication now follow suit in this respect.

Given the deservedly central place held by Syme's work in any studies of the life and times of Augustus, Sabidius has felt it would be helpful to give readers easier access to the content of the Latin and Greek references in the notes accompanying the text of this book. At the time of writing, i.e. 1939, it may be that the likely audience for "The Roman Revolution" would have been limited mainly to classical scholars, who would have been able to translate these quotations for themselves. Today, neither of these circumstances are necessarily the case, and yet to get the most out of the experience of studying this remarkable book, the ability to understand these quotations is vital. Hence, Sabidius' labours below! In order to assist the reader still further, he has written out each quotation in Latin or Greek, as required, before offering a translation, and at the end of the translation he has given a fuller statement of the source than the abbreviations shown in the book.  

Chapter I.  Introduction: Augustus and History (pp. 1-9).

P. 2. n. 1.  χεῖρον εἶναι μοναρχίας παρανόμου πόλεμον ἐμφύλιον. "Civil war was worse than illegal monarchy." (Plutarch, Brutus 12)

P. 4. n. 1.  ἔδει γὰρ εἰς Καίσαρα πάντα περιελθεῖν.  "For it was destined that everything should come into Caesar's hands." (Plutarch, Antonius 56)

P. 6. n. 1.  natura autem mea et studia trahunt me ad pacis et libertatis cupiditatem. itaque illud initium civilis belli saepe deflevi; cum vero non liceret mihi nullius partis esse, quia utrubique magnos inimicos habebam, ea castra fugi, in quibus plane tutum me ab insidiis inimici sciebam non futurum; compulsus eo, quo minime volebam, ne in extremis essem, plane pericula non dubitantur adii. Caesarem vero, quod me in tanta fortuna modo cognitum vetustissimorum familiarium loco habuit, dilexi summa cum pietate et fide.  "Furthermore my nature and pursuits leave me to crave for peace and freedom. The outbreak of the civil war cost me many a tear. But since I could not remain neutral because I had powerful enemies on both sides, I avoided the camp where I knew I should not be safe from my enemy's plots. Finding myself forced to go whither I did not wish, and having no wish to travel in the rear, I certainly did not hang back from dangerous work. As for Caesar, I loved him in all duty and loyalty because in his greatness he treated me, a recent acquaintance, as though I had been one of his oldest intimates." (Asinius Pollio to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 31, 2-3)

P. 6. n. 2.  periculosae plenum opus aleae / tractas et incedis per ignis / suppositos cineri doloso. "a task full of risky hazard, and you are advancing through fires covered by deceptive ash." (Horace, Odes 2, 1, 6ff.) 

P. 8. n. 3.  Motum ex Metello consule civicum / bellique causas et vitia et modos / ludumque Fortunae gravisque / principum amicitias et arma / nondum expiatis uncta cruoribus. "(You are dealing with) civic unrest, dating from when Metellus was consul, and the causes of the war and its crimes and phases, and the sport of chance, and the ruinous alliances of eminent men, and the weapons smeared with streams of blood which is still unexpiated." (Horace, Odes 2, 1, 1ff.)  

P. 9. n. 1.  δυναστεῖαί τε ἦσαν ἤδη κατὰ πολλὰ καὶ στασίαρχοι μοναρχικοί. "There were now many cases of individuals who would not relinquish power and faction leaders who aspired to sole rule." (Appian, Bella Civilia 1, 2, 7) 

P. 9. n. 2.  occultior non melior. "more disguised but no better." (Tacitus, Historiae 2, 38)

P. 9. n. 4a.  et relatus inconditae olim viae mos, ut omne ius in viribus esset. "The practice of life, once disordered, was renewed, so that all right was in relation to strength." (Sallust, Historiarum Fragmenta 1, [McGushin 43] 18 M) 

P. 9. n. 4b.  exim continua per viginti annos discordia, non mos, non ius. "Accordingly, there was uninterrupted strife for twenty years, there was no morality, no law." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 28) 

P. 9. n. 5.  non esse curae dies securitatem nostram, esse ultionem. "The gods take no thought for our happiness, but only for our punishment." (Tacitus, Historiae 1, 3)

P. 9. n. 6.  ὧδε μὲν ἐκ στάσεων ποικίλων ἡ πολιτεία Ῥωμαίοις ἐς ὁμόνοιαν καὶ μοναρκίαν περιέστη. "In this way the Roman state passed out of various civil disturbances into unity and monarchy." (Appian, Bella Civilia 1, 6, 24) 

P. 9. n. 7.  Cum domino pax ista venit. "That final peace comes with a despot." (Lucan, Pharsalia 1, 670)

Chapter II.  The Roman Oligarchy (pp. 10-27). 

P. 11. n. 2a.  etiam tum alios magistratus plebs, consulatum nobilitas inter se per manus tradebat. novos nemo tam clarus neque tam egregiis factis erat, quin indignus illo honore et is quasi pollutus haberetur. "The people, at that time, still disposed of other magistracies, but the nobility transmitted the consulship from hand to hand among themselves. Nor had any new man appeared, however famous or distinguished by his achievements, who would not have been considered unworthy of that honour, and, as it were, a disgrace to it." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 63, 6-7)    

P. 11. n. 2b.  quod non dignos homines honore honestatos videbam. "Because I saw unworthy men honoured by office." (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae  35, 3)

P. 11. n. 2c.  M. Tullius, inquilinus civis urbis Romae. "an adopted citizen of the city of Rome." (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 31, 7)

P. 13. n. 1.  ipsa inimicitiarum gloria. "by the very glory of such feuds." (Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus 40.1)

P. 13. n. 4.  honores non petiit, cum ei paterent propter vel gratiam vel dignitatem. "He aimed at no high offices, although they were open to him on account of his influence and high standing." (Cornelius Nepos, Vita Attici 6, 2) 

P. 14. n. 1.  illa quies et otium cum libertate quae multi probi potius quam laborem cum honoribus capessebant. "That state of repose and tranquillity combined with freedom which many men prized more highly that honours attended with toil." (Sallust, Historiarum Fragmenta 1 (McGushin 48) 55. 9M)   

P. 14. n. 2.  flos enim equitum Romanorum, ornamentum civitatis, firmamentum rei publicae publicanorum ordine continentur. "For the flower of the Roman knights, the ornament of the state, the great bulwark of the republic is all comprehended in that body." (Cicero, Pro Plancio 23)

P. 16. n. 1.  namque, uti paucis verum absolvam, post illa tempora quicumque rem publicam agitavere, honestis nominibus, alii sicuti populi iura defenderent, pars quo senatus auctoritas maxuma foret, bonum publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentia certabant. "For indeed, as I shall state the truth in a few words, after that time whoever disturbed the republic on plausible pretexts, some as if to defend the rights of the people, others in order that the authority of the senate should be as great as possible, while all were claiming to represent the public good, each one contended on behalf of his own interest." (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae  38. 3)

P. 20. n. 1.  si quintum pareret mater eius, asinum fuisse parituram. "If his mother had given birth to a fifth son, she would have given birth to an ass." (Cicero, De Oratore 2, 267) 

P. 22. n. 1.  καὶ ἐν μὲν τῇ βουλῃ μᾶλλον ἴσχυεν ὁ Κράσσος, ἐν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ μέγα τὸ Πομπηïου κρατος ἦν. "In the senate Crassus had more weight; but among the people the power of Pompeius was great." (Plutarch, Pompeius 22.3) 

P. 22. n. 2.  cum autem certi propter divitias aut genus aut aliquas opes rem publicam tenent, est factio, sed vocantur illi optimates. "When certain men, on account of their wealth, or their birth, or any other means, get possession of the state, it is a faction; but they choose to call themselves aristocrats." (Cicero, De re publica, 3, 23)

P. 22. n. 3.  dixerunt in eum testimonis principes civitatis qui plurimum in senatu poterant Q. Hortensius, Q. Catulus, Q. Metellus Pius, M. Lucullus, M'. Lepidus. "Quintus Hortensius, Quintus Catulus, Quintus Metellus Pius, Marcus Lucullus and Manius Lepidus, the chief men in the state, and those who had the most power in the senate, gave hostile evidence against him." (Asconius, Orationum Ciceronis Quinque Enarratio: Pro Cornelio de maiestate 53 = Clark p.60)

P. 23. n. 1a.  ceteros iam nosti, qui ita sunt stulti ut amissa re publica piscinas suas fore salvas sperare videantur. "The others you know already; they are so foolish that they seem to expect that their fishponds will remain intact while their country goes to rack and ruin." (Cicero, Ad Atticus 1, 18, 6)

P. 23. n. 1b.  de istis quidem piscinarum Tritonibus. "even over those gods of the fishpond." (Cicero, Ad Atticus 2, 9, i)

P. 23. n. 5.  ea porro apud Catonem maternam obtinebat auctoritatem. "Moreover, she held maternal authority in the house of Cato." (Asconius, Orationem Ciceronis Quinque Enarratio; Pro M. Scauro, 17 = Clark p.19)

P. 24. n. 3.  M. Bibuli fortitudo atque animi vis in consulatum erupit; hebes lingua, magis malus quam callidus ingenio. "It was Marcus Bibulus' courage and force of character that landed him in the consulship: blunt of speech, malevolent rather than fiery by nature." (Sallust, Ad Caesarem 2, 9. 1)  

P. 24. n. 5.  praeterea adulescentis nobilis elabora ut habeas vel ut teneas, studiosus quos habes. "Furthermore, take pains to get on your side the young men of noble birth, or to retain those whose affection you already have." (Quintus Cicero, Commentariolum petitionis 6)

P. 25. n. 1.  multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam Romae virtute magnus fuit. sed memoria mea ingenti virtute, divorsis moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato et C. Caesar. "There was not produced for many years at Rome a single citizen of eminent ability, But within my recollection there arose two men of remarkable ability, but of very different character, Marcus Cato and Gaius Caesar." (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 53, 5f.)  

P. 26. n. 2.  sed alia fuere, quae illos magnos fecere, quae nobis nulla sunt: domi industria, foris iustum imperium, animus in consulundo liber, neque delicto neque lubudini obnoxius. pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avaritiam, publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam. laudamus divitias, sequimur inertiam. "But there were other things that made them great, but which among us have no existence; such as industry at home, just government abroad, and minds impartial in council, uninfluenced by any immoral or improper feeling. Instead of such virtues, we have luxury and avarice, public distress and private superfluity. We extol wealth and pursue indolence. (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 52, 21f.)

P. 26. n. 5a.  quippe cum illis maiorum virtus partam reliquerit gloriam dignitatem clientelas. " ... since the prowess of their ancestors has left the nobles a heritage of glory, prestige and patronage." (Sallust, Ad Caesarem 2, 11, 3)

P. 26. n. 5b.  vetus nobilitas, maiorum, fortis facta, cognatorum et adfinium opes, multae clientelae. "their ancient rank, the heroic deeds of their ancestors, the power of their relatives and connections, their numerous dependants." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 85, 4)

P. 27. n. 2.  Adulescentulus carnifex. "Adolescent butcher." (Valerius Maximus, Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 6, 2, 8)

Chapter III.  The Domination of Pompeius (pp. 28-46).

P. 28. n. 4.  hominem dis ac nobilitati perinvisum. "a man hated by heaven and the nobility."  (Asconius, Orationum Ciceronis Quinque Enarratio: Pro Cornelio de maiestate 70 = Clark p. 79)

P. 28. n. 6.  gloria et animi magnitudine elatus privatus atque adulescentulus paterni exercitus reliquiis collectis paene oppressam funditus et deletam Italiam urbemque Romanam in libertatem vindicavit. "And so, in the enthusiasm engendered by his enthusiasm for renown and his nobility of spirit, though merely a private citizen and barely out of his childhood, he collected the remnants of his father's army and restored the independence of Italy and of the city of Rome, when they were all but overwhelmed and destroyed. ([Caesar,] De Bello Africo 22, 2)

P. 30. n. 1. regum ac nationum clintelis quas ostentare crebro solebat. " ... his clients of kings and nations, about which he used to boast repeatedly."  (Dolabella to Cicero, Ad Familiares 9. 9. 2) 

P. 30. n. 2.  ὁ δῆμος Γναῖον Πομπήïον Γναίου υἱον Μάγνον, αὐτοκράτορα τὸ τριτόν, σωτῆρα καὶ εὐεργέτην τοῦ τε δήμου καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας πάσης, ἐπόπτην γῆς τε καὶ θαλάσσης, ἀρετῆς ἔνεκα καὶ εὐνοίας εἰς ἑαυτόν. "The people (of Miletopolis) to Gnaeus Pompeius, son of Gnaeus, Magnus, imperator three times, saviour and benefactor of the people and of the whole of Asia, the warden of earth and sea, on account of his good-will towards themselves. (?ILS 9459). 

P. 30. n. 3.  Pompeius orbis domitor per tresque triumphos / ante deum princeps. "Pompeius, the conqueror of the world, and, by reason of his three triumphs, the chief man before God." (Manilius, Astronomica 793f.)

P. 30. n. 4.  humili atque obscuro loco natus. "born of a humble and obscure rank." (Cicero, In Verrem II, 5, 181)

P. 31. n. 1.  nobilis pecuriae. " renowned cattle-herds." Varro, De Re Rustica 2, 1, 2)

P. 31. n. 4.  humili loco Picens, loquis magis quam facundus. "A Picene of lowly rank, more talkative than eloquent."(Sallust, Fragmenta Historiarum  4, 43M)

P. 33. n. 2.  nosmet ipsi, qui Lycurgei a principio fuissemus, cotidie demitigamur. "I, myself, though I was quite a Lycurgus to start with, am softening everyday." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 1, 13, 3)

P. 33. n. 3.  non iucunda miseris, inanis improbis, beatis non grata, bonis non gravis; itaque frigebat. "Of no comfort to the poor or interest to rascals; on the other hand, the rich were not pleased and honest men were not edified; so there was a frost." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 1, 14, 1) 

P. 33. n. 5a.  facie magis quam facetiis ridiculus. "He is funnier in his facial expression than in his verbal expressions." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 1, 13, 2)

P. 33. n. 5b.  homini nobilissimo, innocentissimo, eloquentissimo, M. Pisoni. "To Marcus Piso, a man of the highest rank, most unimpeachable and most eloquent."   (Cicero, Pro Plancio [5] 12) 

P. 34. n. 4.  Pompeius togulam illam pictam silentio tuetur suam. "Pompeius lives up to that lovely embroidered toga of his by holding his tongue." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 1, 18, 6)

P. 35. n. 4.  adhibito Libone et L. Lucceio et Theophane, quibuscumque communicare de maximis rebus Pompeius consueverat. " ... after Libo, and Lucius Lucceius, and Theophanes, with whom Pompeius used to consult on the most important matters." (Caesar, De Bello Civili 3, 18. 3)  

P. 35. n. 5.  sic igitur Caesare dignitatem comparare, Crasso augere, Pompeio retinere cupientibus omnibusque pariter potentiae cupidis de invadenda re publica facile convenit. "So Caesar being desirous of winning, Crassus of increasing, and Pompeius of retaining his prestige, and all alike being eager for power, readily came to an agreement to seize the state." (Florus, Epitome Rerum Romanorum 2, 13, 11)

P. 35. n. 7.  decem annos traxit ista dominatio ex fide, quia mutuo metu tenebantur. "Their domination lasted for ten years in accordance with their compact, because they were restrained by their fear of one another." (Florus, Epitome Rerum Romanorum 2, 13, 13)

P. 36. n. 1a.  quid? hoc quem ad modum obtinebis? "oppressos vos," inquit, "tenebo exercitu Caesaris. "Well, how are you going to prevail? 'I shall overwhelm you,' he says, 'and I shall keep you down with Caesar's army.' " (Cicero, Ad Atticum 2, 16, 2) 

P. 36. n. 1b.  ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τήνδε τὴν Κελτικὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐπὶ σφίσιν ἡγουμένη ἐδυσχέραινε. "The senate, which considered that Cisalpine Gaul was its own fortress, was resentful." (Appian, Bella Civilia 3, (4,) 27) 

P. 37. n. 5.  παλινῳδία. "recantation." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 4, 5, 1)

P. 39. n. 6.  ἐς θεραπείαν τῆς πόλεως ἐπικληθείς. "having been summoned to the service of the state." (Appian, Bella Civilia 2, 28, 107) 

P. 39. n. 7.  adfuerunt Miloni Q. Hortensius, M. Cicero, M. Marcellus, M. Calidius, M. Cato, Faustus Sulla. "Quintus Hortensius, Marcus Cicero, Marcus Marcellus, Marcus Calidius, Marcus Cato, and Faustus Sulla supported Milo." (Asconius, Orationem Ciceronis Quinque Enarratio 30 = Clark p. 34) 

P. 40. n. 3.  omnis oportere senatui dicto audientis esse. "that everyone ought to obey the senate." (Caelius to Cicero, Ad familiares 8, 4, 4)

P. 41. n. 4.  si sine summo periculo fieri posset, magnum et iucundum tibi Fortuna spectaculum parabat. "Fortune is preparing for you a great drama, which would be most attractive if only it could be free from deadly peril." (Caelius to Cicero, Ad familiares 8, 14. 4). 

P. 42. n. 1.  ἔρως ἀπαρηγόρητος ἀρχῆς καὶ περιμανὴς ἐπιθυμία τοῦ πρῶτον εἰναι καὶ μέγιστον. "An insatiable love of power and a mad desire to be the first and the greatest." (Plutarch, Antonius 6.3)

P. 42. n. 3.  per paucos probati et electi. "Having been approved and chosen by a faction." (Caesar, De Bello Civili 1, 85, 9)

P. 42. n. 4.  neque se reformidare quod in senatu Pompeius paulo ante dixisset. ad quos legati mitterentur, his auctoritatem attribui timoremque eorum qui mitterent significari. tenuis atque infirmi haec animi videri. "nor was he put off by what Pompeius had said in the senate a short time before, that authority was acknowledged to be attributed to those to whom envoys were sent, and fear to those who sent them. Such views appeared to be the mark of a shallow and feeble mind." (Caesar, De Bello Civili 1, 32, 8f.) 

P. 42. n. 5.  vehementer hominem contemnebat et suis et rei publicae copiis confidebat.  "He was quite contemptuous of the man, and confident in his own and the republic's forces." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 7, 8, 4)

P. 43. n. 1.  semper se rei publicae commoda privatis necessitudinis habuisse potiora. "He had always considered the interests of the state to be more important than the claims of personal connections." (Caesar, De Bello Civili 1, 8. 3)

P. 45. n. 4.  familiae nostrae dignitas. "the prestige of our family." (Metellus Celer to Cicero, Ad familiares 5, 1. 1)

Chapter IV.  Caesar the Dictator (pp. 47-60).

P. 48. n. 2a.  sibi semper primam fuisse dignitatem vitaque potiorem. "His prestige had always been his foremost consideration, and was more important than his life." (Caesar, De Bello Civili 1, 9, 2.)  

P. 48. n. 2b.  atque haec ait omnia facere se dignitatis causa. "And he says he is doing all this for the sake of his prestige." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 7, 11. 1)

P. 49. n. 1.  Cato enim ipse iam servire quam pugnare mavult. "For Cato himself now prefers to be a slave than to fight." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 7, 15, 2.)   

P. 49. n. 2.  nihil prorsus aliud curant nisi agros, nisi villulas, nisi nummulos. "They are really concerned with nothing except their fields, and their bits of farms, and their investments. (Cicero, Ad Atticum 8, 13, 2)

P. 50. n. 1.  hoc voluerunt; tantis rebus gestis Gaius Caesar condemnatus esssem, nisi ab exercitu auxilium petissem. "They would have it so; they would have condemned me to death, regardless of all my victories, if I had not sought help from my army." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 30, 4)

P. 50. n. 2.  imperator se bene habet. "The commander is well." (Livy, Periodus 114)

P. 50. n. 3.  quis iustius induit arma / scire nefas. magno se iudice quisque tuetur: / victrix cause deis placuit sed victa Catoni. "It is wrong to ask who bore arms more justly. Each could support himself with a high authority: the winning cause pleased the gods, but that of the vanquished pleased Cato." (Lucan, Pharsalia 1, 126ff.)  

P. 51. n. 1.  dominatio quaesita ab utroque est; ... uterque regnare vult. "Personal domination has been sought by both of them; ... both want to rule." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 8, 11, 2)

P. 52. n. 2a.  senatus consultum, quo omnia simul ei divina atque humana decreverat, item ius iurandum, quo se cuncti pro salute unius astrinxerant. " ... a decree of the senate, by which it voted to him every honour, divine and human, and likewise the oath by which the whole of the senate had pledged itself to watch over his safety." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 84, 2)

P. 52. n. 2b.  καὶ αὖθις ἀνεγίγνωσκε τοὺς ὅρκους, ἦ μὴν φυλάξειν Καίσαρα καὶ τὸ Καίσαρος σῶμα παντὶ σθένει πάντας, ἢ εἴ τις ἐπιβουλεύσειεν, ἐξώλεις εἶναι τοὺς οὐκ ἀμύναντας αὐτῷ. "And again he read out the oath, by which they all undertook to protect Caesar and Caesar's person with all their might, and, if anyone should conspire against him, those who failed to defend him were to be accursed." (Appian, Bella Civilia 2, 145, 604) 

P. 52. n. 3a.  verum haec et omnia mala pariter cum honore pecuniae desinent, si neque magistratus neque alis volgo cupienda venalia erunt. "But these and all other evils will come to an end with the worship of money, when neither magistracies nor any of the other things which the vulgar desire are for sale. (Sallust, Ad Caesarem 1, 8, 3)

P. 52. n. 3b.  ergo in primis auctoritatem pecuniae demito. "First of all then, deprive money of its importance." (Sallust, Ad Caesarem 2, 7, 10)

P. 53. n. 2.  constituenda iudicia, revocanda fides, comprimendae libidines, propaganda suboles, omnia quae dilapsa iam diffluxerunt severis legibus vincienda sunt. "The courts of justice must be re-established, confidence must be restored, licentiousness must be repressed, the increase of population must be encouraged, everything which has become lax and disordered must be supported and strengthened by strict laws."  (Cicero, Pro Marcello 8 / 23).

P. 54. n. 3.  sed Pompeius a prima adulescentia sermone fautorum similem se fore credens Alexandro regi, facta consultaque eius quidem aemulus erat. "But from his earliest youth Pompeius had been persuaded by the flattery of his supporters to believe he was the equal of king Alexander, and so he tried to emulate his achievements and plans." Sallust, Fragmenta Historiarum 3, 88 M)

 P. 55. n. 3.  Caesarem se, non regem esse. "He said he was Caesar, not a king." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 79, 2) 

P. 56. n. 1a.  invitis et gementibus adversariis adeptum se quae concupisset, proinde ex eo insultaturum omnium capitibus. "that having now gained his dearest wish, to he annoyance and grief of his opponents, he would now proceed to stamp upon their heads." (Suetonius, Divus Iulius 22, 2).

P. 56. n. 1b.  ego dubitem quin summo in odio sim quom M. Cicero sedeat nec suo commodo me convenire possit? atqui si quisquam est facilis, hic est. tamen non dubito quin me male oderit. "I do not doubt that I must be a most unpopular man, since Marcus Cicero is sitting there and cannot get to see me at his own convenience. Yet, if anyone is easy-going, he is. But I don't doubt he detests me."  (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 1.2)

P. 56. n. 2.  etenim si ille tali ingenio exitum non reperiebat, quis nunc reperiet? "For, if a man of his genius could find no way out, who will find one now? (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 1, 1)

P. 56. n. 3.  omnis fui et nihil expedit. "I have been everything and have gained nothing." (Scriptores Historiae Augustae: Septimius Severus 18, 11) 

P. 56. n. 4.  declaravit id modo temeritas C.Caesaris, qui omnia iura divina et humana pervertit propter eum, quem sibi ipse opinionis errore finxerat, principatum. est autem in hoc genere molestum, quod in maximis animis splendidissimisque ingeniis plerumque exsistunt honoris imperii potentiae gloriae cupiditates. "We saw this proved just now in the effrontery of Gaius Caesar, who to gain that sovereign power which by a depraved imagination he had conceived in his fancy, trod underfoot all the laws of god and men. But the trouble about this matter is that it is in the greatest souls and in the most brilliant geniuses that we usually find ambitions for civil power and military glory springing up." (Cicero, De Officiis 1, 26.  

P. 56. n. 5.  satis diu vel naturae vixi vel gloriae. "I have lived long enough to satisfy either nature or renown." (Cicero, Pro Marcello 8 / 25)

P. 57. n. 1.  rem publicam, si quid sibi eveniret, neque quietam fore et aliquanto deteriore condicione civilia bella subituram. "But if anything happened to him, the republic would have no peace but be plunged into strife under much worse conditions." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 86, 2). 

P. 57. n. 2.  veterem et clementem dominum. "our former gentle master." (Cassius to Cicero, Ad familiares 15, 19, 4)).

P. 57. n. 3a.  dicit enim tamquam in Platonis πολιτεία, non tamquam in Romuli faece sententiam. "For he states his opinion as though he were in Plato's 'Republic' rather than in the dregs of Romulus." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 2, 1, 8)

P. 57. n. 3b.  unius tamen M. Catonis ingenium versutum loquax callidum haud contemno. parantur haec disciplina Graecorum. sed virtus vigilantia labor apud Graecos nulla sunt. "There is one of them, however, Marcus Cato, whose versatile, eloquent and clever talents I do not despise. These are provided by the training of the Greeks, but among the Greeks manliness, vigilance and industry are wholly lacking." (Sallust, Ad Caesarem 2, 9, 3)

P. 58. n. 1a.  magni refert hic quid velit, sed quicquid vult valde vult. "It matters a great deal what he wants, but whatever he does want, he wants it passionately." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 1, 2)

P. 58. n. 1b.  scias eum sentire quae dicit. "You know that he means what he says." (Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 10, 1, 123)  

P, 58, n. 1c.  simpliciter et ingenue. "simply and frankly." (Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus 25, 6)

P. 58. n. 2.  καίτοι πρότερον ἀπαντήσας οὐδὲ προσεῖπε τὸν Πομπηïον, ἄγος ἡγούμενος μέγα πατρὸς φονεῖ διαλέγεσθαι. "And yet before this he would not even speak to Pompeius when he met him, considering it a great abomination to converse with the murderer of his father." (Plutarch, Brutus 4.2)

Chapter V.  The Caesarian Party (pp. 61-77).

P. 61. n. 1a.  ipse Pompeius ab inimicis Caesaris incitatus et quod neminem dignitati secum exaequari volebat, totum se ab eius amicitia averterat et com communibus inimicis in gratiam redierat, quorum ipse maximam partem illo adfinitatis tempore iniunxerat Caesari. "Pompeius himself, encouraged by Caesar's enemies, and because he wished no one to be equal in prestige with himself, had totally withdrawn himself from his friendship with him, and had achieved a reconciliation with their common enemies, the majority of whom he himself had inflicted upon Caesar at the time of their marriage alliance." (Caesar, De Bello Civili 1, 4, 4)

P. 61. n, 1b.  iis qui et illi et mihi semper fuerant inimicissimi, quorum artificiis effectum est ut res publica in hunc statum perveniret. " ... than to those who have always been his and my bitterest enemies, and by whose machinations the state has been brought into its present plight." (Caesar to Oppius and Balbus in Cicero, Ad Atticum 9. 7c, 2)

P. 63. n. 4.  C. Curio, quoius amicitia me paulatim in hance perditam causam imposuit. "Gaius Curio, whose friendship gradually threw me into the accursed cause." (Caelius to Cicero, Ad familiares 8, 17, 1). 

P. 65. N. 1.  cum duce Sullano gerimus civilia bella. "We are waging this civil war with one of Sulla's chiefs." (Lucan, Pharsalia 7, 307). 

P. 67. n. 1.  iam vero publicanos miseros - me etiam miserum illorum ita de me meritorum miseriis ac dolore! - tradidit in servitutem Iudaeis et Syris, nationibus natis servtituti. "And as for the miserable tax-farmers, - miserable man that I am also when I see the miseries of those men who have deserved so well at my hands! - he handed them over as slaves to the Jews and Syrians, nations born themselves for slavery." (Cicero, De provinciis consularibus 5 (10).

P. 67. n. 7.  T. Labienus Galliae praefecit togatae, quo maior ei commendatio conciliaretur ad consulatus petitionem. "He made Titus Labienus governor (of Cisalpine Gaul), by which means more support might be won for himself in his bid for the consulship." (Caesar [Hirtius], De Bello Gallico 8, 52, 1) 

P. 68. n. 2.  nam ab Anco Marcio sunt Marcii Reges, quo nomine fuit mater; a Venere Iulii, cuius gentis familia est nostra. est ergo in genere et sanctitas regum, qui plurimum inter homines pollent, et caerimonia deorum, quorum ipsi in potestate sunt reges. "For the Marcii Reges, under which name her mother was born, are descended from Ancus Marcius; the Julii, from which stock our family comes, are descended from Venus. Thus, in her descent there is united both the sanctity of kings who prevail among men, and the reverence due to gods, who hold even kings in their power." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 6, 1)  

P. 68. n. 3.  sibi, patricio homini, cuius ipsius atque maiorum pluruma benificia in plebem Romanam essent. " ... that he, a patrician man, whose own services , as well as those of his ancestors, had been so numerous ... " (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 31, 7)

P. 70. n. 1a.  se Caesarem esse fidemque praestaturum. "He was Caesar and he would keep faith."  ([Caesar] De Bello Hispaniensi 19, 6) 

P. 70. n. 1b.  neque clientes sine summa infamia deseri possunt. "nor could his clients be abandoned without the utmost disgrace." (Caesar, Pro Bithynis, quoted by Aulus Gellius in his Noctes Atticae 5, 13, 6)

P. 70. n. 2.  si grassatorum et sicariorum ope in tuenda sua dignitate usus esset, talibus quoque se parem gratiam relaturum. "if he had made use of the assistance of bandits and cut-throats in the defence of his honour, he would have shown them gratitude in such ways as well." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 72)

P. 70. n. 3. infimorum hominum amicitiam. "the friendship of the greatest scoundrels." (Caelius to Cicero, Ad familiares 8, 4, 2)

P. 70. n. 4.  an me deleto non animum advertebatis habere legiones populum Romanum quae non solum vobis obsistere sed etiam caelum diruere possent? "Did you not realise that, even if I were destroyed, the Roman people has legions which could not only stop you, but could even bring the sky tumbling down about you? ([Caesar] De Bello Hispaniensi 42, 7)  

P. 72. n. 4.  nam huic quidem ipsi quis est umquam inventus inimicus aut quis iure esse potuit? "For who has ever been found who would confess himself an enemy to this man? (Cicero, Pro Balbo 58)

P. 73. n. 1.  an publicanos qui numquam firmi sed nunc Caesari sunt amicissimi, an faenatores, an agricolas, quibus optimatissimum est otium? nisi eos timere putas ne sub regno sint qui id numquam, dum modo otiosi essent, recusarunt. "Or is it the tax-farmers, never a reliable class and now closely attached to Caesar? Or the financiers? Or the farmers, whose first prayer is for peace? Do you suppose that they would object to living under a despot, when they have never objected to anyone, so long as they are left in peace." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 7, 7, 5)

P. 73. n. 5.  fuit enim pueris nobis huius pater, C. Curtius, princeps ordinis equestris, fortissimus et maximus publicanus, cuius in negotiis gerendis magnitudinem animi non tam homines probassent, nisi in eodem benignitas incredibilis fuisset, ut in augenda re non avaritiae praedam, sed instrumentum bonitati quaerere videretur. "For when we were children, this man's father, Gaius Curtius, was a most gallant chief of the equestrian order, and a most extensive farmer of the public revenues, a man whose greatness of spirit, as displayed in carrying on his business, men would not have so greatly esteemed, if an incredible kindness had not also distinguished him, so that, while increasing his property, he seemed not so much to be seeking to gratify his avarice, as to be procuring additional means for exerting his kindness." (Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo 3).   

P. 74. n. 2.  Xerxes togatus. "The Roman Xerxes." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 33, 4) 

P. 76. n. 4.  quem non puduit locupletiorem esse Pompeio. "who was not ashamed to be richer than Pompey." (Seneca, De tranquillitate animi 8, 6)

P. 77. n. 2.  at Balbus aedificat. τί γὰρ αὐτῷ μέλει; "Balbus, now, is building. Why does he bother?"(Cicero, Ad Atticum 12, 2, 2) 

Chapter VI.  Caesar's New Senators (pp. 78-96).

P. 78. n. 1a.  honorum omnium dehonestamentum. "the disfigurement of all honours." (Sallust, Fragmenta Historiarum  1, 55, 22 M)

P. 78. n. 1b.  primipilaris. "centurion of the first maniple." (Orosius, Historiae Adversum Paganos 5, 21, 3)

P. 78. n. 2a.  colluvies. "a rabble." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 9, 10, 7)

P. 78. n. 2b.  νέκυια. "a rabble." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 9, 18, 2)

P. 79. n. 2.  Gallos Caesar in triumphum ducit, idem in curiam. Galli bracas deposuerunt, latum clavum sumpserunt. "Caesar led Gauls in his triumph, and the same man led them into the senate. The Gauls took off their trousers and put on tunics with a broad purple stripe." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 80, 2) 

P. 79. n. 3.  est enim ille flos Italiae, illud firmamentum imperi populi Romani, illud ornamentum dignitatis. "For that province is the flower of Italy, that is the bulwark of the empire of the Roman people, that is the chief ornament of our dignity." (Cicero, Philippicae 3, 13). 

P. 81. n. 1a.  cetera multitudo insiticia. "The rest are for the most part grafted upon the state." (Sallust, Ad Caesarem 2, 11, 13). 

P. 81. n. 1b.  iam et tota Italia delecti. "now having been picked out of all Italy." (Cicero, Pro Sulla 20) 

P. 81. n. 1c.  homo novus parvusque senator. "the new man and insignificant senator." ([Caesar] De Bello Africano 57, 4)

P. 81. n. 1d. ignoti homines et repentini. "men unknown and recently arrived on the scene." (Cicero, Brutus 242)

P. 81. n. 1e.  homo per se magnus. "a man of great natural capacity." (Cicero, Brutus 175). 

P. 81. n. 3.  vir optimus et constantissimus. "a virtuous and most steadfast man." (Cicero, Pro Sestio 76).

P. 82. n. 1a.  equestris ordinis princeps. "being at the head of the equestrian order." (Cicero to Decimus Brutus, Ad familiares  11, 16, 2)

P. 82, n. 1b.  vir praestantissimus et ornatissimus. "a most excellent and accomplished man." (Cicero, In Pisonem 64)

P. 82. n. 2.  Postumus Curtius venit nihil nisi classes loquens et exercitus. "Postumus Cutius came by, talking about nothing but fleets and armies." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 9, 2a, 3).

P. 82. n. 3a.  hominem in parte Italiae minime contemnenda facile omnium nobilissimum. "far and away the greatest noble in an important district of Italy." (Cicero to Caecina, Ad familiares 6, 6, 9) 

P. 82. n. 3b.  homo non solum municipi Larinatis ex quo erat sed etiam regionis illius et vicininatis virtute, existimatine, nobilitate princeps. "a man foremost in virtue, reputation and nobility, not only in the town of Larinum, from which he came, but also in that region and neighbourhood." (Cicero, Pro Cluentio 11)

P. 83. n. 1.  Aeli vetusto nobilis ab Lamo. "O Aelius, nobly descended from Lamus." (Horace, Odes 3, 17, 1)

P. 83. n. 8.  Cilnius genus praepotens divitiarum invidia pelli armis coeptum. " a movement was begun for the Cilnii, a very powerful family, to be driven out by force of arms through envy of their wealth." (Livy, Ab urbe condita 10, 3,2)

P. 84. n. 5.  Italiam per clientelas occupare temptavit. "attempted to make himself master of Italy by means of his descendants." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Tiberius 2, 2)

P. 86. n. 3.  quam sua libertas ad honesta coegerat arma. "whom it own freedom compelled to take up arms honourably." (Ovid, Amores 3, 15. 9)

P. 87. n. 4.  eruendam delendamque urbem, adiciens numquam defuturos raptores Italicae libertatis lupos nisi silva, in quam refugere solerent, esset excisa. "Their city must be overthrown and destroyed, and adding that these wolves, the ravishers of Italy's liberty, will never vanish unless the forest, in which they are accustomed to take refuge, is cut down," (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 27, 2)

P. 88. n. 2.  διὰ δὲ περιφάνειαν ἔγων καὶ γένος ἐς τὸ Ῥωμαίων βουλευτήριον ἀνακεκλημένος. "on account of his noble deeds, and on account of his wealth and his lineage, he was summoned to the senate of the Romans." (Appian, Bella Civilia 4, 4, 25)

P. 89. n.1.  princeps iam diu publicanorum. "now chief of the tax-farmers  for some time."  (Cicero, Pro Plancio 24). 

P. 89. n. 4.  illa robora populi Romani. "those bulwarks of the Roman people." (Cicero, Pro Cluentio [56] 153)

P. 89. n. 6.  ad hoc multi ex coloniis et municipiis domi nobiles. "for this purpose there were many from the colonies and municipal towns, nobles in their own localities." (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 17. 4)

P. 90. n. 3.  tantis rebus gestis.  "by the great things which he had done." (Caesar, De Bello Civili 1, 13, 1) 

P. 90. n. 7.  princeps coloniae. "the chief man of the colony." (Valerius Maximus, Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 9, 3, 8) 

P. 91. n. 5a.  Scatonem illum, hominem sua virtute egentem, ut is qui in Marsis, ubi natus est, tectum quo imbris vitandi causa succederet iam nullum haberet. "That fellow Scato, a man whose virtue it was, no doubt, that had made him poor, so poor that among the Marsi, where he was born, he had no house in which he could take refuge from the rain." (Cicero, De domo sua 116)

P. 91. n. 5b.  Marso nescio quo Octavio, scelerato latrone atque egenti. (" ... some Marsian, they call him Octavius, with a legion, a wicked and needy robber." (Cicero, Philippicae 11, 4).

P. 91, n. 6.  οὐκ ἐπαύσατο πρὶν ἢ πάντας τοὺς ἐν ὀνόματι Σαυνιτῶν διέφθειρεν ἤ ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐξέβαλε. "he did not stop until he had either killed all those with the name of Samnites or expelled them from Italy." (Strabo, Geographia p. 249)

Chapter VII. The Consul Antonius (pp. 97-111).

P. 97. n. 2.  scripsissem ardentius. "I should have written with more fire." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 15, 1a, 2)

P. 98. n. 1a.  quibus perpauca a se verba addidit. "To these he added a very few words of his own." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 84. 2)

P. 98. n. 1b.  quo in statu simus, cognoscite. heri vesperi apud me Hirtius fuit; qua mente esset Antonius demonstravit, pessima scilicet et infidelissima. "Yesterday evening Hirtius called on me, and told me about Antonius' disposition, which is, of course, as bad and as untrustworthy as possible." (Decimus Brutus to Marcus Brutus and Gaius Cassius in Cicero, Ad familiares 11, 1)

P. 99. n. 2.  animo virili, consilio puerili. "with the courage of men but with the judgement of children." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 21, 3)

P. 101. n. 4.  quos tu ipse clarissimos viros soles appellare. "whom you yourself are accustomed to call most illustrious men." (Cicero, Philippicae 2, 5) 

P. 102. n. 1.  prorsus ibat res; nunc autem videmur habituri ducem: quod unum municipia bonique desiderant.  "Things are really going better; and now we seem to be about to have a leader; this is one thing which the country towns and honest men lack." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 20, 4)

P. 102. n. 3.  non minus se nostrorum arma timere quam Antoni. "He was no less afraid of our side appealing to arms than of Antonius doing so." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 15, 1, 3)

P. 105. n. 1a.  eo de homine haud sum ignarus sinistram in urbe famam, pleraque foeda memorari; ceterum regendis provinciis prisca virtute egit. "Of this man I am not unaware that he had a bad reputation in the city and many foul things were said about him; but in the government of provinces he acted with the virtue of ancient times." (Tacitus, Annales 6, 32).

P. 105. n. 1b.  magis extra vitia quam cum virtutibus. " ... free of vices rather than distinguished by virtues." (Tacitus, Historiae 1. 49)  

P. 106. n. 1a.  Antoni colloquium cum heroibus nostris pro re nata non incommodum. "Antonius' conversation with our heroes is not unsatisfactory under the circumstances." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 6,1)

P. 106. n. 1b.  optime iam etiam Bruto nostro probari Antonium. "It is a very good thing that Antonius is so approved of even by our friend Brutus." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 8, 1)

P. 106. n. 4.  habes igitur φαλάκρωμα inimicissimum otii, id est Bruti. "So you have that bald-pate so bitterly hostile to peace, that is to Brutus." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 2, 3)

P. 106. n. 5.  pacis isti scilicet amatores et non latrocini auctores. "No doubt these men are lovers of peace and not agents of robbery." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 10, 2)

P. 108. n. 5.  sed quid haec ad nos? odorare tamen Antoni διάθεσιν; quem quidem ego epularum magis arbitror rationem habere quam quicquam mali cogitare. "But what is all that to me? Yet, do try to sniff out Antonius' intentions; indeed, I fancy he is more concerned about his banquets than about planning anything harmful." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 3, 2) 

Chapter VIII.  Caesar's Heir (pp. 112-122). 

P. 112. n. 1.  ipse Augustus nihil amplius quam equestri familia ortum se scribit vetere ac locuplete, et in qua primus senator pare suus fuerit. "Augustus himself tells us nothing more than that he was descended from an equestrian family, both ancient and wealthy, among whom his father was the first to become a senator." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 2, 3)

P. 112. n. 2.  gravis sanctus innocens dives. " a man of dignity, and of upright and blameless life, and of great wealth." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 59, 2)

P. 113. n. 2.  et te, o puer, qui omnia nomini debes. "And you, O boy, who owes everything to his name." (Cicero, Philippicae 13, 4)

P. 114. n. 4.  nam de Octavio susque deque. "As for Octavius, it's of no consequence." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 6, 1)

P. 114. n. 4.  mihi totus deditus. "he is quite devoted to me." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 11, 2)

P. 117. n. 2.  haec ille in publicum; interiore gaudio sibi illum natum seque in eo nasci interpretatus est, et si verum fatemur, salutare id terris fuit. "This is what he proclaimed in public, but, in secret, he rejoiced at this auspicious omen, interpreting it as produced for himself; and, to confess the truth, it really proved a salutary omen for the world at large." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 2 [25] 94) 

P. 117. n. 4a.  haec adferebant, edictum Bruti et Cassi, et fore sequentem senatum Kalendis, a Bruto et Cassio litteras missas ad consularis et praetorios ut adessent rogare. summam spem nuntiabant fore ut Antonius cederet, res conveniret, nostri Romam redirent. "They brought news of the following: Brutus' and Cassius' edict, a full meeting of the senate to take place on the Kalends, letters despatched by Brutus and Cassius to ex-consuls and ex-praetors, asking them to be present. They reported high hopes that Antonius would give way, some agreement would be reached, and our friends would return to Rome." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 16, 7, 1)

P. 117. n. 4b.  rem conventuram: Kalendis Sextilibus senatum frequentem fore. "that the parties were coming to an agreement: that the senate was to meet on 1st August." (Cicero, Philippicae 1, 8) 

P. 118. n. 1.  M. Antoni contionem, quae mihi ita placuit ut ea lecta de reversione primum coeperim cogitare. " ... the harangue of Marcus Antonius, which was so pleasing to me that, after I had read it, I began for the first time to think of returning." (Cicero, Philippicae 1, 8)

P.  121. n. 1.  vitio mihi dant quod mortem hominis necesarii graviter fero atque eum quem dilexi perisse indignor; aiunt enim patriam amicitiae praeponendam esse, proinde ac si iam vicerint obitum eius p. fuisse utilem. sed non agam astute; fateor me ad istum gradum sapientiae non pervenisse; neque enim Caesarem in dissensione civili sum secutus sed amicum. "People blame me for showing grief at the death of a dear friend, and expressing indignation that the man whom I loved had been killed; for they say that country should be preferred to friendship, as though they had actually proved that his death had benefited the republic. But I shall not try to be clever; I confess that I have not attained that height of philosophy; for in the civil conflict I did not follow Caesar, but a friend." (Gaius Matius to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 31, 2f.)

P. 122. n. 1a.  εἰρήνουν ἔτι καὶ ἐπόλεμουν ἤδη· τό τε τῆς ἐλευθερίας σχῆμα ἐφαντάζετο καὶ τὰ τῆς δυναστείας ἔργα ἐγίγνετο. "The citizens were still at peace and yet already at war; the appearance of liberty was maintained, but the deeds done were those of a monarchy." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 45, 11, 1f) 

P. 122. n. 1b.  ἐφίλουν μὲν γὰρ οὐδέτερον, νέων δὲ δὴ ἀεὶ πραγμάτων ἐπιθουμοῦντες, καὶ τὸ μὲν κρεῖττον ἀει πᾶν καθαιρεῖν τῳ δὲ πιεζομένῳ βοηθεῖν πεφυκότες, ἀπεχρῶντο αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὰ σφέτερα ἐπιθυμήματα. ταπεινώσαντες οὖν τότε διὰ Καίσαρος τὸν Ἀντώνιον, ἔπειτα κἀκεινον καταλῦσαι ἐπεχείρησαν. "For they loved neither man, but they were always eager for a change of government, and it was their nature to overthrow every party that had the upper hand and to help the one that was being oppressed; consequently they made use of the two to suit their own desires. Thus, after humbling Antonius at this time through Caesar, they next undertook to destroy the latter also." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 45, 11, 3)

Chapter IX.  The First March on Rome (pp. 123-134). 

P. 124. n.1.  prudentes autem et boni viri et credunt factum et probant. "Yet men of the world and loyalists both believe it took place and approve of it." (Cicero to Cornificius, Ad familiares 12, 23, 2)

P. 124. n. 3.  videtur enim res publica ius suum recuperatura. "For it seems the republic is about to recover its legitimate authority." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 15, 13, 4) 

P. 128. n. 2a.  Octavius, quem quidem sui Caesarem salutabant, Philippus non, itaque ne nos quidem. "Octavius, whom his own people addressed as Caesar, but Philippus did not, so I didn't either." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 12, 2)

P. 128. n. 2b.  Sed quid aetati credendum sit, quid nomini, quid hereditati, quid κατηχήσει, magni consili est. Vitricus quidem nihil censebat, quam Astura vidimus. "But it is a grave question how far one can trust a man of his age, name, inheritance, and upbringing. His step-father, whom I have seen at Astura, thinks not at all." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 15, 12, 2) 

P. 129. n. 3.  M. Agrippae pater ne post Agrippam quidem notus. "The father of Marcus Agrippa was unknown even after Agrippa became famous." (Seneca, De Beneficiis 3, 32, 4)

P. 131. n. 4.  et nosti virum quam tectus. "you know too what a reserved fellow he is." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 21, 2)

P. 131. n. 9. καὶ ταυτα αὐτῳ Βουλευομένῳ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις συνέδοκει φίλοις, οἲ μετεῖχον τῆς στρατείας τῶν τε μετὰ ταῦτα πραγμάτων. ἤσαν δὲ οὗτοι Μάρκος Ἀγριππας, Λευκιος Μαικήνος, Κοίντος Ἰουέντιος, Μάρκος Μοδιάλιος καὶ Λεύκιος. " ... and in this plan and in the events which followed, he had the approval of his friends. These were Marcus Agrippa, Lucius Maecenas, Quintus Juventius, Marcus Modalius and Lucius (Balbus or Cornificius)." (Nicolaus Damascenus, Vita Caesaris 31, 133)

P. 133. n. 2a.  λῆρος πολὺς in vino et somno istorum. "There is much nonsense in their drunken slumber." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 16, 1, 4)

P. 133. n. 2b.  quos ego penitus novi libidinum et languoris effeminatissimi animi plenos. "whom I know to be thoroughly full of vice and the most womanish weakness." (Cicero to Tiro, Ad familiares 16, 27, 1)

P. 133. n. 3.  ille optime loqitur, sed vivit habitatque cum Balbo, qui item bene loqitur. "He speaks very well, but he passes his time, and shares a house, with Balbus, who also speaks well too." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 20, 4) 

P. 133. n. 4.  inimicum Antonio? quando aut cur? quousque ludemur? "Will he oppose Antonius? When and why? How much longer are we to be fooled? (Cicero, Ad Atticum 15, 22, 1)  

P. 134. n. 2.  ἦσαν δ' οἱ ἐν μέσῳ τὴν ἔχθραν ἀνάγοντες αὐτῶν καί πράττοντες τοῦτο. τούτων δ' ἤσαν κορυφαῖοι Πόπλιος, Οὐίβος, Λεύκιος, πάντων δὲ μάλιστα Κικέρων. "There were others who from the middle ground tried to foment enmity between them, and did so ..... and the foremost of these were Publius (Servilius), Vibius (Pansa), Lucius (Piso) and, most of all, Cicero." (Nicolaus Damascenus, Vita Caesaris 28, 111)

Chapter X.  The Senior Statesman (pp. 135-148).

P. 135. n. 2.  villula sordida et valde pusilla. "It is a shabby little house and very tiny." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 12, 27, 1)   

P. 138. n. 3.  niminum timemus mortem et exsilium et paupertatem, haec nimirum videntur Ciceroni ultima esse in malis, et dum habeat a  quibus impetret quae velit, et a quibus colatur ac laudetur, servitutem, honorificam modo, non aspernatur. "We are over-fearful of death, exile, and poverty. I think that these are the worst of evils in Cicero's eyes, and while he has people from whom to get what he wants, and by whom to be made much of and flattered, he has no aversion to servitude." (Cicero, Ad M. Brutum 1, 17, 4). 

P. 139. n. 1.  nec vero usquam discedebam nec a re publica deiciebam oculos ex eo die quo in aedem Telluris convocati sumus. "Nor did I depart anywhere, nor did I ever take my eyes off the republic from the day on which we were summoned to meet in the temple of Tellus." (Cicero, Philippicae 1,1)

P. 139. n. 2.  Nam qui se medium esse vult in patria manet. "For a man who wishes to be neutral stays in his country." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 10, 10, 2)

P. 139. n. 4.  Sextum scutim abicere nolebam. "I don't want Sextus to discard his shield." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 15, 29, 1)

P. 140. n. 2.  nec ego nunc, ut Brutus censebat, istuc ad  rem publicam capessendam venio. "Nor am I now going back there to take part in politics, as Brutus recommends." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 16, 7, 7)

P. 141. n. 3.  sed tamen alendum est et, ut nihil aliud, ab Antonio seiungendus. "Still he is to be encouraged and, if nothing else, kept apart from Antonius." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 15, 12, 2)

P. 142. n. 4.  nec me Philippus aut Marcellus movet, alia enim eorum ratio est: et, si non est, tamen videtur. "I am not influenced by Philippus or Marcellus. their position is different; and, if it isn't, it appears to be." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 16, 14, 2)

P. 143. n. 1.  licet ergo patrem appellet Octavius Ciceronem, referat omnia, laudet, gratias aget, tamen illud apparebit verba rebus esse contraria. "Therefore, although Octavius calls Cicero 'father', consults him in everything, praises him and thanks him, yet the words will come out that words do not agree with deeds." (Cicero, Ad Brutum 1, 17, 5)

P. 143. n. 3.  omnis habeo cognitos sensus adulescentis. nihil est illi re publica carius, nihil vestra auctoritate gravius, nihil bonorum virorum iudicio optatius, ninhil vrea gloria dulcius. "I am well acquainted with all the feelings of the young man: there is nothing dearer to him than the republic, nothing that he considers of more weight than your authority; nothing that he desires more than the approbation of virtuous men, nothing that he accounts sweeter than genuine glory." (Cicero, Philippicae 5, 50)

P. 145. n. 3.  ecce tibi qui rex populi Romani dominusque omnium gentium esse concupiverit idque perfecerit. hanc cupiditatem si honestam quis esse dicit, amens est; probat enim legumet libertatis interitum earumque oppressionem taetram et detestablilem gloriosam putat. "Behold, here you have a man who was ambitious to be king of the Roman People and master of the whole world; and he achieved it! The man who maintains that such an ambition is morally right is a madman; for he justifies the destruction of law and liberty, and thinks their hideous and detestable suppression glorious." (Cicero, De Officiis 3, 83)

P. 145. n. 5.  loquitur de instituendo principe civitatis quem dicit alendum esse gloria. "He says concerning a chief of state being appointed that he must be  nourished by glory." (St. Augustine, De civitate dei 5, 13)

P. 147. n. 1.  Maiore enim simultates adpetebat animo quam gerebat. "For he began enmities with a spirit greater than he could sustain." (Seneca the Elder, Suasoriae 6, 24)

P. 147. n. 2.  quorum consiliorum Caesari me auctorem et hortatorem et esse et fuisse fateor. "Of these counsels I confess that I have been and still am an adviser and prompter to Caesar" (Cicero, Philippicae 3, 19)

P. 147. n. 3.  O Brute, ubi es? quantam εὐκαιρίαν amittis! "O Brutus, what an opportunity you are losing!" (Cicero, Ad Atticum 16, 8, 2)

P. 148. n. 1.  usque ad exitum non quidem civilis dissensionis, cuius finem nullum videmus, sed vitae Caesaris. "not up to the end of the civil war, of which no end is in sight, but up to the end of Caesar's life." (Caesar [Hirtius] De Bello Gallico 8, praef. 2)

Chapter XI.  Political Catchwords (pp. 149-161).

P. 149,. n. 2.  Vulturii paludati. "Vultures in a general's cloak." (Cicero, Pro Sestio 71)

P. 150. n. 9.  vir fortis. "a gallant man." (Cicero, De imperio Cn. Pompei 52;57)

P. 150. n. 9.  cum optimos viros, tum homines doctissimos. "both excellent men, and the most learned of mankind." (Cicero, De finibus 2, 119) 

 P. 151. n. 5.  videte quam despiciamur omnes qui sumus e municipiis, id est omnes plane: quotus enim quisque nostrum non est? "Just see how all of us who come from the municipal towns - that's absolutely all of us - are despised; for how few of us are there who do not come from those towns?" (Cicero, Philippicae 3, 15)  

 P. 151. n. 9.  concurrite omnes augures, haruspices! / portentum inusitatum conflatum est recens: / nam mulas qui fricabat, consul factus est. "Come together all you augurs and soothsayers! A strange portent has lately occurred: for a man who has rubbed down mules has become consul." (Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae 15, 4, 3) 

P. 151. n. 10.  urbani, servate uxores, moechum calvum adducimus. / aurum in Gallia effutuisti, hic sumpsisti mutuum. "Citizens, look out for your wives! We are bringing home that bald adulterer. The gold you spent in Gaul on dalliance you borrowed here in Rome." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 51)

P. 152. n. 1.  ὡς γελοῖον ὕπατον ἔχομεν. "What a droll consul we have!" (Plutarch, Cato minor 21)

P. 154. n. 1. bonum publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentis certabant. "while all were claiming to represent the public good, each one contended on behalf of his own interests." (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 38. 3)

P. 154. n. 2.  bonique et mali cives appellati non ob merita in rem publicam omnibus pariter corruptis, sed uti quisque locupletissimus et iniuria validior, quia praesentia defendebat, pro bono ducebatur. "Citizens were not called 'good' or 'bad' according to their public conduct, because in that respect they were all equally corrupt; but those who were wealthiest and most able to inflict harm, were considered 'good' because they defended the existing state of affairs." (Sallust, Fragmenta Historiarum  1, 12, M)

P. 154. n. 3.  καὶ τὴν εἰωθυῖαν ἀξίωσιν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐς τὰ ἔργα ἁντήλλαξαν τῇ δικαιώσει. "and they changed the usual meaning of words in relation to facts by the arbitrary construction put upon them." (Thucydides 3, 82, 3)

P. 154. n. 4.  οἱ μὲν γὰρ εὖ πράξαντες καὶ εὔβουλοι καὶ φιλοπόλιδες ἐνομίσθησαν, οἱ δὲ δὴ πταίσαντες και πολέμιοι τῆς πατρίδος καὶ ἀλιτήριοι ὠνομάσθην. "For those who were successful were considered shrewd and patriotic, while the defeated were called enemies of their country and accursed." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 46, 34, 5. 

P. 155. n. 2. paene oppressam funditus et deletam Italiam urbemque Romanam libertatem vindicavit. "and he restored the independence of Italy and the city of Rome when they were almost totally overwhelmed and destroyed." ([Caesar], Bellum Africanum 22, 2).

P. 155. n. 3.  ut se et populum Romanum factione paucorum oppressum in libertatem vindicaret. "in order to liberate himself and the Roman people who had been oppressed by a small faction." (Caesar, De Bello Civili 1, 22, 5)

P. 155. n. 4.  ceterum libertas et speciosa nomina praetexuntur; nec quisquam alienum servitium et dominationem sibi concupivit ut non eadem ista vocabula usurparet. "Liberty, indeed, and similarly specious names are their pretexts; but never did any man seek to enslave his fellows and secure dominion for himself without using the very same words." (Tacitus, Historiae 4, 73)

P. 155. n. 5.  annos undeviginti natus exercitum privato consilio et privata impensa comparavi, per quem rem publicam a dominatione factionis oppressam in libertatem vindicavi. "At the age of nineteen, at my own initiative and at my own expense, I raised an army, by means of which I restored liberty to the republic which had been oppressed by the tyranny of a faction." (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae 1)

P. 156. n. 1. timere otium. "to be afraid of peace." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 21, 2; 15,  2, 3)

P. 156. n. 3a.  pacificator. "peacemaker," (Cicero, Ad Atticum 15, 7)

P. 156. n. 3b.  ista pacificatio. "that peacemaking of yours." (Cicero to Lepidus, Ad familiares 10, 27, 2). 

P. 156. n. 4.  et nomen pacis dulce est et ipsa res salutaris; sed inter pacem et servitutem plurimum interest. "The name of peace is sweet and the thing itself is salutary; but there is a very wide  difference between peace and slavery." (Cicero, Philippicae 2, 113)

P. 156. n. 5.  cur igitur pacem nolo? quia turpis est, quia periculosa, quia esse non potest. "So why do I not want peace? Because it would be shameful, because it would be perilous, because it cannot possibly be real." (Cicero, Philippicae 7, 9)

P. 156. n. 6.  timui ne condicio insidiosa pacis libertatis recuperandae studia restingueret. "I have been afraid lest the insidious terms of peace dampen our zeal for the recovery of our liberty." (Cicero, Philippicae 13, 1)

P. 156. n. 7.  dicam quod dignum est et senatore et Romano homine - moriamur. "I will say what it becomes one who is both a senator and a Roman man to say - let us die!" (Cicero, Philippicae 7, 14) 

P. 157. n. 1.  sed haec inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est. "but such a union between honourable men is friendship, but between bad men it is a faction." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 31, 15) 

P. 157. n. 2. Εὐσέβεια. "Piety." (Appian, Bellum Civilia 2, 104, 430)

P. 157. n. 3. Magnus Pompeius Pius. "Pompeius the Great, the Dutiful." (BMC, R. Rep. II, 370 ff; ILS 8891)

P. 157, n. 4.  pietae erga parentem et necessitudine rei publicae, in qua nullus tunc legibus locus, ad arma civilia actum. "That dutiful feeling towards a father, and the necessities of the state, in which laws had no place at that time, drove him into civil war." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 9)

P. 157. n. 5. διὰ γὰρ τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν εὐσέβειαν καὶ ἑπωνυμίαν ἑαυτῷ Πίεταν ἐπεθετο. "in fact, because of his devotion to his brother he took the cognomen Pietas." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 48, 5, 4)

P. 158. n. 1.  quid? si ipsas inimicitias depono rei publicae causa, quis me tandem iure reprehendet? "What if I lay aside my enmity itself for the sake of the republic, who, I should like to know, would have the right to blame me?" (Cicero, De provinciis consularibus 20) 

P. 158. n. 2.  semper se rei publicae commoda privatis necessitudinibus habuisse potiora. "He had always considered the interests of the state as more important than the claims of personal connections." (Caesar, De Bello Civili 1, 8, 3)

P. 158. n. 3a.  omnis Caesar inimicitias rei publicae condonavit. "Caesar has sacrificed all those enmities for the republic." (Cicero, Philippicae 5, 50).

P. 158. n. 3b.  sane Cassii et Brutorum exitus paternis inimicitiis datos, quamquam fas sit privata odia publicis utilitatibus remittere. "Even granting that the death of Cassius and of the Bruti were sacrifices to a hereditary enmity - though duty requires us to  waive private feuds for the sake of public welfare." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 10) 

P. 158. n. 4.  ut privatis offensionibus omissis summae rei p. consulatis "to forget private quarrels and to consult for the highest interests of the republic." (Lepidus to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 35, 2)  

P, 158. n. 5.  nonme impedient privatae offensiones quo minus pro rei p. salute etiam cum inimicissimo consentiam. "I will not be prevented by private quarrels from coming to an understanding with my bitterest foe on behalf of the safety of the republic." (Plancus to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 11, 3)

P. 158. 6a.  Hirtium per me meliorem fieri volunt. "They want Hirtius to be made a better citizen by my influence." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 14, 20, 4)

P. 158. 6b.  orat ac petit ut Hirtium quam optimum faciam. " ... begs and entreats me to make Hirtius as sound as possible." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 15, 5, 1)

P. 158. n. 7. Ferventes latrones, parricidae, furor. "Raging brigands, parricides, madness." (Plancus to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 23, 3; 5)

P. 158. n. 8.  si posset aliqua ratione perduci ad sanitatem. "If, by any means, he could be brought to see reason." ([Caesar] Bellum Africanum 4, 1)

P. 159. n. 1.  οὔτε στρατεύεσθαι νομίζουσι μᾶλλον ἦ βοηθεῖν οἰκείᾳ χάριτι καὶ γνώμῃ. "they thought they were not so much serving in the army as lending assistance by their own goodwill and judgement." (Appian, Bella Civilia 5, 17, 69)

P. 159. n. 2.  ἥ τε τῶν στρατηγῶν ὑπόκρισις μία, ὠς ἀπάντων ἐς τὰ συμφέροντα τῇ πατρίδι βοηθούντων, εὐχερεστέρους ἐποίει πρὸς τὴν μεταβολὴν ὡς πανταχοῦ τῇ πατρίδι βοηθοῦντας. "The common pretext of the generals that they were all assisting the interests of their country made men readier to change sides, since they were assisting their country wherever they were." (Appian, Bella Civilia 5, 17, 71)  

P. 159. n. 3.  haec nova sit ratio vincendi ut misericordia et liberalitate nos muniamus. "Let this be the new style of conquest, to fortify ourselves by mercy and generosity." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 9, 7c, 1)

P. 159. n. 4. parce civibus. "Spare citizens!" (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Iulius 75, 2)

P. 159. n. 5a.  nam exercitus cunctus consuetudinem suam in civibus conservandis communique pace seditione facta retinuit meque tantae multitudinis civium Romanorum salutis atque incolumitatis causam suscipere, ut vere dicam, coegit. "For my whole army broke into a mutiny, by way of retaining its traditional principle of preserving fellow-citizens and the general peace, and, in all honesty, compelled me to undertake to  defend the lives and civil rights of so large a number of Roman citizens." (Lepidus to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 35, 1) 

P. 159. n. 5b.  εἰρήνην τε καὶ ἔλεον ἐς ἀτυχοῦντας πολίτας. "peace and compassion to distressed fellow-citizens." (Appian, Bella Civilia 3, 84, 345)

P. 160. n. 2.  Ob cives servatos. "For saving citizens." (BMC, R. Emp. 1, 29)

P. 160. n. 4.  non enim effudit: in salute rei publicae conlocavit. "For he has not spent it: he has invested it in the safety of the republic." (Cicero, Philippicae 3, 3)

P. 160. n. 6.  ieci sententia mea maximo vestro consensu fundamenta rei publicae. "I laid, in my opinion with the greatest agreement on your part, the constitutional foundations of the republic." (Cicero, Philippicae 5, 30)

P. 160. n. 7.  qua lege, qua iure? eo quod Iuppiter ipse sanxit, ut omnia quae rei publicae salutaria essent legitima et iusta haberentur. "By what law, by what right? By that which Jupiter himself has sanctioned, that everything which was advantageous to the republic should be considered legal and just." (Cicero, Philippicae 11, 28) 

P. 160. n. 8.  nam extraordinarium imperium populare atque ventosum est, minime nostrae gravitatis, monime huius ordinis. "For an extraordinary command is a measure suited rather to the fickle character of the mob, one which does not at all become our dignity or this order." (Cicero, Philippicae 11, 17)

P. 160. n. 9.  nam et Brutus et Cassius multis iam in rebus ipse sibi senatus fuit. "For both Brutus and Cassius have been, in many respects a senate in themselves." (Cicero, Philippicae 11, 27)

Chapter XII. The Senate against Antonius (pp. 162-175).

P. 162. n. 1a.  deinceps laudatur provincia Gallia meritoque ornatur verbis amplissimis ab senatu quod resistat Antonio. quem si consulem illa provincia putaret neque eum reciperet, magno scelere se astringeret; omnes enim in consulis iure et imperio debent esse provinciae. "In the next place the province of Gaul is praised, and is deservedly complimented in the most honourable language by the senate for resisting Antonius. But, if that province considered him the consul, and still refused to receive him, it would be guilty of great wickedness. For all the provinces belong to the consul as of right, and are bound to obey him." (Cicero, Philippicae 4, 9)

P. 162. n. 1b.  qua re non puto Pansam et Hirtium in consulatu properaturos in provincias exire sed Romae acturos consulatum. "Wherefore I don't suppose that Pansa and Hirtius will hurry themselves to go to their provinces whilst they are consuls, but will conduct the consulship at Rome." (P. Lentulus Spinther to Cicero, Ad familiares 12, 14, 5)

P. 164. n. 7a.  nam illud quidem non adducor ut credam, esse quosdam qui invideant alicuis constantiae, qui labori, qui perpetuam in re publica adiuvanda voluntatem et senatui et populo Romano probari moleste ferant. "For I will never be induced to believe that there are men who envy the the consistency or diligence of others and who are indignant at the unceasing desire to assist the republic being approved by the Senate and People of Rome." (Cicero, Philippicae 8, 30)  

P. 164. n. 7b.  non nulli invident eorum laudi quos in re publica probari vident. "A certain number are envious of the reputation of those whom they see to be held in honour in the republic." (Cicero to Cassius, Ad familiares 12, 5, 3)  

P. 165. n. 2.  scis profecto - nihil enim te fugere potuit - fuisse quoddam tempus cum homines existimarent te nimia servire temporibus. "Of course you know - for it could not possibly have escaped you - that there has been a period when people thought you too much inclined to yield to the circumstances of the times." (Cicero to Plancus, Ad familiares 10, 3, 3)  

P. 166. n. 1a.  homo ventosissimus. "That shiftiest of men." (Decimus Brutus in Cicero, Ad familiares 11, 9, 1)

P. 166. n. 1b.  iste omnium turpissimus et sordissimus. "That basest and meanest of all men" (Cicero, Ad Atticum 9, 9, 3)

P. 168. n. 1. deligerentur autem in id consilium ab universo populo. "to be elected into that council by the whole people." (Cicero, Pro Sestio 137) 

P. 170. n. 1. vicinos suos non cohortatus est solum ut milites fierent sed etiam facultatibus suis sublevavit. "(who) not only exhorted his neighbours to become soldiers, but also assisted them from his own resources." (Cicero, Philippicae 7, 24)

P. 170. n. 2.  nihil autem foedius Philippo et Pisone legatis, nihil flagitiosius. "on the other hand nothing can be more loathsome, nothing more shameful, than our emissaries." (Cicero to Cassius, Ad familiares 12, 4, 1)

P. 173. n. 4.  haec impulsus benevolentis scripsi paulo severius. "Under the influence of my warm feelings for you I have written these words with somewhat unusual gravity." (Cicero to Plancus, Ad familiares 10, 6, 3) 

P. 173. n. 5.  itaque sapientibus meo quidem iudicio facies si te in istam pacificationem non interpones, quae neque senatui neque populo nec cuiquam bono probatur. "So, in my opinion you will be acting more wisely if you do not commit yourself to proposing a peace which has the approval of neither the senate nor the people, nor of any patriotic man." (Cicero to Lepidus, Ad familiares 27, 2) 

P. 174. n. 3. quo si qui laetantur in praesentia, quia videntur et duces et veterani Caesaris partium parterisse, tamen postmodo necesse est doleant cum vastitatem Italiae respexerint. nam et robur et suboles militum interiit. "At which, if certain people rejoice for the moment, because both officers and veterans of Caesar's party appear to have perished, it is inevitable that they will presently have cause to mourn, when they contemplate the havoc of Italy, for the flower and the mainstock of our soldiers have been destroyed."(Asinius Pollio to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 33, 1)

P. 174. n. 4.  nihil enim semper floret; aetas succedit aetati; diu legiones Caesaris viguerunt; nunc vigent Pansae, vigent Hirti, vigent Caesaris fili, vigent Planci; vincunt numero, vincunt aetatibus; nimirum etiam auctoritate vincunt. "For nothing flourishes forever; age succeeds age; the legions of Caesar have flourished for a long time; but now those who are flourishing are the legions of Pansa, and the legions of Hirtius, and the legions of Caesar's son, and the legions of Plancus; they surpass the veterans in number, they have the advantage of youth; moreover, they surpass them also in authority." (Cicero,  Philippicae 11, 39) 

P. 174. n. 5. θάμβος τε ἤν τοῖς νεήλυσιν ἐπελθοῦσι, τοιάδε ἔργα σὺν εὐταξίᾳ καὶ σιωπῇ γιγνόμενα ἐφορῶσιν. "When the new recruits arrived, they were amazed to see such deeds being done with such discipline and in silence. (Appian, Bella Civilia 3, 68, 281).``` 

Chapter XIII. The Second March on Rome (pp. 176-186).

P. 176. n. 6.  sed neque Caesari imperari potest nec Caesar exercitui suo, quos utrumque pessimum est. "But neither can anyone control Caesar, nor can he control his own army, which is a disastrous thing in both cases." (Decimus Brutus to Cicero, Ad familiares 11, 10, 4)

P. 177. n. 1.  erit igitur exstructa moles opere magnifico incisaeque literae, divinae virtutis testes sempiternae, nunquamque de vobis eorum qui aut videbunt vestrum monumentum aut audient gratissimus sermo conticescet. ita pro mortali condicione vitae immortalitatem estis consecuti. "There shall therefore be a vast monument erected with the most sumptuous work, and an inscription engraved upon it, as the everlasting witness of your godlike virtue. And never shall the most grateful language of all who either see or hear of your monument cease to be heard. And in this manner you, in exchange for your mortal condition of life, have attained immortality." (Cicero, Philippicae  14, 33)

P. 177. n. 2.  quibus, utri nostrum ceciderint, lucro futurum est, quod spectaculum adhuc ipsa Fortuna vitavit, ne videret unius corporis duas acies lanista Cicerone dimicantis. "Men who will count the destruction of either you or me as gain to them, which spectacle as yet fortune herself has taken care to avoid, lest she sees two armies which belong to one body fighting, with Cicero acting as master of the show." (Cicero, Philippicae 13, 40)

P. 178. n. 1.  nos etsi graviter ab iis laesi eramus, quod contra nostram voluntatem ad Antonium ierant, tamen nostrae humanitatis et necessitudinis causa eorum salutis rationem habuimus. "Although they have done me a serious wrong in having joined Antonius against my wish, yet for kindness' sake, and in view of our close connection I have granted them their lives." (Lepidus to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 34, 2.)

P. 179. n. 2.  quod si salutis omnium ac dignitatis rationem habueritis, melius et vobis et rei p. consuletis. "But, if you take the lives and political position of all into consideration, you will look after the interests of yourselves and the republic better." (Lepidus to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 35, 2)

P. 179. n. 3.  Lepidum enim pulchre noram. "For I knew Lepidus thoroughly." (Plancus to Cicero, Ad familiares 10,  23. 1)

P. 179. n. 4.  quantum autem in acie tironi sit committendum, nimium saepe expertum habemus. "For the extent to which it is safe to trust raw levies in the field, we have had too frequent experience." (Plancus to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 24, 3)

P. 180. n. 3. χεῖρον εἶναι μοναρκίας παρανόμου πόεμον ἐμφύλιον. "civil war was worse than illegal monarchy." (Plutarch, Brutus 12)

P. 181. n. 1.  furor, furiosus. "mad conduct, infatuated." (Plancus to Cicero, Ad familiares 10, 11. 2.)

P. 181. n. 2.  populi vero Romani totiusque Italiae mira consensio est. "But the unanimity of the Roman people and the whole of Italy is wonderful." (Cicero to Cassius, Ad familiares 12, 5, 3)

P. 181. n. 4.  ὄργανον enim erat meum senatus: id iam est dissolutum. "For my weapon was the senate; now it has gone to pieces." (Cicero to Decimus Brutus, Ad familiares 11, 14, 1).  

P. 181. n. 5.  quis tum nobis, quis populo Romano obtulit hunc divinum adulescentem deus? "Who was it, what god was it, who gave to the Roman people this godlike young man?" (Cicero, Philippicae 5, 43)

P. 182. n. 1.  'laudandum adulescentem, ornandum, tollendum.' " 'The young man was to be praised, honoured and got rid of'' " (Decimus Brutus to Cicero, Ad familiares 11, 20, 1)

P. 182. n. 3.  tantum dico, Caesarem hunc adulescentem, per quem adhuc sumus, si verum fateri volumus, fluxisse ex fonte consiliorum meorum. "I will only say this much: that this young Caesar, thanks to who we still exist, if we would confess the truth, has flowed from the fountain-head of my policy." (Cicero, Ad M. Brutum 1, 15, 6)

P. 182. n. 4.  meis consiliis adhuc gubernatorum, praeclara ipsum indole admirabilique constantia. "up to that time, wholly governed by my advice, and personally possessed of brilliant ability and admirable firmness of character." (Cicero, Ad. M. Brutum 10, 1, 3) 

P. 182. n. 6.  a me ita fractus est ut eum in perpetuum modestiorem sperem fore. "He was so crushed by me that I hope I have brought him to a more reasonable frame of mind." (Cicero, Ad. M. Brutum 2, 2, 3)

P. 183. n. 5.  salutaris severitas vincit inanem speciem clementiae. quod si clementes esse volumus, nunquam deerunt bella civilia. "A salutary sternness is superior to the empty show of clemency, but if we choose the rule of clemency, we shall never have any lack of civil wars." (Cicero, Ad. M. Brutum 1, 2a, 2)

P. 183. n. 6.  aerius prohibenda bella civilai esse quam in superatos iracundiam exercendam. "More vigour should be shown in preventing civil wars than in wreaking vengeance upon the vanquished. (Cicero, Ad M. Brutum 1, 2a, 2)

P. 183. n. 8.  libenter se vel in perpetuo exilio victuros, dum res publica constaret et concordia, nec ullam belli civilis praebituros materiam.  "that for the sake of enduring harmony in the republic they were even ready to live in permanent exile, and that they would furnish no grounds for civil war." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 62, 3)

P. 185. n. 1. pudet condicionis ac fortunae sed tamen scribendum est: commendas nostram salutem illi, quae morte qua non perniciosior? ut prorsus prae te feras non sublatam dominationem sed dominum commutatum esse. verbis tua recognosce et aude negare servientis adversus regem istas esse preces. "I blush to think of my position and high estate, but I must write it: if you commend our safety to him, could any death be a worse disaster? You, in fact, avow that slavery is not abolished, only the master has been changed. Recall your words and dare to say that those prayers are not the prayers of an enslaved subject to a tyrant." (Marcus Brutus to Cicero, Ad M. Brutum 1, 16, 1)  

P. 185. n. 2a.  atqui non esse quam esse per illum praestat. "And yet it is better not to be safe than to be so by his favour." (Marcus Brutus to Cicero, Ad M. Brutum 1, 16, 1)

P.  185. n. 2b. Μηδὲ σωθείην ὑπό γε τοιούτου. "Nor could I be saved by such a man as this!" (Cicero, Ad Atticum 16, 15, 3) 

P. 185. n. 3.  longe a servientibus abero mihique ese iudicabo Romam, ubicumque liberum esse licebit, ac vestri miserebor, quibus nec aetas neque honores nec virtus aliena dulcedinem vivendi minuere potuerit. "I will remove myself from the servile herd and for myself will regard as Rome wherever I am able to be free, and I shall feel only pity for men like yourself, for whom neither age, nor honours, nor the example of others' virtue, has been able to lessen the sweetness of living." (Marcus Brutus to Cicero, Ad M. Brutum 1, 16, 8.)

Chapter XIV.  The Proscriptions (pp. 187-201).

P. 189. n. 4.  οὔθ' ὅλως ἡγεμονίαν ἐν τοῖς χωρίοις ἐκείνοις ἔσκε. "and he had held no command at all in those regions."  (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 48, 4, 3)

P. 190. n. 6.  πολλὰ δ' ἐστί, καὶ πολλοὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐν πολλαῖς βίβλοις αὐτα συνέγραψαν ἐφ' ἑαυτῶν. "These events are many, and they have been written in numerous books by many Roman historians successively. (Appian, Bella Civilia 4, 16, 64) 

P. 191. n. 1.  restitit quidem aliquamdiu collegis ne qua fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam utroque acerbius exercuit. "For sometime he opposed his colleagues in their design for a proscription, but, after it had begun, he prosecuted it with more determined rigour than either of the other two." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 27, 1) 

P. 192. n. 1.  sed quando mortalium nulli virtus perfecta contigit, qua maior pars vitae atque ingenii stetit, ea iudicandum de homine est. "But since no mortal has achieved perfect virtue, the better aspects of his way of life and of his character is what a man must be judged upon." (Seneca the Elder, Suasoriae 6, 24)

P. 192. n. 3.  a nonnullis optimatibus reprehendatur, quod parum odisse malos videretur. "but he gradually incurred blame from some of the nobles, because he did not seem to have sufficient hatred of bad citizens." (Cornelius Nepos, Vita Attici 9, 7)

P. 195. n. 1.  quos enumerare iam non est, sanguine Quiritium et proscriptionum licentia ditatos."whom it would be superfluous to enumerate, and who have enriched themselves through the blood of Roman citizens and the license of the proscriptions." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 35, 200 or 35.72 [Latin] or  35. 58. 18 [English])

P. 195. n. 2.  κοινήν τινα κατὰ τῶν πλουσίων ἔχθραν προσέθεντο. "they affected a kind of common enmity towards the rich." (Cassius Dio  Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 47, 6, 5)

P. 195. n. 3.  Varronis thensauros. "the treasures of Varro." (Decimus Brutus to Cicero, Ad familiares 11, 10, 5) 

P. 196. n. 4.  ὥστε χρυσὸν τὴν τοῦ Καίσαρος μοναρχίαν φανῆναι. "so that Caesar's sovereignty appeared all gold in comparison." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 47, 15, 5)

P. 201. n. 1.  vivet inter Ventidios et Canidios et Saxas. "he will live among men such as Ventidius, Canidius and Saxa." (Seneca the Elder, Suasoriae 7, 3)

Chapter XV.  Philippi and Perusia (pp. 202-213).

P. 203. n. 2.  τῇ αἰτίᾳ φησὶν αἰσχύνεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ πάθει συναλγεῖν, ἐγκαλεῖν δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ Ῥώμης φίλοις· δουλεύειν γὰρ αὐτων αἰτίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν τυραννούντων. "he says that more shame at the cause of Cicero's death than grief at the event itself, and threw the blame upon his friends at Rome. For their servitude was more their own fault than that of the tyrants." (Plutarch, Brutus 28)

P. 205. n. 5.  non aliud bellum cruentius caede clarissimorum virorum fuit. "No other war cost the blood of so may illustrious men." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 71, 1)

P. 206. n. 2.  ὦ τλῆμον ἀρετή, λόγος ἄρ' ἦσθ' , ἐγὼ δέ σε / ὡς ἔργον ἤσκουν· σὺ δ' ἄρ' ἐδούλευεσν τύχῃ. "O wretched Valour, thou wert but a name, / And yet I worshipped thee as real indeed, / But now it seems thou wert but Fortune's slave." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 47, 49, 2)

P. 206. n. 4.  Μάρκον δ' Ἀντώνιον ἀξίαν φησὶ τῆς ἀνοίας διδόναι δίκην, ὃς ἐν Βρούτοις καὶ Κασσίοις καὶ Κάτωσι συναριθμεῖσθαι δυνάμενος προσθήκην ἑαυτὸν Ὀκταβίῳ δέδωκε· κἂν μὴ νῦν ἡττηθῇ μετ' ἐκείνου, μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐκείνῳ μαχεῖται. "He says also that Marcus Antonius was paying a fitting penalty for his folly, since, when it was in his power to be numbered with such men as Brutus and Cassius and Cato, he had given himself to Octavius as a mere appendage; and, if in a little while he should not now be defeated with him, in a little while he would be fighting him." (Plutarch, Brutus 29, 7) 

P. 207. n. 3.  ἐθρήνουν, οὐδὲν μὲν ἀδικῆσαι λέγοντες, Ἰταλιῶται δὲ ὄντες ἀνίστασθαι γῆς τε καὶ ἑστίας οἷα δορίληπτοι. "lamenting and declaring that they had done nothing wrong, and that, although they were Italians, they were being evicted from hearth and home as if they had lost a war." (Appian, Bella Civilia 5, 12, 49)

P. 209. n. 1.  βουλὴν καλιγᾶταν. "The senate in soldiers' boots." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 48, 12, 3)

P. 209. n. 2.  πολεμεῖν ἐάν τις αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀξίωσιν καθαιρῇ. "to fight, if anyone assailed his dignity." (Appian, Bella Civilia 5, 29, 112)

P. 211. n. 1.  M. Ant. imp. "Marcus Antonius, imperator." (CIL xi, 6721)

P. 211. n. 2a.  L(eg.) XI / Divom Iulium. "The Eleventh Legion / the Divine Julius." (CIL xi, 6721) 

P. 211. n. 2b.  L. Antoni calve peristi / C. Caesarus victoria. "O bald Lucius Antonius, you have perished through the victory of Gaius Caesar." (CIL xi, 6721)

P. 211. n. 3.  Romana simplicitas. "Roman frankness." (Martial, Epigrammata 11, 20)

P. 211. n. 4.  at ego taceo: non est enim facile in eum scribere qui potest proscribere. "But I am silent; for it is not easy to write against a man who has the power to proscribe." (Macrobius, Saturnalia 2, 4, 21)

Chapter XVI. The Predominance of Antonius (pp. 214-226).

P. 215. n. 1.  ὑπό τε τοῦ ἔρωτος καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς μέθης."under the sway of his passion and his drunkenness." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 48, 27,1)

P. 217. n. 4.  signum concordiae. "a statue of concord." (ILS 3784)

P. 218. n. 1.  altera iam teritur bellis civilibus aetas / suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit. "Now another age is worn away by civil war, and Rome herself falls by own strength. (Horace, Epodes 16, 1, 1-2)

P. 219. n. 1.  at simul heroum laudes et facta parentis / iam legere et quae sit poteris cognoscere virtus ... "But as soon as you can read about the fame of your father's deeds, and learn about what virtue is ... " (Virgil, Eclogae 4. 26-27)

P. 220. n. 1.  pacatumque reget patriis virtutibus orbem. "reign over a world pacified by his father's valour." (Virgil, Eclogae 4. 17)

P. 220. n. 6a.  per quae tempora Rufi Salvidieni scelesta consilia patefacta sunt, qui natus obscurissimis initiis parum habebat summa accepisse et proximus a Cn. Pompeio ipsoque Caesare equestris ordinis consul creatus est, nisi in id ascendisset, e quo infra se et Caesarem videret et rem publicam. "It was at this time that the criminal designs of Salvidienus Rufus were revealed. This man, sprung from the most obscure origin, was not satisfied with having received the highest honours in the state, and to have been the fist man of equestrian rank after Gnaeus Pompeius and Caesar himself to be elected consul, but aspired to mount to a height where he might see both Caesar and the republic at his feet."  (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 76. 4)

P. 220. n. 6b.  Q. Salvius imp. cos. desig. "Quintus Salvius, imperator, consul designate." (BMC, R, Rep. II, 407f.) 

Chapter XVII. The Rise of Octavianus (pp. 227-242).

P. 227. n. 2.  meliora et utiliora. "better and more advantageous." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 84, 3)

P. 228. n. 4.  Neptunius dux. "Neptune's admiral." (Horace, Epodes 9, 7)

P. 228. n. 5a.  mare pacavi a praedonibus. "I freed the sea from pirates." (Augustus, Res Gestae 25)

P. 228, n. 5b.  contra latrones atque servilem manum. "against pirates and a band of slaves." (Horace, Epodes 4, 19)

P. 229. n. 1.  cum hac quoque divortium fecit, pertaesus, ut scribit, morum perversitatem eius. "he divorced her, too, because, as he wrote, he was quite exhausted by the perverseness of her temper." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 62, 2) 

P. 229. n. 7.  nuptam ante duobus consularibus. "previously married to two ex-consuls." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 62, 2)

P. 232. n. 4.  praeter nomen nihil trahens. "bearing nothing except his name." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 80, 3)

P. 232. n. 5a.  spoliata, quam tueri non poterat dignitas. "His honour, which he was unable to maintain, was stripped from him." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 80, 4)

P. 232. n. 5b.  vir omnium vanissimus. "the most fickle man of all." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 80, 1)

P. 232. n. 6.  νομίσας δὲ δὴ πάντα τὰ δίκαια παρά τε ἑαυτῷ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἄτε καὶ ἰσχυρότερος αὐτοῦ, ὤν, ἔχειν.  "But thinking that he had justice all on his side as well as in his weapons, since he was stronger than him ... " (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 49, 12, 1)

P. 233. n. 5.  deus nobis haec otia fecit. "A god has arranged this peace for us." (Virgil, Ecloga 1,6) 

P. 233. n. 6.  καὶ αὐτὸν αἱ πόλεις τοῖς σφετέροις θεοῖς συνίδρυον. "and the towns gave him a place among their gods." (Appian, Bella Civilia 5, 132)

P. 235. n. 6.  ex privato consularis. "from the rank of a private citizen to that of a consul." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 51. 3)

P. 237. n. 3.  Minotauri, id est Calvisi et Tauri. "of the Minotaur, that is Calvisius and Taurus." (Cicero to Cornificius, Ad familiares 12, 25, 1)

P. 238. n. 4a. septemvir epulonum; curio maximus. "one of the seven priests for the Feast of Jupiter; president of all the curiae." (ILS 925)

P. 238. n. 4b.  complura sacerdotia. "numerous priesthoods." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 127, 1)

Chapter XVIII. Rome under the Triumvirs (pp. 243-258).

P. 244. n. 5.  Ex virtute nobilitas coepit. "Nobility began in acts of valour." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 85, 17)

P. 245. n. 1. neque virtuti honos datur neque illi, quibus per fraudem is fuit, tuti aut eo magis honesti sunt. "Honour is not bestowed upon merit, nor are those who have gained it wrongfully any safer or more respected because of it." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 3, 1)

P. 245. n. 2.  etiam homines novi, qui antea per virtutem soliti erant nobilitatem antevenire, furtim et latroconia potius quam bonis artibus ad imperia et honores nituntur. "Even the 'new men', who formerly used to surpass the nobility through merit, now pursue power and honour by underhand intrigue and open violence rather than by honourable means." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 4, 7) 

P. 245. n. 3. nisi forte quem inhonesta et perniciosa lubidi tenet potentiae paucorum decus atque libertatem gratificari. "unless he is possessed by a dishonorable and fatal desire to sacrifice his honour and freedom to the power of a faction." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 3, 3)

P. 247. n. 3.  annus octogesimus admonet me ut sarcinas colligam antequam proficiscar e vita. "For my eightieth year admonishes me to gather up my bundle before I set forth from this life." (Varro, De Re Rustica 1, 1, 1)

P. 248. n. 3.  non fuit consilium socordia atque desidia bonum otium conterere, neque vero agrum colundo aut vernando, servilibus officiis, intentum aetatem agere. "It was not my intention to waste my precious leisure in idleness and sloth, or of of devoting my time to agriculture or hunting, tasks fit only for slaves." (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 4.1)

P. 248. n. 4.  ceterum ex aliis negotiis, quae ingenio exercentur, in primis magno usui est memoria rerum gestarum, "Among other employments which are pursued by the intellect, the recording of past events is of particular value." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 4, 1)

P. 248. n. 5a.  nec opponere Thucydidi Sallustium verear. "I do not fear to compare Sallust with Thucydides." (Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 10, 1, 101)

P. 248. n. 5b. immortalem illam Sallusti velocitatem. "that immortal rapidity of Sallust's." (Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 10, 1, 102)

P. 249. n. 1.  Sallustio vigente amputatae sententiae et verba ante expectatum cadentia et obscura brevitas fuere pro cultu. "Thus, when Sallust was in his glory, phrases were lopped off, words came to a close unexpectedly, and obscure conciseness was equivalent to elegance." (Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales 114, 17)

P. 249. n. 3.  leges iudicia aerarium proviciae reges penes unum, deniue, necis civium et vitae licentia. simul humanas hostias vidistis et sepulcra infecta sanguine civili. "The laws, the courts, the treasury, the provinces, the kings, in fact, the power of life and death over our citizens are in the hands of one man. You have beheld human sacrifices and tombs stained with the blood of citizens." (Sallust, Fragmenta Historiarum 1, 55, 13f, M)  

P. 249. n. 5.  oris probi, animo inverecundo.  "Of an honest face, but with a shameless mind." (Sallust, Fragmenta Historiarum 2, 16, M) 

P. 250. n. 4.  quod si quis illorum veteranorum legat facta, paria horum cognoscat neque rem ullam nisi tempus interesse iudicet. "And, if anyone reads of the acts of these veterans, he will our proceedings to be like theirs, and will be of the opinion that there is no difference between them but that of time." (Cornelus Nepos, Vita Eumenis 8, 3)

P. 251. n. 1.  primus omnium libertinorum, ut Cornelis Nepos opinatur, scribere historiam orsus, nonnisi ab honestissimo quoque scribi solitam ad id tempus. "being the first freedman, according to the opinion of Cormelius Nepos, who ventured to write history, something which before his time had not been done by anyone who was not of the highest ranks in society," (Suetonius Tranquillus, De Claris Rhetoribus 3)

P. 253. n. 2.  a te principium, tibi desinet. "My first notes were inspired by you: for you my last will sound." (Virgil, Ecloga 8, 11)

P. 253. n. 4.  versicator quam poeta melior. "A versifier rather than a poet." (Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 10, 1, 89)

P. 254. n. 1.  vos qui multas perambulastis terras, ecquam cultiorem Italia vidistis. "You, who have travelled through many lands, have you seen any land more fully cultivated than Italy?" (Varro, De Re Rustica 1, 2, 3). 

Chapter XIX. Antonius in the East (pp. 259-275).

P. 262. n. 5.  magnum crimen senatus. de Theopompo, summo homine, negleximus, qui, ubi terrarum sit, quid agat, vivat denique quis aut scit aut curat? "The senate is guilty of a great crime. We have taken no notice of that great man, Theopompus! "Why, who knows or cares where on earth he is, or what he is doing, or whether he is alive or dead?" (Cicero, Philippicae 13, 33)

P. 263. n. 2a.  θεῷ Διὶ [Ἐ]λε[υθε]ρίῳ φιλοπάδρι θεοφάνῃ τῷ σωτῆρι καὶ εὐεργέτᾳ καὶ κτιστᾶ δευτέρῳ τᾶς πατρίδος.  "To the most divine god Thephanes, bountiful lover of his country, the saviour and benefactor and second founder of his native city." (SIG 753)

P. 263. n. 2b.  Graeca adulatio. "Greek flattery." (Tacitus, Annales 6, 18) 

P. 263. n. 3.  τὸν ἀπὸ Ἄρεως και Ἀφροδε[ί]της θεὸν ἐπιφανῆ καὶ κοινον` τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου βίου σωτῆρα. "Manifest god, the son of Ares and Aphrodite and the common saviour of mankind." (SIG 760) 

P. 263. n. 4.  Ἀντώνιον μέγαν κἀμίμητον. "Antonius the great and inimitable." (OGIS 195)

P. 267. n. 1.  Sallustium et Cocceios et Deillius et totam cohortem primae admissionis ex adversariorum castris conscripsit. "He recruited Sallustius, and Cocceius, and Dellius and the whole inner circle of his court from the camp of his opponents." (Seneca, De Clementia 1, 10, 1)

P. 267. n. 2.  αὐτοκράτωρ. "absolute master." (ILS 8780)

P. 268. n. 3.  ἀντιταμίας. "proquaestor." (SIG 767)

P. 269. n. 4.  πρεσβευτὰν καὶ ἀντιστράτηγον. "ambassador and propraetor." (ILS 9461)

P. 274. n. 1.  ὡς ἡ Ἀφροδίτη κωμάζοι παρὰ τὸν Διόνυσον ἐπ' ἀγαθῳ τῆς Ἀσίας. "that Aphrodite had come to revel with Dionysus for the good of Asia." (Plutarch, Antonius 26, 3)

P. 275. n. 3.  ἔδει γὰρ εἰς Καίσαρα πάντα περιελθεῖν. "for it was destined that everything would come into Caesar's hands." (Plutarch, Antonius 56, 3)

Chapter XX. Tota Italia (pp. 276-293). 

P. 277. n. 2.  quid te mutavit, quod reginam ineo? uxor mea est. nunc coepi an abhinc annos novem? tu deinde solam Drusillam inis? ita valeas uti tu, hanc epistolam cum leges, non inieris Tertullam aut Terentillam aut Rufillam aut Salviam Titiseniam aut omnes. an refert, ubi et in qua arrigas? "What has come over you? Do you object to me sleeping with a queen? She is my wife. Nor is this anything new - the affair started nine years ago, didn't it? Are you faithful to (Livia) Drusilla? My congratulations, if, when you read this letter, you have not gone to  bed with Tertullia, or Terentilla, or Rufilla, or Salvia Titisenis, or all of them. Does it really matter where, or with whom you perform the sexual act?" (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 69, 2)

P. 277. n. 3.  exiguo tempore ante proelium Actiacum id volumen evomuit. "Shortly before the battle of Actium he vomited up that book." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 14, 148)

P. 278. n. 2.  ὁ μὲν Δομίτιος οὐδέν φανερῶς, ὥς γε καὶ συμφορῶν πολλῶν πεπειραμένος, ἐνεόχμωσεν. "Domitius did not openly attempt any revolutionary measures, as he had experienced many disasters." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 50, 2. 3)

P. 281. n. 4a.  προσκρούσαντές τι αὐτῷ ἐκεῖνοι ἢ καὶ τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ τι ἀχθεσθέντες. "because of some personal quarrel with him or because they were vexed by Cleopatra." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historia Romanae 50, 3, 2)

P. 281. n. 4b.  in omnia et omnibus venalis. "for money, he was prepared to do all things for all men." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 83, 2)

P. 282. n. 1.  καὶ πρῶτον μὲν αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ τὰ γεγραμμένα διῆλθε καὶ παρεσημήνατο τόπους τινὰς εὐκατηγοπήτους. "and to begin with he read its contents through by himself and marked certain reprehensible passages .. " (Plutarch, Antonius 58, 3)

P. 283. n. 4.  δι' οὖν ταῦτα ἀγανακτήσαντες ἐπίστευσαν ὅτι καὶ τἆλλα τὰ θρουλούμενα ἀληθῆ εἴη, τοῦτ' ἔστιν ὅτι, ἂν κρατήσῃ, τήν τε πόλιν σφῶν τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ χαριεῖται καὶ τὸ κράτος ἐς τὴν Αἴγυπτον μεταθήσει. "This caused the Romans in their indignation to believe that the other reports in circulation were also true, to the effect that, if Antonius should prevail, he would bestow their city upon Cleopatra and transfer the seat of power to Egypt." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 50, 4, 1)

P. 284. n. 2a.  quippe etiam Maecenatis rana collationes pecuniarum in mago terrore erat. Augustus postea ad evitanda  convicis sphingis Alexandri Magni imagine signavit. "The frog, too, on the seal of Maecenas, was held in terror, by reason of the monetary imposts that it announced. At a later period, with a view to avoiding the sarcasms relating to the Sphinx, Augustus made use of a signet with a figure of Alexander the Great upon it." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 37, 10, 4)  

P. 284. n. 2b.  in commeatum legionibus. "in supplies for the legions." (ILS 5531)

P. 284. n. 3.  Quo, quo scelesti ruitis? "Whither, whither are you rushing, you impious men?" (Horace, Epodes 1, 7, 1)

P. 284. n. 4.  iuravit in mea tota Italia sponte sua et me belli quo vici ad Actium ducem depoposcit. "The whole of Italy voluntarily took an oath of allegiance to me and demanded that I should be its leader in the war in which I was victorious at Actium."  (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 25)

P. 285. n. 3.  Italiam per clientelas occupare temptavit. "attempted to conquer Italy by means of his dependents." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Tiberius 2, 2)

P. 285. n. 4a.  per socios ac nomen Latinum. "by means of the allies and the name of the Latins." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 42, 1)

P. 285. n. 4b.  homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos. "men of the Latin name and Italian allies." (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 40, 2)

P. 285. n. 5a.  totiusque consensu. "and with the agreement of the whole of Italy." (Florus, Epitome Rerum Romanorum 2, 5. 1)

P. 285. n. 5b.  coetus coniurationesque. "the gatherings and conspiracies." (Livy, Periochae 7, 1)

P. 285. n. 6.  vota pro illo per Italiam publice suscepta. "vows on his behalf offered publicly throughout Italy." (Auctor de viris illustribus 12)

P. 286. n. 1.  cum me ... Italia cuncta paene suis umeris reportarit. "since almost the whole of Italy has carried me back on its shoulders." (Cicero, Post reditum in senatu 39)

P. 287. n. 1.  milesque Crassi coniuge barbara? "Has  Crassus' soldier taken a barbarian wife?" (Horace, Odes 3, 5, 5) 

P. 287. n. 2.  nec reparare novas vires multumque priori / credere fortunae: stat magni nominis umbra. "Resting on his well-earned laurels, he made no attempt to win fresh ones, but basked in the glory of his surname 'The Great'." (Lucan, Pharsalia 1, 134f.)

P. 288. n. 1.  quod eo die imp. Caesar divi f, rem publicam tristissimo periculo liberavit. "Because on that day Imperator Caesar, son of the God, freed the state from its very grave danger."

P. 288. n. 3.  ex mei animi sententia, ut ego iis inimicus / ero, quos C. Caesari Germanico inimicos esse / cognovero, et si quis periculum ei salutique eius / infert inferetque, armis bello internicivo / terra marique persequi non desinam, quoad / poenas ei persolverit, neque me neque liberos meos / eius salute cariores habebo. "It is the will of my mind that I shall be an enemy of those, whom I know to be enemies of Gaius Caesar Germanicus, and, if anyone brings or will bring danger to him or to his security, I shall not cease to pursue him with arms in all-out war on land and sea until he shall pay the penalty for this, nor shall I hold either myself or my children dearer than his security." (ILS 190, ll. 5-11)

P. 291. n. 1.  mea, inquit, in Antonium maiora merita sunt, illius in me beneficia notiora; itaque discrimini vestro me subtraham et ero praeda victoria. " 'My services to Antonius,' he replied, 'are too great, and his kindnesses to me are too well-known; accordingly, I shall hold aloof from your quarrel and shall be a prize of the victor.' " (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 86, 4)

P. 292. n. 7.  τοὺς μὲν ὅπως τι συμπράξωσιν αὐτῷ, τοὺς δ' ὅπως μηδὲν μονωθέντες νεοχμώσωσι, τό τε μέγιστον ὅπως ἐνδείξηται τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὅτι καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον καὶ τὸ κράτιστον τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὁμογνωμονοῦν ἔχοι. "(wishing) that they would cooperate with him and to keep the others from beginning a rebellion, as they might if left to themselves, but chiefly with the purpose of showing to all the world that he had the largest and strongest element on his side." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 50, 11, 5) 

P. 293. n. 1.  Hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar / cum patribus populoque, penatibus et magnis dis. "On one side was Augustus Caesar, leading Italians into battle, having with him the Senate and People, the household gods and the great gods (of the race)." (Virgil, Aeneid 8, 678-9)

Chapter XXI. Dux (pp. 294-312).

P. 296. n. 7.  stans celsa in puppi, geminas cui tempora flammas / lacta vomunt, patriumque aperitur vetice sidus. "Standing on his high quarter-deck, his brows give forth joyful beams of light and his father's star is revealed on his head." (Virgil, Aeneid 8, 860-1)

P. 298. n. 1.  sequiturque, nefas, Argyptia coniunx. "and, O shame, there follows an Egyptian wife." (Virgil, Aeneid 8, 688)

P. 299. n. 2.  deliberata morte ferocior / saevis Liburnis scilicet invidens / privata deduci superbo / non humilis mulier triumpho. "More ferociously defiant, her death having been determined by herself, and, being no humble woman, grudging the ruthless Liburnians that she should be conducted as a private person in a haughty triumph." (Horace, Odes 1, 37, 29-32)

 P. 299, n. 4.  victorque omnibus veniam petentibus civibus peperci. "And as the victor I spared all the citizens who sued for pardon." (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 3)

P. 299. n. 5.  victoria vero fuit clementissima nec quisquam interemptus nisi paucissimi (summoti) et hi qui deprecari quidem pro se non sustinerent. "But the greatest clemency was shown in the victory, and no one was put to death and few banished and those being those who could not bring themselves to become suppliants." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 86, 2)

P. 300. n. 2.  Canidius timidius decessit quam professioni eius, qua semper usus erat, conguebat. "Canidius perished, showing greater fear than was consistent with the utterances which he had always made." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 87, 3)

P. 300. n. 4a.  Aegyptum imperio populi Romani adieci. "I added Egypt to the empire of the Roman people." (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 27)

P. 300. n. 4b.  Aegypto in potestatem populi Romani redacta. "Egypt, which was brought under the power of the Roman people." (ILS 91)

P. 300. n. 5.  C. Cornelius Cn. f. Gallus eques Romanus post reges a Caesare deivi f. devictos praefectus Alexandreae et Aegypti primus. "Gaius Cornelius Gallus, Roman knight, the first prefect of Alexandria and Egypt after the kings who had been defeated by Caesar, the son of the god." (ILS 8995 [Philae])

P. 304. n. 1.  pacisque imponere morem, / parcere subiectis et debellare superbos. "To impose the custom of peace, to spare the vanquished and to subdue the proud." (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 852-3).

P. 304. n. 3.  τό τε σύμπαν ἥ τε ἀρχὴ ἡ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπλουτίσθη καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ αὐτῶν ἐκοσμήθη. "In general, the Roman empire was enriched and their temples were adorned." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 51, 17, 8)

P. 304. n. 4.  certa cuique rerum suarum possessio. "and in the case of each citizen his property rights were now assured." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 89, 4)

P. 304. n. 5.  hunc saltem everso iuvenem succurrere saeclo / ne prohibete. "At least do not prevent this young man from rescuing a world turned upside down." (Virgil, Georgics 1, 500-1)

P. 305. n. 1.  nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar / imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris / Iulius a magno demissum nomen Iulo. / hunc tu olim caelo spoliis Orientis onustum / accipies secura; vocabitur hic quoque votis. / aspera tum positis mitescent saecula bellis; / cana Fides et Vesta, Remo cum fratre Quirinus / iura dabunt.  "From this source a glorious Trojan Caesar shall be born, who will bound the empire with Ocean, his fame with the stars, Augustus, a Julius, his name descended from the great Iulus. You, no longer anxious, will receive him one day in heaven, burdened with Eastern spoils: he, also, will be invoked in prayers. Then, with wars having been abandoned, the harsh ages will grow mild; silver-haired Trust and Vesta, and Quirinus with his brother Remus will give us laws." (Virgil, Aeneid 1, 286-93)

P. 305. n. 6.  occidit, occideritque sinas cum nomine  Troia. "Troy has fallen, and allow it, together with its name, to stay fallen." (Virgil, Aeneid 12, 828)

P. 305. n. 8.  Romulus ac parens patriae conditorque alter urbis. "As a Romulus and father of his country and a second founder of the city." (Livy, Ab urbe condita 5, 49, 7)

P. 307. n. 1.  in consulatu sexto et septimo, postquam bella civilia exstinxeram, per consensum universorum potitus rerum omnium, rem publicam ex mea potestate in senatus populique Romani arbitrium transtuli. "In my sixth and seventh consulship, after I had extinguished the flames of civil war, and, having received by universal consent the absolute control of affairs, I transferred the republic from my own control to the will of the senate and the Roman people." (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 34)

P. 307. n. 3.  victorque volentes  / per populos dat iura. "and as victor was giving laws among willing peoples." (Virgil, Georgics 4, 561-2)

P. 307. n. 4.  potentiae securus. "secure in power." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 28)

P. 308. n. 2.  εἴπερ αυτοκράτωρ στρατηγὸς ἐγεγόνει. "if he had been the general in supreme command."(Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 51, 24, 4)

P. 309. n. 2.  καὶ ἡ γερουσία ἅπασα ἁλῶναί τε αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς δικαστηρίοις καὶ φυγεῖν τῆς ου0σίας στερηθέντα καὶ ταύτην τε τῷ Αὐγούστῳ δοθῆναι καὶ ἑαυτοὺς βουθυτῆσαι ἐψηφίσατο. "The senate unanimously voted that he should be convicted in the courts, exiled and deprived of his estate, and that this should be given to Augustus, and that they themselves should offer sacrifices." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 53, 23, 7)

P. 309. n. 3.  ob ingratum et malivolum animum. "on account of his ungrateful and spiteful nature." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 66, 2)

P. 309. n. 4.  exercitu ultra Nili catarhacten transducto, in quem locum neque populo Romano neque regibus Aegypti arma ante sunt prolata, Thebaide, communi omnium regum formidine, subacta. "His army having been conducted beyond the cataract of the Nile, to  which no arms had been brought before, either by the Roman people or by the kings of Egypt, although the district around Thebes had been subdued by a common dread of all kings." (ILS 8995, ll. 4 ff.)

P. 310. n. 1.  temerati crimen amici. "the charge of friendship having been violated." (Ovid, Amores 3, 9, 63) 

P. 311. n. 2.  ex nimia potentia principum. "from the excessive personal power of leading men." (Cicero, De Republica 1, 68).  

P. 311. n. 3.  dominatum et principatum. "absolute power and the first place." (Cicero, Philippicae 11, 36) 

P. 311. n. 4.  maxime principum. "greatest of chief citizens." (Horace, Odes 4, 14, 6)

Chapter XXII. Princeps (pp. 313-330).

P. 313. n. 1.  τὴν μὲν φροντίδα τήν τε προστασίαν τῶν κοινῶν πᾶσαν ὡς καὶ ἐπιμελείας τινὸς δεομένων. "while he accepted all the care and oversight of public business on the grounds that it did require someone's attention." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 53, 12, 1).

P. 314. n.1a.  ὡς καὶ πλεῖόν τι ἢ κατ' ἀνθρώπους ὤν. "signifying that he was something more than human." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 53, 16, 8)

P. 314. n. 1b.  augusto augurio. "by an august augury." (Varro, De Re Rustica 3, 1, 2)

P. 314. n. 3.  ὅση στρατιωτικῆς φρουρᾶς ἔχει χρείαν. "all the parts that had the need for a military guard." (Strabo, 17, 3, 25)

P. 315. n. 2.  imperium magistratuum ad pristinum redactum modum. "the power of magistrates was reduced to its former limits." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 89, 3) 

P. 316. n. 1.  nostra autem res publica non unius esset ingenio, sed multorum, nec una hominis vita, sed aliquot constituta saeculis et aetatibus. "but our constitution did not spring from the genius of one man, but from that of many; and it was established, not in the lifetime of one man, but in the course of several centuries and ages." (Cicero, De Re Publica 2, 2)

P. 316. n. 2.  legibus novis me auctore latis multa exempla maiorum exolescentia iam ex nostro saeculo reduxi et ipse multarum rerum exempla imitanda posteris tradidi. "By the passage of new laws I retored many of the traditions of our ancestors, which were then falling into disuse, and I myself set precedents in many things for posterity to imitate. (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 8).

P. 316. n. 4.  ἐς θεραπείαν τῆς πόλεως ἐπικληθείς. "when called upon to restore the state to health." (Appian, Bella Civilia 2, 28)

P. 316. n. 5a.  ut salubrem magis quam ambitiosum principem scires. "so you should know him as a health-giving rather than a popularity-seeking first citizen." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus, 42, 1)

P. 316. n. 5b.  ὥσπερ τις ἰατρὸς ἀγαθὸς σῶμα νενοσηκὸς παραλαβὼν καὶ ἐξιασάμενος ἀπέδωκε πάντα ὐμῖν ὑγιᾶ ποιήσας. "like a good physician who takes in hand a body wasted by sickness and cures it thoroughly, he brought back to health, and then returned to your keeping, the whole system of government." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 56, 39, 2)

P. 317. n. 1.  tum Cn. Pompeius, tertium consul corrigendis moribus delectus et gravior remediis quam delicta erant suarumque legum auctor idem as subversor, quae armis tuebatur  armis amisit. "Gnaeus Pompeius was then elected consul for the third time to reform public morals, but in applying remedies more terrible than the evils, and repealing the legislation, of which he himself had been the author, he lost by arms what we has by arms been maintaining." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 28)

P. 317. n. 2.  Adulescentulus carnifex. "Adolescent butcher." (Valerius Maximus, Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 6, 2, 8)

P. 317. n. 3.  non mos, non ius. "Custom or law there was none." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 28)

P. 317. n. 6.  tuque prior, tu parce, genus qui ducis Olympo, / proice tela manu, sanguis meus! "And you who traces his descent from Olympus, be you the first to fling down the weapons from your hands, O you man of my blood!" (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 834-5)

P. 317. n. 7.  secretosque pios, his dantem iura Catonem. "and in a place apart were the righteous  with Cato giving then laws." (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 670)

P. 319. n. 3.  quam re cum sapientissime moderatissimeque constituta esset a maioribus nostris, nihil habui sane, non modo multum, quod putarem novandum in legibus. "Since this constitution has been established with such great wisdom and moderation and by our ancestors, I have nothing, or, t least, not much, which I know should be changed in our laws." (Cicero, De Legibus 3, 12) 

P. 320. n. 1a.  quisquis praesentem statum civitatis commutari non volet, et ciivis et vir bonus bonus est. "Whoever does not wish the present dispensation of the state to be changed is both a good citizen and a good man." (Macrobius, Saturnalia 2, 14, 18) 

P. 320. n. 1b.  πᾶσαν μὲν ἀρχὴν μᾶλλον αἱρούμενος ἀναρχίας. "preferring any government whatever to no government at all." (Plutarch, Pompeius 54, 4) 

P. 320. 1c.  πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς κειμένους νόμους ἰσχυρῶς φυλάττετε καὶ μηδένα αὐτῶν μεταβάλητε. τὰ γὰρ ἐν ταὐτῷ μένοντα, κἄν χείρω ᾖ, συμθορώτερα τῶν ἀεὶ καινοτομουμένων, κἂν βελτίω εἶναι δοκῇ, ἐστιν. "In the first place, guard vigilantly the established laws and change none of them; for what remains fixed, even though it be inferior, is more advantageous than that which is subject to innovations, even though it seems to be superior." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 53, 10, 1)

P. 320. n. 2.  ita mihi salvam ac sospitem rem p. sistere in sua sede liceat, atque eis rei fructum percipere, quem peto, ut optimi status auctor dicar, et moriens ut feram mecum spem, mansura in vestigio suo fundamenta rei p. quae iecero. "May it be permitted to me to have the happiness of establishing the commonwealth on a safe and sound basis, and thus enjoy the reward which I seek, that of being celebrated as the author of the best possible constitution, and of carrying with me, when I die, the hope that these foundations which I have laid for its government remain secure." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 28, 2)

P. 320. n. 3.  fecitque ipse se compotem voti, nisus omni modo, ne quem novi status paeniteret. "And, indeed, he achieved his wish, while striving to avoid by every means any new political circumstance." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 28, 2)

P. 320. n. 4.  et cuncta terrarum subacta praeter atrocem animum Catonis. "and of a world subdued  except for Cato's unforgiving soul." (Horace, Odes 2,1)

P. 320. n. 5.  praestat enim nemini imperare quam alicui servire: sine illo enim vivere honeste licet, cum hoc vivendi nulla condicio est. "for it is better to rule no one than to be anyone's slave: since one may live with honour without ruling, while there is no kind of life for the slave." (Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 9, 3. 95).

P. 320. n. 6.  libertas, quae non in eo est ut iusto utamur domino, sed ut nulllo. "Liberty, which does not consist of slavery to a just master, but of slavery to no master at all." (Cicero, De Re Publica 2, 43) 

P. 322. n. 1.  post id tempus auctoritate omnibus praestiti, potestatis autem nihilo amplius habui quam ceteri qui mihi quoque in magistratu conlegae fuerint. "After that time I took precedence over all in rank, but of power I possessed no more than those who were my colleagues in any magistracy." (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 34)

P. 323. n. 1.  non regno tamen neque dictatura sed principis nomine constitutam rem publicam. "Yet the state had been organised under the name neither of a kingdom nor a dictatorship, but under that of a chief citizen." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 9)

P. 323. n. 2.  posito triumviri nomine consulem se ferens et ad tuendam plebem tribunicio iure contentum, ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paullatim. "then, dropping the name of triumvir, and giving out that he was a consul, and was satisfied with a tribune's authority for for the protection of the people, he won over the soldiers with gifts, the populace with cheap corn, and all men with the sweetness of peace, and so he gradually grew greater." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 2)

P. 323. n. 3.  sexto demum consulatu Caesar Augustus, potentiae securus, quae triumviratu iusserat abolevit deditque iura quis pace et principe uteremur. acriora ex eo vincula. "in his sixth consulship Caesar Augustus, feeling secure in his power, annulled the decrees of his triumvirate, and gave us a constitution which might serve us in peace and under a chief citizen, After that our chains became more galling." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 28)

P. 324. n. 1.  καὶ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκριβὴς μοναρχία κατέστη. (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 53, 11, 5)

P. 324. n. 4.  novus status. "any new political circumstance." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 28, 2)

P. 324. n. 6.  δυναστεῖαι. "warlords." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 52, 1, 1)

P. 326. n. 3a.  provincias validiores et quas annuis magistratuum imperiis regi nec facile nec tutum erat, ipse suscepit. "The more important provinces which could not be entrusted to annual magistrates with ease or safety, he reserved for his own administration." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 47, 1)

P. 326. n. 3b.  τὰ δ' ἰσχυρότερα ὡς καὶ σφαλερὰ καὶ ἐπικίνδυνα καὶ ἤτοι πολεμίους τινὰς προσοίκους ἔχοντα ἢ καὶ αὐτὰ καθ' ἑαυτὰ μέγα τι νεωτερίσαι δυνάμενα κατέσκεν. "while he retained the more powerful provinces, alleging that they were insecure and precarious and either had enemies on their borders or were able on their own account to instigate a serious revolt." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 53, 12, 2)

P. 327. n. 1.  διαιρῶν ἄλλοτε ἄλλως τὰς χώρας καὶ πρὸς τοὺς καιροὺς πολιτευόμενος. "but the provinces have been divided in different ways and at different times, though at the present time they are as he arranged them." (Strabo, p. 840 [Geographica 17, 3, 25]) 

Chapter XXIII. Crisis in Party and State (pp. 331-348).

P. 332. n. 6.  τρυφή and ὠμότης. "the luxurious ways" and "cruelty" of Carisius (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 54, 5, 1)

P. 333. n. 2.  postea etiam latrociniis vacarent. "they were afterwards exempt even from brigandage." (Velleius Paterculus. Historiae Romanae 2, 90, 4)

P. 333. n. 5.  ἐπειδὴ καὶ  ἀκράτῳ καὶ κατακορεῖ τῇ παρρησίᾳ πρὸς πάντας ὁμοίως ἐχρῆτο. "since he was immoderate and unrestrained in his outspokenness to all alike." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 54, 3, 4)

P. 334. n. 1.  erant tamen qui hunc felicissimum statum odissent; quippe L. Murena et Fannius Caepio diversis moribus (nam Murena sine hoc facinore potuit videri bonus, Caepiuo et ante hoc erat pessimus) cum inissent occidendi Caesaris consilia, oppressi auctoritate publica, quod vi facere voluerant, iure passi sunt. "Yet there were those who hated this most fortunate state of affairs. For example Lucius Murena and Fannius Caepio, men who were quite diverse in character (for Murena, apart from this act, might have passed as a man of good character, while Caepio, even before this, had been of the worst) had entered upon a plot to assassinate Caesar, but, having been seized by state authority, suffered by law what they had wished to accomplish by violence." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 91, 2)

P. 334. n. 4.  vivet extento Proculeio aevo / notus in fratres animi paterni. "May Proculeius, his span of life having been extended, live on renowned for his paternal spirit towards his brothers." (Horace, Odes 2, 2. 5-6)     

P. 335. n. 4.  Quem vocet divum populus ruentis / imperi rebus? "Which of the gods shall the people invoke to bolster the fortunes of our collapsing state?" (Horace, Odes 1, 2, 25-6)

P.  336. n. 1.  haec tempora, quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus. "these present times, in which we can endure neither our vices nor their remedies." (Livy, Ab Urbe Condita Praefatio 9)

P. 336. n. 2.   ἐσαεὶ καθάπαξ. "once and for all and for life." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 53, 32, 5f.)

P. 337. n. 1.  πέμπεται δ' Ἀγρίππας τῶν πέραν ᾿Ιονίου διάδοχος Καίσαρι. "now Agrippa was sent as a successor to Caesar in the countries beyond the Ionian sea." (Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae 15, 10, 2 [350])

P. 339. n. 5.  aurea condet / saecula qui rursus Latio. "who will establish a golden age in Latium once more." (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 792-3)

P. 342. n. 1a.  otio ac molitiis paene ultra feminam fluens. "would almost outdo a woman in giving herself up to indolence and soft luxury." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 88, 2)  

P. 342. n. 1b.  talis hominibus fuit oratio qualis vita. "a man's speech is just like his life." (Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistolae Morales 114, 4ff.) 

P. 342. n. 4.  morosae uxoris cotidiana repudia. "the daily repulses of his wayward wife." (Seneca, Dialogus 1 [De Providentia] 3,10)

P. 342. n. 7.  pudenda Agrippae ablegatio. "the shameful banishment of Agrippa." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 7, 149)

P. 343. n. 1.  nam concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maxumae dilabuntur. "for through concord even small states are increased, but through discord even the greatest fall to nothing."  (Sallust, Bellum Iugurthinum 10, 6)

P. 344. n. 1.  parendique, sed uni, scientissimus, aliis sane imperandi cupidus. "well-disciplined in obedience, but to one man alone, yet eager to command others." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 79, 1)

P. 344. n. 6a.  praegrave servitium. "very wearisome servitude." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 7, 46)

P. 344. n. 6b.  miseram et onerosam iniungi sibi servitutem. "the miserable and burdensome servitude forced upon him." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Tiberius 24, 2)

P. 344. n. 6c.  ἔνδοξος δουλεία. "honoured servitude (Aelian, Varia historia 2, 20).

P. 345. n. 1.  Ulixem stolatum. "Ulysses in a lady's gown." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Caligula 23) 

P. 347. n. 1.  etenim magna negotia magnis adiutoribus egent. "For great tasks require great helpers." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 127, 2)

P. 348. n. 1a.  νῦν δὲ πᾶσι σε ἀνάγκη συναγωνιστὰς πολλούς, ἅτε τοσαύτης οἰκουμένης ἄρχοντα, ἔχειν. (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 52, 8, 4)

P. 348. n. 1b.  παραδυναστεύοντες. "Their associates in power." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 53, 19, 3)

Chapter XIV. The Party of Augustus (pp. 349-368).

P. 349. n. 2.  senatus sine asperitate, ne sine severitate lectus. "the revision of the senate, while not too drastic, was not lacking in severity." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 89, 4) 

P. 351. n. 1.  quis ergo iste optimus quisque? numero, si quaeris, innumerabiles, neque enim aliter stare possemus; sunt nprincipes consili publici, sunt qui eorum sectam sequuntur, sunt maximorum ordinum homiones, quibus patet curia, sunt municipales rusticique Romani, sunt negoti gerentes, sunt etiam libertini optimates. numerus, ut dixi, huius generis late et varie diffusus est; sed genus universum, ut tollatur error, brevi circumscribi et definiri potest. omnes optimates sunt qui neque nocentes sunt nec natura improbi nec furiosi nec malis domesticis impediti. "Who then are they, every good man? If you ask what are their numbers, they are innumerable, For, if they were not, we could not stand. They are the chief men of the public council, they are those who follow their school, they are the men of the highest orders of the state, to whom the senate-house is open; they are the citizens of the municipal towns and Roman citizens who dwell in the country.; they are men engaged in business; there are even some freedman of the best party. The number of this party, as I have said, is widely scattered in different directions, but the entire body (to prevent all mistakes) can be described and defined in a few words. All men belong to the best party, who are not guilty of any crime, nor wicked by nature, nor madmen, nor men embarrassed by domestic difficulties." (Cicero, Pro Sestio 97) 

P. 352. n. 1.  tamen ipsa aequabilitas est iniqua cum habet nullos gradus dignitas. "yet its very equality is unfair inasmuch as it allows no gradations of rank." (Cicero, De Re Publica 1, 43 [27])

P. 353. n. 4.  ab infimo militiae loco beneficiis divi Augusti imperatoris ad summos castrenses honores perductus eorumque uberrimis quaestibus locuples factus. "he was promoted by the favour of the divine emperor Augustus from the lowest position in the army to the highest military ranks and was made wealthy by the most fruitful of their money-making opportunities." (Valerius Maximus, Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 7, 8. 6)

P. 354. n. 1.  sanguine factus eques.  "a knight created through bloodshed." (Ovid, Amores 3, 8, 10 [7])

P. 356. n. 8.  equestris nobilitas. "equstrian nobility." (Tacitus, De Vita Iuliae Agricolae 4, 1)

P. 358. n. 2.  atque illa, cui avunculus Augustus, socer Tiberius, ex Druso liberi, seque ac maiores et posteros municipali adultero foedabat. "and she, to whom Augustus was an uncle, Tiberius a father-in-law and whose children were from Drusus, sullied herself, and her ancestors and her descendants for a provincial paramour." (Tacitus, Annales 4,3)

P. 358. n. 4.  C. Proculeium et quosdam in sermonibus habuit insigni tranquillitati vitae, nullis rei publicae negotiis permixtos. "of Gaius Proculeius and certain persons of a singularly quiet life, who were not entangled in any political schemes." (Tacitus, Annales 4, 40)

P. 359. n. 3a.  sane novo more et divus Augustus avonculus meus et patruus Ti. Caesar omnem florem ubique coloniarum ac municipiorum bonorum scilicet virorum et locupletium, in hac curia esse voluit. "to be sure, by a fresh practice both my grandfather Augustus and my uncle Tiberius wished the prime offspring of colonies and municipal towns everywhere, and doubtless of good and wealthy men, to be in this senate." (ILS 212)

P. 359. n. 3b.  equites et boni viri et locupletes. "knights and good and wealthy men." (Quintus Cicero, Commentariolum Petitionis 53)

P. 360. n. 2.  castresibus eiusdem Caesaris August. summis equestris ordinis honoribus et iam superiori destinatum ordini. "in the camp of the same Caesar Augustus, destined  for the highest positions in the equestrian order and then in the higher order." (ILS 2682 [Corfinium])

P. 360. n. 4.  municipalis illa prodigia. "those small-town monsters." (Florus, Epitome Rerum Romanorum 2, 6, 6)

P. 361. n. 1.  Scaevae et Flaviae filius, Consi et Didiae nepos, Barbi et Dirutiae pronepos. "son of Scaeva and Flavia, grandson of Consus and Didia, great-grandson of Barbus and Dirutia." (ILS 915)

P. 361. n. 4.  oppido Ferento, familia vetere et honorata atque ex principibus Etruriae. "from the town of Ferentium, from an old and distinguished family, and from Etruscan royalty." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Otho 1, 1)

P. 363. n. 4.  is primus omnium Paelign. senator factus est et eos honores gessit. "He has become the first senator from all of the Paeligni and has won these honours." (ILS 932)

P. 364. n. 3.  neque novus hic mos senatus populique est putandi quod optimum sit esse nobilissimum. "Nor is it a new fashion on the part of the senate and people to regard as the noblest that which is the best." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 128, 1)

P. 365. n. 1a.  τοὺς κορυφαίους ἐξ ἀπάντων τῶν ἐθνῶν. "the leading men from all the nations." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 52, 19, 3)

P. 365. n. 1b.  τούς γε γενναιοτάτους καὶ τοὺς ἀρίστους τούς τε πλουσιωτάτους. "men of the noblest descent, the highest qualities and the greatest wealth." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 52, 19, 2) 

P. 365. n. 2.  ac saepe regnis relictis non Romae modo sed et provincias peragranti cotidiana officia togati ac sine regio insigni more clientium praestiterunt. "They frequently left their kingdoms, laid aside their badges of royalty, and, assuming the toga, attended, and paid their respects to, him daily in the manner of clients." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 60)

P. 366. n. 1.  nec aliter universos quam membra partisque imperii curae habuit. "and indeed treated them all with the same consideration as if they were members and parts of the empire." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 48)

P. 367. n. 1.  manent posteri eorum. "their descendants are still among us." (Tacitus, Annales 11, 240

Chapter XXV. The Working of Patronage (pp. 369-386).

P. 371. n. 2.  cum alia prisca severitate summaque constantia vetere consulum more ac severitate gessisset. "adopting the rigorous regime of the older consuls, he adopted a general policy of old-fashioned severity." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 92, 2)

P. 374. n. 5.  mandabatque honores, nobilitatem maiorum, claritudinem militiae, inlustris domi artes spectando. "he bestowed honours with regard to noble ancestry, military renown, or brilliant accomplishments as a civilian." (Tacitus, Annales 4, 6)

P. 374. n. 6a.  sicut in petendis honoribus quosdam turpissimos nobilitas industriis sed novis praetulit, non sine ratione. "as, for instance, in the competition for public offices, some of the basest of men are preferred, on account of their noble birth, to industrious men of no family, and not without reason." (Seneca, De Beneficiis 4, 30, 1) 

P. 374. n. 6b.  cuius osculum etiam impudici devitabant. "whose kiss even the shameless sought to avoid." (Seneca, De Beneficiis 4, 30, 2)

P. 375. n. 2.  novicius morbus. "new disease." (Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 2, 4, 11)

P. 377. n. 1.  illustri magis quam nobili ortus familia. "descended from a famous rather than a high-born family." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 117, 2)

P. 377. n. 3.  sed, pace Messallarum dixisse liceat, etiam mentiri clarorum imagines erat aliquis virtutum amor. "but the Messallae must pardon me if I remark that to lay a claim, though an untruthful one, to the statues of illustrious men shows some love for their virtues." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 35, 8)

P. 378. n. 1.  quattuor robustos filios, quinque filias, tantam domum, tantas clientelas Appius regebat et caecus et senex. "Appius, though he was both blind and old, ruled four sturdy sons, five daughters, a great household and many dependants." (Cicero, Cato Maior, De Senectute 37, [11]) 

P. 381. n. 5a.  opumque, quis domus illa in immensum viguit, primus accumulator. "was the first to pile up the wealth which that house enjoyed to a boundless extent." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 30, re. Volusius)

P. 381. n. 5b.  bene tolerata paupertas, dein magnae opes innocenter partae et modeste habitae. "to have borne poverty with a good grace, then to have attained great wealth, which had been blamelessly acquired and was modestly enjoyed." (Tacitus, Annales 4, 44, re. Lentulus)

P. 381. n. 7. nec dona prodigi principis fuerant sed avitae opes, provinciarum scilicet spoliis partae. "nor were these the presents of a prodigal potentate but treasures which had descended to her from her grandfather and which had been obtained by the spoliation of the provinces." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 9, 117 [58 E/ 63 L]) 

P. 385. n. 2.  cohors primae admissionis.  "the company of his foremost audience" i.e. the whole inner circle of his court. (Seneca, De Clementia 1, 10, 1) 

Chapter XXVI. The Government (pp. 387-405).

P. 388. n. 2.  evulgato imperii arcano posse principem alibi quam Romae fieri. "for now had been divulged that secret of the empire, that emperors could be made elsewhere than at Rome." (Tacitus, Historiae 1, 4)

P. 391. n. 1.  imp. Caesare divi f. Aug. L. Tario Ruf. prp pr. leg. x Fret. pontem fecit. "Under the Emperor Caesar Augustus, son of the God, and the propraetor Lucius Tarius Rufus, the Tenth Legion 'Fretensis' built this bridge." (L' ann. ep., [Amphipolis] 1936, 18)

P. 391. n. 4. Pannoniorum gentes quas ante me principem populi Romanae exercitus nunquam adit, devictas per Ti. Neronem, qui tum erat privignus et legatus meus, imperio populi Romani subieci, protulique fines Illyrici ad ripam fluminis Danui. "The tribes of the Pannonians, to whom no army of the Roman people had ever penetrated before my principate, having been subdued by Tiberius Nero, who was then my stepson and my legate, I brought under the sovereignty of the Roman people, and I pushefdforward the frontier of Illyricum as far as the bank of the river Danube." (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 30) 

P. 392. n. 1.  cum tot sustineas et tanta negotia solus, / res Italas armis tuteris, moribus ornes. "Since you, (O Caesar,) alone sustain our concerns, as many and as great as they are, protect the interests of Italy with your arms, and embellish us with your morals." (Horace, Epistolae 21,  1, 1-2)

P. 395. n. 3.  ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκείνου δεξιᾶς καὶ γνώμης ἀπεσταλμένος. "sent out from his right hand and on his recommendation." (OGIS 458 11, l. 45, re. Paullus Fabius Maximus)

P. 396. n. 1a.  homines militares. "military men." (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 45, 2)  

P. 396. n. 1b.  virum fortem in primis, belli ac militaris peritum. "an especially brave man, skilled both in warfare and miliatary science. (Cicero, In Pisonem 54  [23])

P. 396. n. 4.  homo militaris, quod amplius annos triginta tribunus aut praefectus aut legatus aut praetor cum magna gloria in exercitu fuerat. "being a military man, he had served in the army with great renown for more than thirty years, as tribune, prefect, legate or praetor." (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 59, 6)

P. 403. n. 3.  curatores aedium sacrarum et operum locorumque publicorum. "curators of the sacred shrines and of the buildings in public places." (ILS 5939 ff)

P. 404. n. 5a.  pars populi integra et magnis domibus adnexa. "the respectable section of the people connected to the great houses." (Tacitus, Historia 1, 4)

P. 404. n. 5b.  plebs sordida et circo ac theatris sueta. "the degraded populace, frequenters of the arena and the theatre." (Tacitus, Historia 1, 4)

P. 405. n. 3.  ἱεπεὺς Λευκίου Μουνατίου. "the hallowed Lucius Munatius." (BCH xii [1888], 15 [Mylasa in Cari] re. Plancus)

Chapter XXVII. The Cabinet (pp. 406-418).

P. 406. n. 3a.  procos. iterum extra sortem auctoritate Aug. Caesari et s.c. misso ad componendum statum in reliquum provinciae Cypri. "proconsul again outside the lot by the authority of Augustus Caesar and having been sent by senatorial decree to settle the situation in the rest of the province of Cyprus." (ILS 915)

P. 406. n. 3b. ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκείνου δεξιᾶς καὶ γνώμης ἀπεσταλμένος. "sent out from his right hand and on his recommendation." (OGIS 458 11, l. 45, re. Paullus Fabius Maximus)

P. 406. n. 4.  δοκοῦσί μοι καλῶς καὶ προσηκόντως ποιήσειν οἱ τὴν Κρητικὴν και Κυρηναïκὴν ἐπαρχήαν καθέξοντες κτλ. "I think that those about to take charge of the province of Crete and Cyrene will do the job well and fittingly etc." (Cyrene Edicts 1, l. 13 f.)

P. 407. n. 1.  ἐκ δὲ δὴ τοῦ χρόνου ἐκείνου τὰ μὲν πλείω κρύφα καὶ δι' ἀπορρήτων γίγνεσθαι ἤρξατο, εἰ δέ πού τινα καὶ δημοσιευθείη, ἀλλ' ἀνεξέλεγκτα γε ὄντα ἀπιστείται· καὶ γὰρ λέγεσθαι καὶ πράττεσθαι πάντα πρὸς τὰ τῶν ἀεὶ κρατούντων τῶν τε παρα δυναστευόντων σφίσι βουλήματα ὑποπτεύεται. "But after this time most of the things that happened began to be kept secret and concealed, and, even though some things are perchance made public, they are distrusted because they cannot be verified; for it is suspected that everything is always said and done with reference to the wishes of the men in power at the time and of their associates." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 53, 19, 3)  

P. 408. n. 1.  ἐξ ξυμβουλίου γνώμης ὃ ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου κληρωτὸν ἔσχεν. "from the recommendation of the council which was drawn by lot from the senate." (Cyrene Edicts v, l. 87)

P. 408. n. 3.  super veteres amicos ac familiares viginti sibi e numero principum civitatis depoposcerat velut consiliarios in negotiis publicis. "Besides his old friends and intimate acquaintances, he required the assistance of twenty of the most eminent citizens of the state. as counsellors in the administration of public affairs." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Tiberius 53)

P. 409. n. 1.  turpissimum votum - vita dum superest, bene est. "That most debased of prayers", namely, "All is well, while my life remains." (Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales 101, 10 ff. on Maecenas)

P. 409. n. 2.  suberat tamen vigor animi ingentibus negotiis par, eo acrior quo somnum et inertiam magis ostentabat. "But beneath all this was a vigorous mind, equal to the greatest labours, the more active as he gave in proportion as he made a show of sloth and apathy."  (Tacitus, Annales 3, 30)

P. 410. n. 2.  P. Veidius P. f. Pollio Caesareum imp. Caesari Augusto et coloniae Beneventanae. "Publius Vedius, son of Publius, Pollio (constructed) this Caesareum (i.e. a shrine or monument) in honour of the emperor Caesar Augustus and of the colony of Beneventum." (ILS 109)

P. 411. n. 4.  magister fratrum Arvalium. "The master of the Arval brethren." (CIL 1. p. 214 f. re. Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus)

P. 413. n. 2a.  horum mihi nihil accidisset, si aut Agrippa aut Maecenas vixisset. "None of these things would have happened to me if eitehr Agrippa or Maecenas had lived." (Seneca, De Beneficiis 6, 32, 2) 

P. 413. n. 2b.  non est quod existimemus Agrippam et Maecenatem solitos illi vera dicere: qui si vixissent, inter dissimilulantes fuissent. " But we have no reason for supposing that it was the habit of Agrippa or Maecenas to tell the truth; indeed, if they had lived, they would have been among the dissemblers." (Seneca, De Beneficiis 6, 32, 4)

p. 416. n. 2.  ne fulgor suus orientium iuvenum obstaret initiis. "in order that his own glory might not stand in the way of these rising young men at the beginning of their careers." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 99, 1)

P. 416. n. 3. sic cohiberi pravas aliorum spes rebatur; simul modestiae Neronis et suae magnitudini fidebat. "in this way he thought to check the perverse ambition of others; at the same time he had confidence in Nero's moderation and in his own greatness." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 36)

P. 417. n. 1. iram et simulationem et secretas libidines. "Wrath, hypocrisy, and secret sensuality." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 4)

P. 417. n. 3.  necdum posita puerili praetexta principes iuventutis appellari, destinari consules specie recusantis flagrantissime cupiverat. "and before they had laid aside the dress of boyhood, he had most fervently desired, with an outward show of reluctance, that they should be called 'princes of the youth'." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 3)

P. 418. n. 1a.  nunc iuvenum priceps, deinde futurum senum. "now prince of the young, but in the future prince of the old." (Ovid, Ars Amatoria 1, 194)

P. 418. n. 2.  nam, ut vides, κλιμακτῆρα communem seniorum om nium tertium ex sexagesimum annum evasimus. deos autem oro ut, mihi quantumcumque superest temporis, id salvis nobis traducere liceat in statu rei publicae felicissimo ἀνδραγαθούντων ὑμῶν καὶ διαδεχομένων stationem meam. "for, as you see, we have reached our sixty-third year, the climacteric common to all old men. But I pray that, however long is the time which is left to me, we shall be able to spend it safely amid the most fortunate circumstances of the republic and with you behaving bravely and succeeding me in my position." (Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae 15, 7, 3)

Chapter XXVIII. The Succession (pp. 419-439).

P. 419. n. 1.  sensit terrarum orbis digressum a custodia neronem urbis. "The whole world felt the departure of Nero from his post as protector of the city." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 100, 1) 

P. 420. n. 1.  cedo, si spes tuas solus impedio, Paulusne te et Fabius Maximus et Cosso et Servili ferent tantumque agmen nobilium non inania nomina praeferentium, sed eorum qui imaginibus suis decori sunt". "Tell me, if I alone block your hopes, will Paulus and Fabius Maximus and the Cossi and the Servilii and the great line of nobles, who are not the representatives of empty names, but add distinction to their ancestral portraits, will they put up with you?" (Seneca, De Clementia 1. 9, 10)

P. 424. n. 6.  ingenio violentum et obsequii ignarum, insita ferocia a patre Pisone. "a man of violent temper and devoid of obedience, with an innate arrogance inherited from his father Piso." (Tacitus, Annales 2, 43)

P. 425. n. 3.  abnepos (aut) adnepos. "the great-great-grandson of Pompeius Magnus." (ILS 976)

P. 426. n. 3.  singularem nequitiam supercilio truci obtegens. "who hid his extraordinary depravity behind a stern brow." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 102, 5 re. Titus Quinctius Crispinus)

P. 426. n. 4.  sollers ingenio et prave facundus. "a man of shrewd understanding and a perverse eloquence." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 53 re. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus).   

P. 426. n. 7.    admissis gregatim adulteros, pererratam nocturnis comissationibus civitatem, forum ipsum ad rostra, ex quibus pater legem de adulteriis tulerat, filiae in stupra placuisse, cotidianum ad Marsyam concursum, cum ex adultera in quaestuariam versa ius omnis licentiae sub ignoto adultero peteret.  "that she had been accessible to scores of paramours, that in nocturnal revels she had roamed about the city, that the very forum and the rostrum, from which her father had proposed a law against adultery, had been chosen by his daughter for her debaucheries, that she had daily resorted to the statue of Marsyas, and, laying aside the role of adulteress, sold her favours there, and sought the right to every indulgence, even with an unknown paramour." (Seneca, De Beneficiis 6, 32. 1)

P. 426. n. 8.  magnitudinemque fortunae suae peccandi licentia metiebatur, quicquid liberet pro licito vindicans. "measuring the magnitude of her fortune only in terms of licence to sin, setting up her own caprice as a law unto itself." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 100, 3)

P. 427. n. 2.  pervicax adulter. "her persistent adulterer." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 53).

P. 429. n. 3.  perfida et plena subdoli ac versuti animi consilia. "sinister designs and those revealing a crafty and deceitful mind." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 102, 1) 

P. 429. n. 4a.  vindex avarae fraudis et abstinens / ducentis ad se cuncta pecuniae. "quick to punish the fraud of avarice and keeping clear of money that seeks to gather all things into its clutches." (Horace, Odes 4, 9, 37)

P, 429. n. 4b.  sub legato M. Lollio, homine in omnia pecuniae quam recti faciendi cupidiore et inter summam vitiorum dissimulationem vitiosissimo. "under his legate Marcus Lollius, a man who was ever more eager for money than for honest action, and of vicious habits, in spite of his excessive efforts at concealment."  (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 97, 1) 

P. 429. n. 5. clades Lolliana. "the disaster under Lollius." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 97, 1)

P. 429. n. 6.  Tiberium quoque Rhodi agentem coluerat. "he had also paid court to Tiberius, then living at Rhodes." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 48) 

P. 430. n. 1.  incusato M. Lollio, quem auctorem Gaio Caesari pravitatis et discordiarum arguebat. "while he censured Marcus Lollius, whom he charged with encouraging Gaius Caesar in his perverse and quarrelsome behaviour." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 48) 

P. 430. n. 4.  animum minus utilem rei publicae habere coepit. nec defuit conversatio hominum vitia eius assentiatione alentium. "His mind began to be of less service to the state. Nor was there lacking the companionship of persons who promoted his vices by flattery." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 102, 3 re. Gaius Caesar) 

P. 431. n. 1.  quoniam atrox fortuna Gaium et Lucium filios mihi eripuit. "since cruel fate has torn from me my sons Gaius and Lucius." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Tiberius 23)

P. 431. n. 2.  tum refulsit certa spes liberorum parentibus, viris matrimoniorum, dominis patrimoni, omnibus hominibus salutis, quietis, pacis, tranquillitatis, adeo ut nec plus sperari potuerit, nec spei responderi felicius. "On that day there sprang up once more in parents the assurance of safety for their children, in husbands for the sanctity of marriage, in owners for the safety of their estate, and in all men the assurance of safety, order, peace, and tranquillity, such that it would have been hard to entertain greater hopes, or to have had them more happily fulfilled." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2,103, 4)

P. 431. n. 4.  in Germaniam misit, ubi ante triennium sub M. Vinicio, avo tuo, clarissimo viro, immensum exarserat bellum et erat ab eo quibusdam in locos gestum, quibusdam sustentatum feliciter. "dispatched him to Germany, where, three years before, an extensive war had broken out in the governorship of that illustrious man, your grandfather Marcus Vinicius, and it had been waged by him successfully in some places and the enemy had been checked in other places." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2,104, 2)

P. 432. n. 5.  rudem sane bonarum artium et robore corporis stolide ferocem. "but devoid of any good qualities and having only brutal bodily strength." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 3 re. Agrippa Postumus)

P. 433. n. 1.  Quintili Vare, legiones redde! "Quinctilius Varus, give me back my legions!" (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 23, 2)

P. 433. n. 4.  nomini ac fortunae Caesarum proximus. "in name and in fortune nearest to the Caesars." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2,114, 5 re. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus)

P. 435. n. 4.  qui iam legatus patris eius in Germania fuerat. "who had already been a legate of his father's in Germany." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2,105, 1 re. Gaius Sentius Saturninus) 

P. 436. n. 4a.  de quo viro hoc omnibus sentiendum ac praedicandum est, esse mores eius vigore ac lenitate mixtissimos. "Of this man all must think and say that his character was an excellent blend of firmness and gentleness." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 98, 1 re. Lucius Calpurnius Piso)

P. 436. n. 4b.  L. Piso, urbis custos, ebrius ex quo semel factus est, fuit. "Lucius Piso, the prefect of the city, was drunk from the time when he was first appointed." (Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales 83, 14)

P. 436. n. 6.  genus illi decorum, vivida senectus. "he was a man of illustrious descent and of a lively old-age." (Tacitus, Annales 6, 27 re. Lucius Aelius Lamia)

P. 436. n. 7.  virum gravem, moderatum, sed mersum et vino madentem. "a man of authority and moderation, but soaked and steeped in wine." (Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales 83, 15 re. Cossus Cornelius Lentulus)

P. 437. n. 3.  quid tunc homines timuerint, quae senatus trepidatio, quae populi confusio, quis orbis metus, in quam arto salutis exitique fuerimus confinio, neque mihi tam festinanti exprimere vacat neque cui vacat potest. "what fears men had at that time, what trepidation of the senate, what confusion of the people, what fears of the city with regard to the narrow borderland between safety and ruin which we were in, in my hurry I have no time to express, nor can he express it who has the time." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 124, 1)

P. 438. n. 3.  Sex. Pompeius et Sex, Appuleius consules primi in verba Tiberii Caesaris iuravere, aputque eos Seius Strabo et C. Turranius, ille praetoriarum cohortium praefectus, hic annonae; mox senatus miles que et populus. "Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius, the consuls, were the first to swear their allegiance to Tiberius Caesar, and, in their presence, Seius Strabo and Gaius Turranius, the former the prefect of the praetorian guards and the latter the prefect of the corn supply, swore the oath; then the senate, the military, and the people did the same." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 7)

P. 438. n. 5.  proinde in civitate tot inlustribus viris subnixa non ad unum omnia deferrent: plures facilius minia rei publicae sociatis laboribus exsecuturos. "consequently, in a state supported by so many illustrious men, they should not confer all powers on one man; many men, by uniting their efforts, would discharge the official duties of the state more easily." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 11)

 P. 439. n. 2.  ceterum in nullius unquam suorum necem duravit, neque mortem nepoti pro securitate privigni inlatam credibile erat. "but he was never hard-hearted enough to kill any of his kinsfolk, nor was it credible that death had been inflicted on the grandson in return for the security of the step-son." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 6) 

P. 439. n. 3.  prima novo principatu mors Iunii Silani proconsulis Asiae. "The first death under the new emperor, that of Junius Silanus, the proconsul of Asia ... " (Tacitus, Annales 13, 1)

Chapter XXIX. The National Programme (pp. 440-458). 

P. 440. n. 1.  Magis alii homines quam alii mores. "different men rather than different customs." (Tacitus, Historiae 2, 95)

P. 441. n. 1.  his ego nec metas rerum nec tempora pono: / imperium sine fine dedi. "To these people I fix neither boundaries nor periods of time to their good fortunes: I have given them power without end." (Virgil, Aeneid 1, 278-9)

P. 441. n. 3.  tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento. "You, Roman, remember to rule with authority the peoples of the earth." (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 851)

P. 442. n. 2.  externi mores ac vitia non Romana. "foreign habits and non-Roman vices." (Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales 83, 25)

P. 442. n. 3.  moribus antiquis res stat Romana virisque. "The Romans state depends on its ancient customs and its men." (Ennius, quoted by Cicero in his De Re Publica [St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei 2, 21]) 

P. 442. n. 4.  nuper divitiae avaritiam et abundantes voluptates desiderium per luxum atque libidinem pereundi perdendique omnia invexere. "Of late, riches have brought in avarice and excessive pleasures, a longing to carry excess and licence to the point of the destruction and ruin of everything." (Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, 1, praef. 12) 

P. 442. n. 5.  mi natura dedit leges a sanguine ductas / ne possem melior iudicis esse metu. "My birth gave me laws laid down by my race, nor could I be made more afraid of judgment." (Propertius, Elegiae 4, 11, 47)

P. 443. n. 1a.  fortes creantur fortibus et bonis. "Brave men are born to brave and good men." (Horace, Odes 4, 4, 29) 

P. 443. n. 1b.  doctrina sed vim promovet insitam, / rectique cultus pectora roborant. "Yet it is training that promotes inborn talent, and right habits produce strength of character." (Horace, Odes 4, 4, 53-4) 

P. 443. n. 3.  iustum et tenacem propositi virum. "the man who is just and tenacious of purpose." (Horace, Odes 3, 3, 1)

P. 443. n. 4.  si quaeret 'Pater Urbium' / subscribi statuis, indomitam audeat / refrenare licentiam, / clarus postgenitis. "if he seeks the name 'Father of Cities' to be inscribed on his statues, let him venture to control uncontrollable licentiousness, and be renowned to posterity." (Horace, Odes 3, 24, 27-30)

P. 444. n. 2.  iam Fides et Pax et Honos Pudorque / priscus et neglecta redire Virtus / audet. "Now Faith and Peace and Honour and old-fashioned modesty and neglected Virtue venture to return." (Horace, Carmen Saeculare 57-9)

P. 444. n. 4.  caelibes esse prohibento, mores populi regunto, probrum in senatu ne relinquonto. "let them check celibacy, let them direct the morals of the people and let them remove any scandal in the senate." (Cicero, De Legibus 3, 7)

P. 444. n. 6.  in lapide hoc uni nupta fuisse fecit. "Read it on this stone, she was wedded to one alone." (Propertius, Elegiae 4, 11, 36)

P. 444. n. 7.  domum servavit, lanam fecit. "She kept house and spun wool." (ILS 8403)

P. 445. n. 1a.  istae quidem artes, si modo aliquid valent, (id valent) ut paulum acuantet tamquam irritent ingenia puerorum, quo facilius possint maiora discere. "As to these abstract sciences, their value (if they have any) lies principally in exciting and stimulating the abilities of the youth, so that they may the more easily acquire more important accomplishments." (Cicero, De Republica 1, 30 [Lat. 1. 18 Eng.]) 

P. 445. n. 1b.  nec meliores ob eam scientiam nec beatiores esse possumus. "We should be neither wiser nor happier on account of this knowledge." (Cicero, De Re Publica 1, 32 [Lat. 1, 19 Eng.])   

P. 445. n. 2.  se prima in iuventa studium philosophiae acrius ultraque quam concessum Romano ac senatori hausisse. "he would have imbibed a keener love of philosophy than became a Roman and a senator." (Tacitus, De Vita Iuliae Agricolae 4, 4)

P. 446. n. 4.  nil patrium nisi nomen habet Romanus alumnus. "The Roman child has nothing of his fathers save the name." (Propertius, Elegiae 4, 1, 37)

P. 447. n. 2.  cui dabit partis scelus expiandi / Iuppiter. "To whom shall Jupiter assign the task of expiating wickedness?" (Horace, Odes 3, 6, 1-2)

P. 447. n. 3.  eo mortuo qui civilis motus occasione occupaverat. "when he at last was dead who, taking advantage of civil disturbance, had seized it for himself." (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 10 re. Lepidus)

P. 447. n. 4.  sacrati provida cura ducis. "the far-sighted concern of our sacred leader." (Ovid, Fasti 2, 60)

P. 447. n. 5.  templorum omnium conditorem aut restitutorem. "the founder or restorer of every temple." (Livy, Ab Urbe Condita 4, 20, 7)

P. 448. n. 1.  vincit Roma fide Phoebi. "Rome conquers with Phoebus keeping faith." (Propertius, Elegiae 4, 6, 67)

P. 448. n. 5.  nam quantum ferro tantum pietate potentes / stamus. "For our power depends as much on our piety as on our steel." (Propertius, Elegiae 3, 22, 21-2)

P. 448. n. 6.  dis te minorem quod geris, imperas: / hinc omne principium, huc refer exitum. "You rule because you conduct yourself as inferior to the gods: from them ascribe all your beginning, to them ascribe your ending." (Horace, Odes 3, 6, 5-6)

P. 449. n. 1.  proximum a dis immortalibus honorem memoriae ducum praestitit, qui imperium p. R. ex minimo maximum reddidissent. "Next to the immortal gods, he paid the highest honour to the memory of those generals who had raised the empire of the Roman people from its low origin to the highest pitch of grandeur." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 31, 5)

P. 449. n. 2.  non incisa notis marmora publicis / per quae spiritus et vita redit bonis / post mortem ducibus. "It's not marble carved with public inscriptions, through which life and breath return to great generals after their death." (Horace, Odes 4, 8, 13-5)

P. 449. n. 3.  non hic Atridae nec fandi fictor Ulixes: / durum a stirpe genus. "Here you will find no sons of Areus, , no Ulysses, inventor of deceitful speech: we are by birth a hardy race." (Virgil, Aeneid 9, 602-3)

P. 449. n. 4a.  saeva paupertas. "the cruelly-tight circumstances (Horace, Odes 1, 12, 43)

P. 449. n. 4b.  parvum tugurium. "little cottage" (Livy, Ab Urbe Condita 42, 34)

P. 449. n. 5.  rusticorum mascula militum / proles. "the manly offspring of yeomen farmers." (Horace, Odes 3, 6, 37-8)

P. 449. n. 6.  genus acre virum. "a valiant breed of men" (Virgil, Georgics 2, 167 re. the Marsi) 

P. 450. n. 1.  sit Romana potens Itala virtute propago! "Let the offspring of Rome be strong in Italian valour!" (Virgil, Aeneid 12, 847)

P. 450. n. 2.  salve, magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus, / magna virum! "Hail, land of Saturn, mighty mother of produce, mighty mother of men!" (Virgil, Georgics 2, 173-4) 

P. 451. n. 2.  angustam amice pauperiem pati / robustus acri militia puer / condiscat. "Hardened by sharp military service, let the boy learn to endure pinching poverty." (Horace, Odes 3, 2, 1-2)

P. 451. n. 4.  campestres melius Scythae. "The Scythians of the steppes live better." (Horace, Odes 3, 24, 9)

P. 452. n. 1.  non ita Romuli / praescriptum et intonsi Catonis / auspiciis veterumque norma. "Not so was it ordained by Romulus, and by the example of bearded Cato, and by the practice or men of old." (Horace, Odes 2, 15, 10-2)

P. 454. n. 3.  Romanos rerum dominos gentemque togatam. "The Romans, the masters of all things and the race that wears the toga." (Virgil, Aeneid 1, 282) 

P. 455. l. 13.  antiquo ipse cultu victuque. "himself of old-fashioned dress and diet." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 55 re. Vespasian)

P. 455. n. 3.  nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidem velut orbis, ut quem ad modum temporum vices ita morum vertantur. "Or possibly there is in all things a kind of cycle, and there may be moral revolutions just as there are changes of seasons." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 55)

P. 455. n. 4.  sis Patavina licet. "even though you should be a native of Patavium." (Martial, Epigrammata 11, 16, 8)

P. 455. n. 5.  patria est ei Brixia ex illa nostra Italia quae multum adhuc verecundiae, frugalitatis atque etiam rusticitatis antiquae retinet ac servat. "His native place is Brixia, a part of that Italy of ours which still retains and preserves much of the old-fashioned courtesy, frugality and rusticity." (Pliny the Younger, Epistulae 1, 14, 4)

P. 456. n. 2.  modicus dignationis et quoquo facinore properus clarescere. "a man of but moderate position and eagerto become notorious by any kind of deed." (Tacitus, Annales 4, 52)

P. 457. n. 6a.  iuventutis penuria. "the needs of youth." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 7, 149)

P. 457. n. 6b.  inter tot rerum difficultates καὶ τοσαύτην ἀποθυμίαν τῶν στρατευομένων.  "amidst so many difficulties and the weariness of the troops." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Tiberius 21, 5)

P. 458. n. 1.  cohortes vouluntariorum. "cohorts of volunteers" i.e. freedmen. (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 100, 7) 

P. 458. n. 2.  Fortuna non mutat genus. "Fortune does not alter your birth." (Horace, Epodes 4, 6)

P. 458. n. 3.  in pretio pretium nunc est; dat census honores, / census amicitias: pauper ubique iacet. "Wealth is what is valued now; riches bring honours, riches bring friends: everywhere the poor are hidden." (Ovid, Fasti 1, 217-8)

Chapter XXX. The Organization of Opinion (pp. 459-475).  

P. 459. n. 1.  nostra miseria tu es magnus. To our misery, art thou great." (Cicero, Ad Atticum 2, 19. 3) 

P. 460. n. 3.  recitantes et benigne et patienter audiit, nec tantum carmina et historiae, sed et orationes et dialogos. componi tamen aliquid de se nisi et serio et a praestantissimis offendebatur. "He would hear them read their works with a great deal of patience and good nature, and not only poetry and history, but orations and dialogues. He was displeased, however, that anything should be composed about himself, except in a grave manner and by men of the most eminent abilities." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 89, 3)

P. 460. n. 4.  centum puer artium. "He's a lad of a hundred skills." (Horace, Odes 4, 1, 15) 

P. 461. n. 1.  spiritus intus alit, totamque infusa per artus / mens agitat molem et magno se corpore miscet. "A spirit from within sustains them, and mind coursing through these limbs, keeps the whole mass moving and mingles itself within that great body." (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 726-7)

P. 462. n. 1.  non hoc iocosae conveniet lyrae: / quo, Musa, tendis? "This theme will not suit my sportive lyre. Whither, Muse, do you make your way?" (Horace, Odes 3, 3, 69-70)

P. 462. n. 2.  scilicet improbae / crescunt divitiae; tamen / curtae nescio quid semper abest rei. "Doubtless insatiate riches grow; yet there's always something lacking in a fortune forever incomplete." (Horace, Odes 3, 24, 62-4)

P. 462. n. 3.  nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar / imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris, / Iulius a magno demissum nomen Iulo. "There shall be born, of noble lineage, a Trojan Caesar, to bound his empire at the Ocean, and his glory at the stars, a Julius, his name handed down from great Iulus." (Virgil, Aeneid 1, 286-8)

P. 462. n. 4.  hic vir, hic est, tibi quem promitti saepius audis, / Augustus Caesar, divi genus, aurea condet / saecula qui rursus Latio. "Here is the man whom you often hear has been promised to you, here is Augustus Caesar, the son of the god, who will again establish the golden age in Latium." (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 791-3) 

P. 463. n. 1.  tantae molis erat Romanam condere gentem. "Of such great effort it was to found the Roman race." (Virgil, Aeneid 1, 33)

P. 463. n. 2.  sed fore qui gravidam imperiis belloque frementem / Italiam regeret, genus alto a sanguine Teucri proderet, ac totum sub leges mitteret orbem. "but he would be the man who would rule Italy, pregnant with empire and clamorous with the noise of war, and who would hand down a lineage from the high blood of Teucer and subdue the whole world under laws." (Virgil, Aeneid 4, 229-31)

P. 463. n. 3.  via prima salutis, / quod minime reris, Graia pandetur ab urbe. "The first path to safety, something which you least expect, will be opened up from a Greek city." (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 96-7)

P. 463. n. 4.  bella, horrida bella, / et Thybrim multo spumantem sangine cerno. "I see wars, dreadful wars, and the Tiber foaming with much blood." (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 86-7)

P. 463. n. 5.  bellum ingens geret Italia populosque ferocis / contundet, moresque viris et moenia ponet. "He will wage a great war in Italy and will crush its fierce peoples, and he will establish customs and city walls for his warriors." (Virgil, Aeneid 1, 263-4)

P. 463. n. 6.  nec mihi regna peto: paribus se legibus ambae / invictae gentes aeterna in foedera mittant. "Nor do I seek the realm for myself, but under equal laws may both unconquered peoples throw themselves into an everlasting compact." (Virgil, Aeneid 12, 190-1)

P. 463. n. 7.  res Italas Romanorumque triumphos. "Italy's story and the triumphs of the Romans." (Virgil, Aeneid 8, 626)

P. 464. n. 1.  deum deo natum, regem parentemque urbis Romanae. "as a god born of a god, king and father of the Roman city." (Livy, Ab Urbe Condita 1, 16, 3)

P. 465. n. 4.  hinc Augustus agens Italos in proelia Caesar. "On one side was Augustus Caesar, leading Italians into battle." (Virgil, Aeneid 8, 678)

P. 466. n. 1.  omnis Romanae cedent miracula terrae. "All these miracles give way to Roman lands." (Propertius, Elegiae 3, 22, 17) 

P. 466. n. 2.  si Perusina tibi patriae sunt nota sepulchra / (Italiae duris funera temporibus / cum Romana suos egit discordia civis), / sic mihi praecipue pulvis Etrusca dolor. "If our country's graves at Perusia are known to you, (Italy's graveyard in the darkest times when Roman citizens dealt in war), and, to my especial sorrow, Etruscan dust." (Propertius, Elegiae 1, 22, 3-6)

P. 466. n. 4.  pacis amor deus est, pacem veneramur amantes. "Love is the god of peace, and it is peace we lovers worship." (Propertius, Elegiae 3, 5, 1)

P. 466. n. 5.  nullus  de nostro sanguine miles erit. "There will be no soldiers from my blood." (Propertius, Elegiae 2, 7, 14)

p. 467. n. 3.  militat omnis amans, et habet sua castra Cupido. "Every lover is in arms and Cupid holds the fort." (Ovid, Amores 1, 9, 3)

P. 467. n. 4.  nemo enim illic vitia ridet, nec corrumpere et corrumpi saeculum vocatur. "For no one there laughs at vice, nor do they call it the fashion to corrupt and to be corrupted." (Tacitus, Germania 19, 3)

P. 467. n. 5.  vita verecunda est, Musa iocosa mea. "my life is modest, my Muse is playful." (Ovid, Tristia 2, 354)

P. 468. n. 2.  duo crimina, carmen et error. "two charges, a poem and an error." (Ovid, Tristia 2, 207)

P. 468. n. 3.  nec mea decreto damnasti facta senatus / nec mea selecto iudice iussa fuga est. "You did not condemn my action by a decree of the senate, nor was my banishment ordered by a special court." (Ovid, Tristia 2, 131-2)

P. 470. n. 2.  Troius Aeneas, pietate insignis et armis. "Trojan Aeneas, renowned for his piety and his feats of arms." (Virgil, Aeneid 6, 403)

P. 471. n. 2.  divinus adulescens. "this godlike young man." (Cicero, Philippicae 5, 43)

P. 472. n. 1.  praesenti tibi maturos largimur honores, / iurandasque tuum per numen ponimus aras. "We bestow timely honours upon you while you are alive, and swear vows and place altars on account of your divine genius." (Horace, Epistulae 2, 1, 15-6)

P. 472. n. 2.  nam quom te, Caesar, tempus exposcet deum / caeloque repetes sedem qua mundum reges / sint hei tua quei sorte terrae huic imperent / regantque nos felicibus voteis sueis. "For, when time demands that you, Caesar, become a god and return to your seat in heaven, from which you will rule the world, there are those here who shall order the earth on your behalf and rule us with their favourable vows." (ILS 137 re. Gaius and Lucius Caesar)

P. 473. n. 7.  πάσης γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης ἐπόπτην. "guardian of all the earth and sea." (IGRR iv, 309)

P. 474. n. 3.  ἦρξεν δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ τῶν δι' αὐτὸν εὐανγελίων ἡ γενέθλιος τοῦ θεοῦ. "the birthday of the god, through whom began the good tidings to the world." (OGIS 458, ii. ll. 40-1)

P. 474. n. 4.  ἐπειδὴ ἡ πάντα διατάξασα τοῦ βίου ἡμῶν πρόνοια σπουδὴν εἰσενενκαμένη καὶ φιλοτιμίαν τὸ τεληότατον τῷ βίῳ διεκόσμησεν / ἐνενκαμένη τὸν Σεβαστόν, κτλ. "since all divine providence ordered our lives and created with zeal and munificence the most perfect good in our lives by producing Augustus." (OGIS 458, ii, ll. 33-4) 

P. 475. n. 1. tribuni ex civitate Nerviorum. "tribunes from the state of the Nervians." (Livy, Periochae 141[139]).  

Chapter XXXI. The Opposition (pp. 476-489)

P. 478. n. 1.  coloniam Romanam et partem exercitus. "a Roman colony and part of the army." (Tacitus, Historiae 1, 65)

P. 480. n. 2.  oris probi, animo inverecundo. "an honest face but a shameless mind." (Sallust, Historiae 2, 16, M)

P. 480. n. 6a.  lassa crudelitas. "a weary cruelty." (Seneca, De Clementia 1, 11, 2)

P. 480. n. 6b.  sed coepit sero mereri. "but it began to be deserved too late." (Statius, Silvae 4, 1, 32)

P. 481. n. 1.  interfectos Romae Varrones Egnatios Iullos. "the murders at Rome of men such as Varro, Egnatius and Iullus." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 10)

P. 481. n. 2.  Prohibiti per civitatem sermones eoque plures. "throughout the country all discussion was prohibited, and for this reason many ... "(Tacitus, Historiae 3, 54)

P. 481. n. 3.  caput potius quam dictum perdere. "destroy his person rather than his speech." (Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 2, 4, 13)

P. 481. n. 4.  satis est enim si hoc habemus ne quis nobis male facere possit. "It is enough for us if we can prevent anyone from doing us any real mischief." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 51, 3)

P. 482. n. 3a.  acris vehementia. "the vehemence of that eager man." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 36, 33)

P. 482. n. 3b.  illus strictum eius et asperum et nimis iratum ingenio suo iudicium. "that strict and harsh judgment of his and too much anger in his disposition." (Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 4, praef. 3)

P. 483. n. 1.  sed Labeo incorrupta libertate et ob id fama celebratior, Capitonis obsequium dominantibus magis probatur. "but Labeo's incorruptible independence gave him the finer reputation, Capito's obsequiousness secured him the greater imperial favour." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 75)

P. 483. n. 6.  deflendus Cicero est Latiaeque silentia linguae. "Cicero and the stillness of the Latin tongue should be lamented." (Seneca the Elder, Suasoriae 6, 27) 

P. 484. n. 3.  tantae molis erat. "it was such a great mass ." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 7, 148) 

P. 484. n. 4.  genus eloquendi secutus est elegans et temperatum, vitatis sententiarum ineptiis atque concinnitate et reconditorum verborum, ut ipse dicit, fetoribus; praecipuamque curam duxit sensum animi quam apertissime exprimere. "He cultivated a simple and easy oratorical style, avoiding purple passages, artfully contrived prose-rhythms, and 'the stink of the far-fetched phrases', as he called it; his main object was to say what he thought as plainly as possible." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 86, 1)

P. 484. n. 5.  male hercule eveniat verbis, nisi rem sequuntur. "By god, it will turn out badly for the words, unless they follow the sense." (Porphyrio on Horace, Ars Poetica 311)

P. 485. n. 2.  inscitia rei publicae ut alienae. "through men's ignorance of public affairs which were now holly strange to them." (Tacitus, Historiae 1. 1)

P. 485. n. 3.  Patavinitas. "the literary style of Patavium," i.e. an uplifting and romantic view of history.(Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 1, 5, 56; 8, 1, 3)

P. 486. n. 2.  summa egestas erat, summa infamia, summum odium. "His poverty was very deep, his infamy was very high and the hatred of him was very great." (Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 10, praef. 4 ff. re. Titus Labienus)

P. 486. n. 3.  ille triumphalis senex. "that triumphalist old man." (Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 4, praef. 2 re. Asinius Pollio))

P. 486. n. 8.  sordidae originis, maleficae vitae. "of lowly origin and wicked lifestyle." (Tacitus, Annales 4, 21)

P. 487. n. 2.  quasi disertus es, quasi formosus es, quasi dives es; unum tantum es non quasi, vappa. "You are quite eloquent, you are quite handsome, you are quite rich; one thing only you are not quite - a good-for-nothing." (Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 2, 4, 11 re, Paullus Fabius Maximus according to Cassius Severus)

P. 487. n. 5.  civilia bella deflevit ... proscribentis in aeternum ipse proscripsit. "he bewailed the civil wars ... he proscribed for all time the sponsors of proscription." (Seneca, Ad Marciam De Consolatione 26, 1 re. Cremutius Cordus)

P. 487. n. 7a.  Magna illa ingenia cessere. "These great intellects passed away." (Tacitus, Historiae 1, 1)

P. 487, n. 7b.  temporibusque Augusti diecendis non defuere decora ingenia donec gliscente adulatione deterrerentur. "and fine intellects were not wanting to describe the times of Augustus, till growing sycophancy scared them away." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 1) 

P. 487. n. 7c.  di melius, quod eo saeculo ista ingeniorum supplicia coeperunt quo ingenia desierant. ""Good god, because in this day and age those (burnings of books) have begun the punishment of intellect by which they have suppressed intellect." (Seneca the Elder, Controversiae 10, praef. 7)

P. 488. n. 1.  ita neutris cura posteritatis inter infensos vel obnoxios. "Thus neither school cared about posterity, for the one was bitterly hostile, the other deeply servile." (Tacitus, Historiae 1, 1)

P. 488. n. 2.  exstinctus amabitur idem. "the same will be loved when his light is out." (Horace, Epistulae 2, 1, 14)

P. 488. n. 3.  curramus praecipites et, / dum iacet in ripa, calcemus Caesaris hostem. "Let us rush headlong and trample on Caesar's enemy while he lies upon the bank." Juvenal, Satura 10, 85)

P. 488. n. 4a.  inenarrabilis pietas; caelestissima opera. "inexpressible dutifulness; superhuman achievements." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 99, 2; 2, 104, 3)

P. 488. n. 4b.  virum severitatis laetissimae, hilaritatis priscae, actu otiosis simillimum, nihil sibi vindicantem eoque adsequentem omnia, semperque infra aliorum aestimationes se metientem, vultu vitaque tranquillum, animo exsomnem. "A person who is stern yet gay; cheerful but yet strict, busy, yet always seeming to be at leisure; he is one who claims no honours for himself and so acquires every honour, whose estimate of himself is always below that of others, calm in his expression and in his life, though his his mind is sleeplessly alert." Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 127, 3 re. Lucius Aelius Sejanus).

P. 489. n. 1.  inter quae maxime nostri aevi eminent princeps carminum Vergilius Rabiriusque. "among whom the most important in our age are Virgil, the prince of poets, and Rabirius." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 36, 3)

Chapter XXXII. The Doom of the Nobiles (pp. 490-508).

 P. 490. n. 1.  Stemmata quid faciunt? "What is the use of your pedigrees?" (Juvenal, Satura 8, 1)

P. 492. n. 2.  sed praefugebant Cassius atque Brutus eo ipso quod effugies eorum non visebantur. "But Cassius and Brutus outshone them all from the fact that their effigies were not to be seen." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 76) 

P. 492. n. 4.  ille praetorius dives, nulla alia re quam otio notus. "That rich man of praetorian rank who was famous for nothing other than his life of leisure." (Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales 555, 2 ff. re. Servilius Vatia)

P. 492. n. 5.  insignis nobilitate et orandis causis, vita probosus. " a man of distinguished rank and ability as an advocate, but of infamous life." (Tacitus, Annales 6, 29 re. Mam. Aemilius Scaurus)

P. 493. n. 3.  adultus inter extorris et liberalium artium nescios mox per Africam ac Siciliam mutando sordidas merces sustentabatur; neque tamen effugit magnae fortunae pericula. "There he grew up among outcasts who knew nothing of a liberal education, and after a while he supported himself in Africa and Sicily by petty trade, but he did not escape the dangers of high rank." (Tacitus, Annales 4, 13 re. Sempronius Gracchus)

P. 494. n. 1.  per uxorium ambitum et senili adoptione inrepsisse. "of having crept into power through the intrigues of a wife and a dotard's adoption." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 7 re. Tiberius)

P. 494. n. 2.  ubi specie studiorum nmen exilii tegeretur. "where the name of exile might be masked under that of  a student." (Tacitus, Annales 4, 44 re. the last of the Antonii)

P. 495. n. 1.  felicitas. "good fortune." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 10, 2 re. the Domitii)

P. 495. n. 2. pecus aurea. "golden sheep." (Tacitus, Annales 13, 1 re. Marcus Junius Silanus)

P. 497. n. 3.  P. Oppius dixit de genere Lentulorum, cum assidue minores parentibus liberi essent, nascendo interiturum. "Publius Oppius said about the family of the Lentuli that since the children were always smaller than their parents, their tribe would perish by propagation." (Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 6, 3, 67) 

P. 500. n. 8.  Lamiarum caede madenti. "steeped in the blood of the Lamiae." (Juvenal, Satura 4, 154)

P. 501. n. 3.  Plancus, artifex ante Vitellium maximus. "Plancus, the greatest political operator before Vitellius." (Seneca, Naturales Quaestiones 4, praef. 5)

P. 501. n. 5.  quem ultra honorem residuis nobilium aut si quis pauper e Latio senator foret? oppleturos omnia divites illos. "What distinctions will be left for the remnants of our noble houses, or for an impoverished senator from Latium? Every place will be crowded with these millionaires." (Tacitus, Annales 11, 23)  

P. 505. n. 3.  merito dubitasse Verginium equestri familia, ignoto patre. "It was well for Verginius to hesitate, the son of a mere equestrian family with an unknown father." (Tacitus, Historiae 1, 52) 

P. 504. n. 4.  τὴν δὲ δὴ ἡσυχίαν ἄγων καὶ τὰ ἑαυτοῦ πράττων ἐσώζετο. "he was continuing to save his life by keeping quiet and minding his own business." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 60, 27, 4)

P. 507. n. 1. o homines ad servitutem paratos. "how ready these men are to be slaves!" (Tacitus, Annales 3, 65)

P. 507. n. 2.  nemo iam divum Augustum nec Tiberii Caesaris prima tempora loquitur. "No one talks today of the deified Augustus or the early years of Tiberius." (Seneca, De Clementia 1, 1, 6) 

P. 507. n. 3.  solum id scires, deteriorem fore qui vicisset. "You can only know this, that the conqueror must be the worse of the two." (Tacitus, Historiae 1, 50)

P. 508. n. 1.  gesta populi Romani. "The deeds of the Roman people." (Cornelius Nepos, Vita Catonis 3, 3)

P. 508. n. 3a.  quibus libris nihil potest esse dulcius iis qui aliquam cupiditatem habent notitiae clarorum virorum. "Nothing can be more agreeable than these books to those who have any desire for knowledge of the actions of illustrious men." (Cornelius Nepos, Vita Attici 18, 4)

P. 508. n. 3b.  quis a quo ortus, quos honores quibusque temporibus cepisset. "who each one was, from whom he was sprung, what offices he held and at what time." (Cornelius Nepos, Vita Attici 18, 3)

P. 508. n. 4.   clarorum virorum facta moresque. "The deeds and character of illustrious men." (Tacitus, De Vita Iuliae Agricolae 1, 1)

P. 508. n. 5.  Nobis in arto et inglorius labor. "My labours are circumscribed and inglorious." (Tacitus, Annales 4, 320) 

Chapter XXXIII. Pax et Princeps (pp. 509-24).

P. 509. n. 1.  M. Agrippa, vir ingentis animi, qui solus ex iis, quos civilia bella claros potentesque fecerunt, felix in publicum fuit. "Marcus Agrippa, a great-minded man, who alone of those whom the civil wars made famous and powerful, was fortunate in his public life." (Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales 94, 46)

P. 510. n. 2.  eminentissimae ac nobilissimae simplicitas vir. " a man of the most eminent and the most noble simplicity." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 72, 3)

P. 510. n. 3a.  omni parte vitae detestabilem. "despicable in every aspect of his life." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Nero 5, 1)

P. 510. n. 3b.  hunc nobilissimae simplicitatis iuvenem Cn, Domitium, "the present Gnaeus Domitius, a young man of the most notable simplicity of life." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 10, 2)

P. 511. n. 2.  vir ingenio mitis, moribus quietus, ut corpore ita animo immobilior. "a man of mild character and of a quiet disposition, as slow in mind as he was in body ....... he entered the rich province as a poor man, but left it poor as a rich man." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 117, 2 re, Publius Quinctilius Varus).

P. 511. n. 4.  nobilissimus vir, amicus meus. "that most noble man, my friend." (ILS 212 ii. l. 24 f. re. Paullus Fabius Persicus)

P, 511. n. 5.  aequam memento rebus in arduis  / servare mentem. "Remember to keep an even temper amidst difficult circumstances." (Horace, Odes 2, 3, 1-2, addressed to Quintus Dellius)

P. 512. n. 1.  morbo proditor. " a traitor by disease." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 83, 10 re. Lucius Munatius Plancus)

p. 512. n. 3.  cum mortuis non nisi larvas luctari. "it is only ghosts that fight with the dead." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia praef. 31)

P. 512. n. 4.  desultor bellorum civilium. "he who jumps from one horse to another in civil wars." (Seneca the Elder, Suasoriae 1, 7 re. Quintus Dellius, according to Marcus Valerius Messala Corvinus)

P. 512. n. 5.  Asinium et Messallam, inter Antonium et Augustum bellorum praemiis refertos. "Asinius and Messalla, enriched with the prizes of the conflicts between Antonius and Augustus." (Tacitus, Annales 11, 7)

P. 512. n. 7.  nervosae vivacitatis haud parvum exemplum. "No poor example of vigorous vivacity." (Valerius Maximus, Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 8, 13, 4 re. Gaius Asinius Pollio) 

P. 513. n. 1.  quotus quisque reliquus qui rem publicam vidisset? "What number were left who had seen the republic?" (Tacitus, Annales 1, 3) 

P. 513. n. 2.  certare ingenio, contendere nobilitate, / noctes atque dies niti praestante labore / ad summas emergere opes rerumque potiri. "to strive in ability, to contend in rank, pressing through nights and days with hugest toil for the summits of power and mastery of the world." (Lucretius, De Rerum Natura 2, 11-13)

P. 513. n. 3.  nam genus humanum, defessum vi colere aevum, / ex inimicitiis languebat; quo magis ipsum / sponte sua cecidit sub leges artaque iura. "for humankind, its lifetime wearied by the cultivation of force, was ailing from its feuds; and so it all the more readily yielded of its own accord to laws and strict codes." (Lucretius, De Rerum Natura 5, 1145-7)

P. 513. n. 4.  Acriora ex eo vincula. "Henceforth our chains became more galling." (Tacitus, Annales 3, 28)

P. 514. n. 1.  pacato orbe terrarum, restituta republica, quieta deinde nobis et felicia tempora contigerunt. "When the earth had been pacified and the republic restored, then we experienced peaceful and prosperous times." (ILS 8393)

P. 514. n. 2.  ulteriora mirari, praesentia sequi. "I may admire an earlier period, but I acquiesce in the present." (Tacitus, Historiae 4, 8, quoting Eprius Marcellus)

P. 515. n. 1a.  nobis primae dissensiones vitio humani ingenii evenere, quos inquies atque indomitum semper inter certamina libertatis aut gloriae aut dominationis agit. "The first discord among us arose from the failings of the human character, which is restless and untameable in its struggle for freedom, or glory or power." (Sallust, Fragmenta Historiarum 1, 7 M)

P. 515. n. 1b.  vetus ac iam pridem insita mortalibus potentiae cupidorum imperii magntitudine adolevit erupitque. "That old passion for power which has been ever innate in man increased and broke out as the empire grew in greatness." (Tacitus, Historiae 2, 38)

P. 515. n. 2.  mox e plebe infirma C. Mariusm et nobilium saevissimus L. Sulla victam armis libertatem in dominationem verterunt. post quos Cn, Pompeius occultior non melior, et numquam postea nisi de principatu quaesitum. "Then arose Gaius Marius from the very dregs of the populace, and Lucius Sulla, the most ruthless of the patricians, who perverted into absolute dominion the liberty which had yielded to their arms. After them came Gnaeus Pompeius, with a character more disguised but no better, and never afterwards was anything sought but the post of emperor." (Tacitus, Historiae 2, 38)

P. 515. n. 3.  mansuram fuisse sub Pompeio Brutoque rem publicam. "The republic would have continued to exist under Pompeius and Brutus." (Tacitus, Historiae 1, 50)

P. 515. n. 5.  sed est magna illa et notabilis eloquentia alumna licentiae, quam stulti libertatem vocitant, comes seditionum, effrenati populi incitamentum, sine obsequio, sine severitate, contumax, temeraria, adrogans, quae in bene constitutis civitatibus non oritur. "But it is that great and famous eloquence of old which is the nursling of the licence which fools call freedom; it is the companion of sedition, the stimulant of an unruly people, a stranger to obedience and subjection, a defiant, reckless and presumptuous thing which should not arise in a well-ordered state." (Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus 40, 2) 

P. 515. n. 6.  apud quos omnia populus, omnia imperiti, omnia, ut sic dixerim, omnes poterant. "but there the people, there any ignorant fellow, anybody in short, could do anything," (Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus 40, 3)

P. 515. n. 7.  nostra quoque civitas, donec erravit, donce se partibus et dissensionibus et discordiis confecit. "So too our own state, while it went astray and wore out its strength in factious strife and discord."  (Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus 40, 4)

P. 515. n. 8.  sed nec tanti rei publicae Gracchorum eloquentia fuit, ut pateretur et leges, nec bene famam eloquentiae Cicero tali exitu pensavit. "Still the eloquence of the Gracchi was not so great that the republic could endure their legislation, and Cicero's fame as an orator was a poor compensation for the death he died." (Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus 40, 4) 

P. 516. n. 1.  cum de re publica non imperiti et multi deliberent, sed sapientissimus et unus. "when political issues are decided not by an ignorant multitude but by one man of pre-eminent wisdom." (Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus 41, 4)

P. 516. n. 3.  principes regesque et quocumque alio nomine sunt tutores status publici. "principes and kings and guardians of the public order, whatever different names they bear." (Seneca, De Clementia 1, 4. 3) 

P. 516. n. 4a.  imperaturus es hominibus quii nec totam servitutem pati possunt nec totam libertatem. "You will have to reign over men who cannot bear either absolute slavery or absolute freedom." (Tacitus, Historiae 1, 16)

P. 516. n. 4b.  βασιλευομένους τε ἄνευ δουλείας καὶ δημοκρατουμένους ἄνευ διχοστασίας. "they were subjects of royalty, yet not slaves; and citizens of a democracy without discord." (Cassius Dio Cocceianus, Historiae Romanae 56, 43, 4)

P. 517. n. 3.  bonos imperatores voto expetere, qualiscumque tolerare. "While I pray for good emperors, I can endure whomsoever we may have." (Tacitus, Historiae 4, 8)

P. 517. n. 4.  vitia erunt donec homines. "There will be vices as long as there are men." (Tacitus, Historiae 4, 74)

P. 517. n. 5.  saevi proximis ingruunt. "While cruel rulers fall upon those nearest to them." (Tacitus, Historiae 4, 74)

P. 517. n. 6.  idemque huic urbi dominandi finis erit qui parendi fuerit. "and the end of this city's rule will coincide with its failure to show obedience." (Seneca, De Clementia 1, 4. 2)

P. 518. n. 1.  unde dubitare cogor fato et sorte nascendi, ut cetera, ita principum inclinatio in hos, offensio in illos, an sit aliquid in nostris consiliis liceatque inter abruptum contumaciam et deforme obsequium pergere iter ambitione ac periculis vacuum. "Thence I am compelled to doubt whether the liking of principes for some and their antipathy to others, depends, like other contingencies, on a fate and and destiny to which we are born, or to some degree on our own counsels; so that it is possible to pursue a course between a defiant independence and a debasing servility, free from ambition and its perils." (Tacitus, Annales 4, 20)

P. 518. n. 3.  sciant, quibus more est inlicita mirari, posse etiam sub malis principibus magnos viros esse, obsequiumque ac modestiam, si industria ac vigor adsint, eo laudis excedere quo plerique per abrupta, sed in nullum rei publicae usum, ambitiosa morte inclaruerunt. "Let it be known to those whose habit is to admire the disregard of authority, that there may be great men even under bad emperors, and that obedience and modesty, if industry and vigour are present, may elevate a man to a glory, which most men only reach by a perilous career, wholly useless to the state, and closed by an ostentatious death." (Tacitus, De Vita Iulia Agricolae 42, 5)

P. 518. n. 4.  vis imperii valet, inania tramittuntur. "The strength of the empire is valued, and its empty show is disregarded." (Tacitus, Annales 15, 31) 

P. 518. n. 5.  pauci libertatem, pars magna iustos dominos volunt. "few men desire freedom, the greater part are content with just masters." (Sallust, Fragmenta Historiarum 4, 69, 18. M)

P. 518, n. 6a.  nunquam libertas gratior exstat / quam sub rege pio. "Never does liberty appear more pleasing than under a pious king." (Claudian, De consulato Stilichonis 3, 114-5)

P. 518. n. 6b.  cum optimus civitatis status sub rege iusto sit. "though a state reaches its best condition under a just king." (Seneca, De Beneficiis 2, 20, 2)

P. 519. n. 1.  optimus status. "the best possible constitution." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 28. 2)

P. 519. n, 2.  custodite, servate, protegite hunc statum, hanc pacem, hunc principem. "guard, preserve, protect the present state of affairs, this peace, this emperor." (Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae 2, 131, 1)

P. 519. n. 3. dux sacratus. "this hallowed leader." (Ovid, Fasti 2, 60)

P. 519. n. 4.  hic ames dici pater atque princeps. "May you delight to be called father and princeps." (Horace, Odes 1, 2, 50)

P. 519. n. 5.  optime Romulae / custos gentis. "Great guardian of the race of Romulus." (Horace, Odes 4, 5, 1-2)

P. 519. n. 6. custos rerum. "guardian of our affairs." (Horace, Odes 4, 14, 16) 

P. 519. n. 7.  o tutela praesens / Italiae dominaeque Romae! "O resolute guardian of Italy, and her mistress, Rome." (Horace, Odes 4, 14, 43-4)

P. 519. n. 8.  per illum se vivere, per illum navigare, libertate atque fortunis per illum frui. "through him we live, through him we sail the seas, and through him we enjoy our liberty and prosperity." (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 98, 2) 

p. 520. n. 1.  maxsumi custodia imperi Romani totiusque orbis terrarum praesidis. "Guardian of the Roman Empire and Governor of the Whole World." (ILS 140, l. 7f.)

P. 520. n. 2.  in statione. "on guard."

P. 520. n. 4.  scaevos iste Romulus. "that sinister Romulus." (Sallust, Fragmenta Historiarum 1, 5, 5 M re. Sulla)

P. 520. n. 6.  O Romule, Romule die, / qualem te patriae custodem di genuerunt! / o pater, o genitor, o sanguen dis oriundum, / tu produxisti nos intra luminis oras. "O Romulus, divine Romulus, you whom the gods begot to be your country's guardian! O our father, O our progenitor, O offspring sprung from the gods, we beg you to protect us still among the stars," (Ennius, quoted by Cicero,  De Re Publica 1, 64)

P. 520. n. 7.  munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere. "while he ascribed to himself the functions of the senate, the magistrates and the laws." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 2)

P. 520. n. 8.  olim enim ita se induit rei publicae Caesar ut seduci alterum non possit sine utriusque pernicie. nam ut illi viribis opus est, ita et huic capite. "For, as in earlier days, Caesar so clothed himself with the powers of the republic that neither could be removed without the destruction of both. For while the former needs power, so the latter needs a head." (Seneca, De Clementia 1, 4, 3)

P. 521. n. 1.  Legiones classes provincias, cuncta inter se conexa. "The legions, fleets, provinces, all things were linked together." (Tacitus, Annales 1, 9)  

P. 522. n. 1.  iuncta deinde tot mala: inopia stipendi, rebellio Illyrici, servitiorum dilectus, iuventutis penuria, pestilentis urbis, fames Italiae, &c. "Over and above all this, so many troubles were coming together: namely, the lack of pay for his soldiers, the rebellion in Illyricum, the levying of slaves, and the want of young men to join the levy, plague in the city, famine throughout Italy, etc." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 7, 149) 

P. 522. n. 2.  ecquis iis videretur minimum vitae commode transegisse. "Do you think I have acted my part on the stage of life well?" (Suetonius Tranquillus, Divus Augustus 99, 1)

P. 522. n. 3.  in summa deus ille caelumque nescio adeptus magis an meritus... "in short, that god who acquired a place in heaven, I do not know whether deservedly or not ..." (Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia 7, 150)

P. 523. n. 1.  et postea bellum inferentis rei publicae vici bis acie. "and afterwards, when they waged war upon the republic, I twice defeated them in battle." (Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 2)

P. 523. n. 4. arcana imperii in tali scriptione nemo sanus quaeret. "No sane person should seek the secrets of empire in such a document." (T. Mommsen 1883, p. vi) 

 

  

 

 

 

ST. PAUL'S SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS

Introduction:

a. Date and background. 

By way of introduction to 2 Thess. readers are referred to the introduction to Sabidius' translation of 1 Thess., published in this blog on 19th November 2020. Paul's second epistle to the Thessalonians was probably written at Corinth in the spring or summer of 51 A.D. after Timothy and Silas had returned from Thessalonica after their delivery of the first epistle. Though much shorter than the first epistle it is so similar to it in  structure and content that some have considered it a forgery. 

b. Outline.

1. Introduction (Chapter 1).

   a. Salutation (vv. 1-2).

   b. Thanksgiving for the Thessalonians' faith, love and perseverance (vv. 3-10).

   c. Intercession for their spiritual progress (vv. 11-12).

2. Instruction (Chapter 2).

  a. Prophecy regarding the Parousia (i.e. the day of the Lord's Coming) (vv. 1-12).

  b. Thanksgiving for their election and calling (vv. 13-15).

  c. Prayer for their service (vv. 16-17).

3. Injunctions (Chapter 3)

  a. Call to prayer (vv. 1-3)

  b. Warning against disorderly conduct and idleness (vv. 4-15).

  c. Conclusion and benediction (vv. 16-18).

c. Purpose.

As circumstances in the congregation at Thessalonica have remained much as they were when the first letter was written, Paul's reasons for writing are very similar to those which caused him to write that first letter. He encourages believers to remain steadfast during persecution and to  work for a living. Paul is also particularly concerned to correct believers' possible misunderstanding about the circumstances of the Day of the Lord's return Chapter 2. vv. 1-10)                

d. Theme. 

Like 1 Thess. this second epistle is much concerned with echatalogy and apocalyptic thinking. The exact identity of the 'man of lawlessness', "ὁ ἄνθροπος τῆς ἀνομίας" (see Ch. 2. v. 3)  and the force that is restraining him are uncertain, but these references, obscure as they are, are an undoubted precursor to the Antichrist of Chapter 23 of the Book of Revelations. At the time of writing 2 Thess. Paul could not have meant Nero, but, if he was in Rome in 64 at the time of the persecution of the Christians, Paul may well have been thinking in those terms. 

At the end of this translation, Sabidius has followed his usual practice, in relation to his translation of Paul's letters, of providing a list of quotations. In each case, he has provided the words firstly in the original Greek, then a version in Latin according to the "Vulgate", and then the translation according to the Authorised Version of the Bible.

CHAPTER 1. 

Salutation (vv. 1-2).

(1) Paul and Silvanus and Timothy to the congregation of the Thessalonians in (union) with God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. (2) Grace and peace (be) to you from God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.

Thanksgiving and encouragement. The Last Judgment (vv. 3-12).

(3) We are bound at all times to give thanks to God for you, brothers, as is fitting, because your faith is growing wonderfully, and the love of each and everyone of you for one another is increasing abundantly, (4) so that we ourselves boast of you in the congregations of God on account of your perseverance and faith amid all your persecutions and the afflictions which you endure, (5) (and this is) evidence of the righteous judgment of God (leading) to you being deemed worthy of the kingdom of God, for which you are indeed suffering. 

(6) Since (it is) just for God to return affliction to those (who are) afflicting you (7) and (give) relief to you the afflicted (ones) together with us at the revelation of the Lord Jesus, (when he comes) from heaven with his mighty angels (8) in flaming fire, bringing punishment upon those who do not know God and who do not hearken to the good news of our Lord Jesus, (9) they will pay the penalty of eternal exclusion from the presence of the Lord and the glory of his might (10) on that day when he comes to be glorified among his holy ones and to be regarded with wonder among all those who have believed, because our witness was believed by you.   

(11) For this, indeed, we pray for you, that your God may deem you worthy of his calling, and fulfil, by his power, your every wish for goodness and work of faith, (12) so that the name of our Lord Jesus may be glorified in you and you in him, according to the grace of our God and the Lord Jesus Christ. 

CHAPTER 2. 

The coming of the Lord and the prelude to it: the man of lawlessness (vv. 1-12).

(1) Now, brothers, concerning the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ and our gathering together with him, we ask you (2) not to become quickly unsettled in your mind, nor to be aroused either by a prophecy, or by a message, or by a letter, as though (it were) from us, to the effect that the day of the Lord has come. 

(3) Let no one deceive you in any way; because (it will not happen) unless the apostasy should come first and the man of lawlessness should be revealed, the son of perdition, (4) the one who sets himself up in opposition and elevates himself over everyone who is said (to be) a god or an object of reverence, so that he resides in the temple of God, proclaiming that he is a god. (5) Don't you remember that, when I was still with you, I told you these (things)?

(6) So you know what is now holding (him) back, in order that he may be revealed at his appointed time; (7) for the mystery of lawlessness is already at work; (but) only until the one who is now restraining (things) can be taken from their midst. (8) Then, indeed, will the lawless one be revealed, (he) whom the Lord Jesus will do away with by the breath of his mouth and bring to nothing by the manifestation of his coming, (9) (even he) whose coming is in accordance with the workings of Satan with all power and signs and portents of a lie, (10) and with every deception of wickedness for those who are perishing because they did not accept the the love of the truth that they might be saved; (11) so for this reason God sends them the power of delusion so they believe what is false, (12) in order that (those) who do not believe the truth, but delight in wrongdoing, may all be condemned.   

Exhortation to stand firm (vv. 13-17).

(13) But we are bound to thank God always for you, brothers, beloved by the Lord, because God chose you from the beginning for salvation through the sanctification of the spirit and your faith in the truth, (14) to which he called you through our gospel in order to acquire the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ. (15) So then, brothers, stand fast and maintain the traditions which you were taught, whether by word (of mouth) or by a letter of ours. (16) Now, may our Lord Jesus Christ himself and God our Father, who loved us and gave (us) eternal comfort and good hope through grace, (17) comfort your hearts and confirm (you) in every good deed and word. 

CHAPTER 3.

Pray for us (vv. 1-5).

(1) Finally, pray for us, brothers, that the word of the Lord may keep moving rapidly and be glorified, just as (it was) with you, (2) and that we may be delivered from evil and vicious men, for not everyone has the faith. (3) But the Lord is faithful and he will strengthen you and preserve you from the evil (one). (4) We have confidence in the Lord concerning you, that you are doing and will continue to do the things we command. (5) And may the Lord direct your hearts towards the love of God and towards the perseverance of Christ. 

Warning against idleness and disorderly conduct (vv. 6-15).

(6) Now, we command you, brothers, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ that you keep away from every brother who behaves in a disorderly manner and not in accordance with the tradition which you learned from us. (7) For you yourselves know how you ought to imitate us, in that we did not behave in an undisciplined manner among you, nor did we eat bread as a free gift from anyone, (8) but in labour and toil we worked night and day, so as not to impose a burden upon anyone of you; (9) not that we do not the right, but in order to give ourselves as an example to you, so that you might imitate us. (10) For, even when we were with you, we instructed you as follows: "If anyone does not want to work, neither let him eat." (11) For we hear that there are some walking around among you in a disorderly fashion, not working at all, but interfering. (12) Now, we command such persons, and exhort (them) in (the name of) the Lord Jesus Christ to work quietly and eat their own bread.  

(13) But you, brothers, do not be afraid of doing the right thing. (14) But if anyone does not obey our word in this letter, mark that (man), (and) do not associate with him, so that he may feel ashamed; (15) yet, do not consider (him) as an enemy, but admonish (him) as a brother.  

Final greetings and benediction (vv. 16-18).

(16) Now, may the Lord of peace himself give you peace at all (times) and in every way. (May) the Lord (be) with you all. 

(17) (This is) Paul's greeting in my own hand, which is my signature in every letter; this is how I write. 

(18) (May) the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ (be) with you all, (Amen).

APPENDIX: QUOTATIONS FROM ST. PAUL'S SECOND EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS

Listed below are  quotations taken from the above text. In each case, the words are given in the original Greek, followed by a translation from the Latin Vulgate, and the English of the traditional Authorised Version of the Bible. Where the wording of the latter may be somewhat opaque, the reader  can of course consult the translation above for an alternative, and hopefully more readable, version.

1) iii. 10:

εἴ τις οὐ θέλει ἐργάζεσθαι μηδὲ ἐσθιέτω.

si quis non vult operari nec manducet.

if any would not work, neither should he eat.

2) iii. 13:

μὴ ἐνκακησήτε καλοποιοῦντες.

nolite deficere benefacientes.

be not weary in well doing. 

CAESAR: "DE BELLO CIVILI": BOOK II

Introduction:

Book II of the " De Bello Civili" is the last of the books actually written by Caesar (i.e. "De Bello Gallico" I - VII and "De Bello Civili I - III)  to be translated by Sabidius. It is also perhaps the least read of all these books. Why should this be? Perhaps, because it is the one in which Caesar's fortunes are least successful. Much of the first half of the Book is taken up by the frustratingly protracted siege of Massilia, and, although the eventual fall of this port is followed by Caesar's success in winning the submission of Further Spain without the need for any fighting, the second part of the Book, i.e. Chapters 23-44, covers in some considerable detail the doomed campaign of Gaius Scribonius Curio in North Africa, where, after some initial successes, Curio is defeated and killed near Utica by a Pompeian army led by Attius Varus, heavily reinforced by the Numidian king Juba, one of Caesar's arch-enemies. Since the rationale for Caesar's 'Commentaries' is generally considered to involve propaganda, one does wonder why Caesar should have invested so much time and effort in writing of this sole example of a Caesarian campaign that ends in total disaster. The likely answer would seem to lie in Caesar's very high regard for Curio, who, if he had survived this African debacle, would probably have remained his senior and most trusted subordinate. He emphasises Curio's heroic death, when he refuses to seek his own salvation in flight and asserts that he could never look Caesar in the face again, having lost the army to which he had been entrusted: "ita proelians interficitur" - 'and so he died fighting' (see Chapter 42). Perhaps Caesar also felt some subsequent guilt about Curio's tragic death, in that he had given such great responsibilities to a man, who, although he was a great orator and politician, was of limited military experience, and that the army he commanded was much less experienced and reliable than the one he was leading himself. Perhaps in the end though, there is some propaganda value even in reading of Curio's defeat, in that it emphasises that Caesar's armies never lost a campaign when he himself was leading them, and indeed it surely makes his great victory over the Pompeians and Juba at Thapsus in 46 seem all the more remarkable.     

1. The Siege of Massilia (Chapters 1-16).

Chapter 1.  While these (things) were happening in Spain, his legate Gaius Trebonius, who had been left behind to (conduct) the siege of Massilia (i.e. Marseilles), began to bring up against the town a mound, penthouses and siege towers in two places. One (of these) was near to the harbour and dockyards, (and) the other by the gate, through which there was access (to the road) from Gaul and Spain, (and) to that (stretch of) sea which lay close to the mouth of the Rhone. For Massilia is washed by the sea on almost three sides of the town; it is the remaining fourth (side) which provides access to the land. As part of this space (is) that which belongs to the citadel, the nature of the place, fortified (as it is) by a very deep valley, ensures that any siege (will be) a long and difficult (one). In order to accomplish these works, Gaius Trebonius summoned a great multitude of men and beasts of burden from the whole of the province, and ordered wicker hurdles and timber to be collected. These things having been provided, he raised a mound eighty feet in height. 

Chapter 2.  But so great a stock of all the things required for war had been (laid up) in the town sometime ago, and such a great quantity of war engines, that no penthouses (i.e. screens) woven of wickerwork could withstand their force. For poles, twelve feet (high, were) tipped with metal-points, and these, fired from enormous catapults, crashed into the ground through four layers of wickerwork. So, the arcades (i.e. protective galleries) were covered over with timbers, a foot (thick), joined to one another, and, due to this, (the material for) the mound was carried from hand to hand. A 'tortoise' (i.e. a long, tunnel-like shed) went in front in order to level the ground, (and it was) also made of very strong timber intertwined with everything by which they could be defended from firebrands and stones thrown (by the enemy). But the size of the task, the height of the wall and the towers, (and) the large number of war engines, retarded all their efforts. Besides, frequent sallies were made from the town by the Albici (i.e. a tribe living in the hills to the north-east of Massilia), and fire was thrown at our mound and siege towers. Our men easily repelled these (attacks), and, in addition to inflicting heavy losses on those who had made the sally, they drove (them) back into the town.   

Chapter 3.  In the meantime, Lucius Nasidius had been sent by Gnaeus Pompeius (Magnus) with a fleet of sixteen ships, a few of which had bronze (beaks), to the assistance of Lucius Domitius (Ahenobarbus) and the Massiliotes, and had sailed through the Sicilian straits without the knowledge, and against the expectation, of (Gaius Scribonius) Curio, and, after his ships had been put in to land at Messana, and a flight of the leaders and local council had occurred on account of their sudden panic, he carried off a ship from their dockyards. When this had been attached to the rest of his ships, he resumed his journey towards Massilia, and, having sent a small boat secretly ahead, he informed Domitius and the Massiliotes of his approach, and urged them strongly to engage (Decimus Junius) Brutus' fleet once more, as soon as his reinforcements had been added. 

Chapter 4.  After their earlier setback, the Massiliotes had brought the same number of old ships out of their dockyards (as they had previously lost), and had repaired and refitted (them) with great industry - and a great supply of oarsmen and pilots was available (to them) - and they had added some fishing boats and had covered (them) over (with decking), so that their oarsmen might be safe from the flight of missiles; (and) these they filled up with archers and catapults. When their fleet had been equipped in such a manner, they climbed aboard the ships, encouraged by the prayers and tears of all the old men, family matrons (and) maidens (to) come to the aid of their state at this dire moment, (and) with no less courage and confidence than (they had shown when) they had fought before. For it is a common defect of our nature that in unfamiliar and unknown circumstances we tend to be over-confident or excessively afraid; (and) so it happened on this occasion. For the arrival of Lucius Nasidius filled the community with great optimism and enthusiasm. When they got a suitable wind, they left harbour and went to (join) Nasidius at Taurois, which is a fortress belonging to the Massiliotes, and there they prepared their ships for action, and strengthened their resolve to fight once more. The right wing was assigned to the Massiliotes, and the left to Nasidius.   

Chapter 5.  Brutus hurried to the same (place) with an increased number of ships. For to those which had been built by Caesar at Arelate (i.e. the modern Arles), six (ships) captured from the Massiliotes were added. These he had repaired and fitted out with all necessities. Accordingly, having encouraged his (men) to despise a vanquished (people) whom they had conquered (when they were) at full strength, he advanced against them full of optimism and ardour. From Gaius Trebonius' camp and all the higher grounds it was easy to see into the city, (and see) how all the young men who had remained in the town, and all those of more advanced age, together with their wives and children, were stretching their hands up to heaven from the public squares and watch-towers or from the wall, or were going into the temples of the immortal gods, and, prostrating themselves before their statues, were imploring the gods for victory. Nor was there a single one out of all (of them) but that he thought that the fate of all his fortunes depended on the outcome of that day. For the pick of the young men and the most eminent of every age (group), having been summoned and entreated, climbed aboard ship, so that, if anything adverse happened, they might see that nothing would be left to them to attempt; (and,) if they were to conquer, they might ensure the safety of the city, either by their domestic resources or by external assistance.  

Chapter 6.  When battle was joined, nothing was lacking to the Massiliotes with regard to their courage. But, mindful of their instructions, which they had received from their (friends) shortly before, they fought with such spirit, as they thought they would not have another opportunity to try (the fortunes of battle), and they believed that those to whom danger to life would occur in battle would not precede for so very long the fate of the remaining citizens, who, if their city were taken, would have to suffer the same fortune of war. Our ships having gradually dispersed, room was given both to the skill of their helmsmen and the manoevrability of their ships, and, if ever our (men), having gained an opportunity by casting iron hooks, had tied up a ship, they came from all directions to the assistance of their (ships) that were in trouble. Nor, indeed, after the Albici had joined (them), were they lacking in hand-to-hand fighting, nor were they much inferior to our (men) in valour. At the same time, a great shower of darts, thrown from a distance from their smaller ships unexpectedly inflicted several wounds on our (men), off-guard and hampered (by other duties, as they were). And two of their three-decked ships having sighted the ship of Decimus Brutus, which could be easily recognised by its flag, rushed up against it from both sides. But Brutus, having foreseen their design, extricated his ship with such speed that it got clear (of them) just in time. Sailing as rapidly (as they were), thy struck each other so heavily that they were both severely damaged by the collision, (and) indeed the beak of one (of them) was broken off and the whole (ship) was on the verge of foundering. This event having been observed, the ships of Brutus' fleet that were nearest to that spot made an attack on them, and sank (them) both. 

Chapter 7.  But Nasidius' ships were not of any use, and quickly withdrew from the battle. For neither the sight of their homeland, nor the injunctions of their kinsmen, were compelling them to enter (a situation) of extreme risk to their lives. And so, of the number of their ships not one was lost; of the fleet of the Massiliotes five (ships) were sunk, four taken, (and) one escaped with those of Nasidius; all of these made their way to Further Spain. But, when one of the remaining ships, which had been sent on ahead to convey the news of this (event), came near to the city, a whole multitude (of people) rushed out  to discover (what had happened), and, when they learned of the outcome, such grief took hold (of them), that the city seemed to have been captured by the enemy at the same moment. Yet, despite this, the Massiliotes began to make other arrangements for the defence of their city.   

Chapter 8.  It was observed by the legionaries who were engaged on the right-hand part of the (siege-)works that they could have considerable protection from the frequent sallies of the enemy, if they should build a tower there close to the wall as a stronghold and place of refuge. To begin with, they built a small low (structure) to (guard) against sudden incursions. Into this thy retired; from it they defended themselves, if any rather large force attacked (them); (and) from it they sallied forth to repel and pursue the enemy. It extended thirty feet in every direction, while the thickness of its walls (was) five feet. But later, as experience is the master of all things, man's ingenuity was applied, and it was found that it could be of great use, if it were raised to the height of a tower. This was achieved in the following way. 

Chapter 9.  When the height of the tower reached the (level of) a storey, they laid the flooring against the walls in  such a manner that the ends of the joists were covered by the outer structure of the walls, so that nothing should stick out to which the enemy's firebrands might cling. In addition, they built up this timber-work with small bricks as high as the roofs of the penthouses and screens allowed, and on top of that place they laid two joists across, not far from the outer walls, by which they supported that wooden framework which was going (to be) a covering for the tower, and on top of these joists they laid beams across at right angles, and held these down with planks. They made these beams rather longer and more prominent than the ends of the walls were, so that they could stick out in front of (the place) where the roof was, in order to ward off and repel blows, while they were constructing the walls inside this wooden frame; and they covered the top of that wooden framework with bricks and clay, so that none of the enemy's fire could damage (it), and they laid pads of rags on top of (it), lest any missiles hurled by ballistas might break through the flooring, or rocks (fired) from catapults might smash the brickwork. 

Moreover, they made three mats, four feet broad, out of anchor cables (to fit) along the length of the walls of the tower, and they fastened these so that they were hanging down around the tower from the projecting (ends of) the beams on the three sides that were facing the enemy; they had learned from experience in other places that this (was) the one type of covering that could not be penetrated by any dart or ballistic engine. But, when that part of the tower which had been completed was shielded and protected from all of the enemy's missiles, they removed the penthouses to other (parts of) the (siege-)works; they began to suspend and raise the roof of the tower from the first storey entirely by leverage. When they had raised (it) as far as the lowering of the mats permitted, hidden and secured within these coverings (as they were), they built up the walls with bricks, and freed space for themselves to build by further leverage again. When it seemed (to be) the time for a second storey, they laid joists such as (they had) at first, protected by external brickwork, and from the flooring they raised up the roof and the matting once more. So, securely, and without any injury or danger, they raised (it) six storeys high, and, in (the course of) building, left apertures in those places where it seemed appropriate for a ballista to discharge (missiles).   

Chapter 10.  When they were confident that from this tower they could protect the (siege-)works that were (taking place) nearby, they began to build a covered gallery, sixty feet long, (made) of timber two feet square, which they could extend from their brick tower to the enemy's tower and wall. The structure of this gallery was as follows. First, two beams of equal length were placed on the ground at a distance of four feet between them, and small (wooden) pillars five feet high were firmly fixed on these. They connected these one to another by cross-beams (forming) a slight gable, on which joists, which they had set aside for the sake of covering the gallery, were placed. Above this they put joists two feet square, and these they fastened with iron plates and nails. At the top of the roof of the gallery and (on) the uppermost beams, they fixed posts extending four inches square which held the bricks which were piled up on top of the shed. So, when (the roof) had been gabled and properly constructed, so that the timbers had been laid on the cross-beams, the gallery was covered with bricks and clay, so it should be secure from the firebrands which might be thrown from the wall. Over the bricks hides were spread, so that water let loose from pipes could not dissolve the bricks. Moreover, the hides were again covered over with pads of rags, so they should not be destroyed by fire and stones. Under the protection of penthouses, they completed this work to that tower of ours, and suddenly, and with the enemy off guard, they moved (it) right up to the enemy's tower, so that it was (even) connected to their building. 

Chapter 11.  Alarmed at this sudden calamity, the townsmen pushed forward with levers rocks (which were) as large as they could (manage), and, casting (them) from the wall, they rolled (them) down on to the gallery. The strength of the timber withstood the impact, and whatever fell (on it) slid off due to the gallery's sloping roof. When they saw this, they changed their plan; they set fire to barrels filled with firewood and pitch, and rolled these down from the wall on to the gallery. They rolled and fell off, and, as they fell down at the sides, they were removed from the works by long poles and forks. Meanwhile, inside the gallery our soldiers, (using) crowbars, were breaking up the lowest (row of) rocks in the enemy's tower, on which its foundations depended. The gallery was defended by missiles (thrown) from ballistas by our (men) from the brick tower; the enemy were driven away from the wall and its turrets; nor was  any free opportunity given (to them) of defending their wall. Now, when several stones from that part of the wall which was beneath the tower were withdrawn, part of the tower suddenly fell toppling down, (and) the remaining part began to slope forward in consequence; when the enemy, alarmed at (the thought of) their city being sacked, rushed out of the gate in unison, unarmed and with fillets (on their heads), they stretched forth their hands in supplication to our officers and army.   

Chapter 12.  When this new development occurred, the whole operation of the war came to  a standstill, and the soldiers turning away from battle, eagerly rushed out to hear and find out (what was going on). When the enemy came up to our officers and army, they all of them fell prostrate at their feet, and begged (them) to await Caesar's arrival. (They said) that their city (was) taken, our works completed, (and) their tower undermined; and so they were giving up its defence. (They said) that no obstacle could arise that (would prevent them) from being instantly sacked when he arrived, unless they were to carry out his orders at his behest. They pointed out that, if the tower were to collapse completely, our soldiers could not be stopped from bursting into the city in the hope of booty and sacking the city. These and several other (arguments) of the same kind were delivered with much piteousness and lamentation.    

Chapter 13.

The officers, moved by these (appeals), withdrew their men from the (siege(-works) and ceased the assault; they left sentries at the works. Some sort of truce was effected, and Caesar's arrival was awaited. No missile was launched from the wall and none by our (men); as if the issue had been completed, they all relaxed their care and attentiveness. For Caesar had strictly instructed Trebonius in dispatches not to allow the town to be stormed by force, lest the soldiers, deeply aroused both by their resentment of the revolt and the contempt (that had been shown) to them, and their protracted labour, might kill all the adult men. They were threatening that they would do (just) this, and, at that time, they were (only) restrained from breaking into the town with difficulty, and they bitterly resented this situation, because it seemed (to them) that they had been prevented by Trebonius from taking over the town. 

Chapter 14.

But the enemy, (being) without honour, were seeking a time and an opportunity for fraud and treachery, and, after some days had passed, and our (men) had become listless and absent-minded, all of a sudden at midday, when some of our men were absent (and) others had devoted themselves to rest from their long labours on the very (siege-)works themselves, while all their arms had been put away and covered up, they burst out of the gates, and, (assisted) by a strong following wind, set fire to the (siege-)works. The wind spread it in such a manner that, at a single moment, the siege-wall, the penthouses, the tortoise, the tower (and) the missile-engines caught fire, and all these (things) were consumed before it could be determined how it had happened. Our (men), alarmed by this unexpected misfortune, seized hold of what arms they could (find), and some (of them) rushed out of the camp. An attack was made by them on the enemy, but they were prevented from pursuing (them) as they fled by arrows and missiles (fired) from the wall. The (enemy) retired close to their wall, and there they freely set alight to the gallery, and the brick tower. So, the work of many months was destroyed in a moment of time by the enemy's perfidy and the strength of the storm-wind. The Massiliotes tried the same (thing) the next day. Having obtained another such storm-wind, they fought with greater confidence, and brought a large quantity of firebrands (with them) in a sally against the other tower and siege-wall. But, just as our (men) had given up all (thoughts of) a contest on the previous occasion, so (now), warned by the events of the day before, they had made every preparation for a defence. And so, after many had been killed, they drove the rest back into the town without having achieved their purpose.    

Chapter 15.

Trebonius began to rearrange and repair what had been lost with much greater enthusiasm on the part of his men. For, when they realised that their hard work and preparations had utterly gone up in smoke, they were stung by the thought that their valour had been held up to ridicule through the crime of a truce being violated, and, because there was nowhere from which (the materials needed to build) a siege-wall could, in any way, be collected, as all the timbers for miles around within the territories of the Massiliotes had been cut down and carried off, they began to construct a siege-wall of a new and unheard of kind, (made) from two walls of brick, six feet in thickness, and with a floor between these walls of a height almost equal to the old siege-wall which had been piled up out of timber. Wherever the space between the walls or the weakness of the timber appeared to require (it), pillars were inserted and cross-beams were laid in order to provide support, and the (space) which was floored was covered over with wickerwork hurdles (and) the hurdles were plastered with mortar. The soldiers, with a roof overhead, protected by a wall on their right and left, and with a screen put down in front (of them), brought up without any danger whatever they needed for the (building) work. The business proceeded quickly; the loss of their protracted labour was soon restored by the adroitness and fortitude of the soldiers. Gateways were left in the wall at places which seemed suitable for the purpose of (making) sallies.  

Chapter 16. 

When the enemy had seen that those (works), which they had hoped could not be restored for a long and tedious period of time, had been so far repaired by the work and labour of a few days, that there was no scope for treachery or sallies, and that absolutely no means were left (to them) by which it would be possible to injure our men with missiles or the siege(-works) with fire, and they realised that all of the city to which there was access by land could be surrounded in the same way by a wall and towers, so that there would not be room (for them) to stand on their own fortifications, since a wall seemed to have been built on top of their walls and missiles could be hurled by hand, and that the use of their catapults, on which they had placed great hopes, was at an end, due to the narrow space (between the lines), and they were aware that, if given the chance of fighting from the wall and towers on equal (terms), they could not match our (men) in valour, they had recourse to the same terms of surrender.   

2. Spain - the surrender of Varro (Chapters 17-22).

Chapter 17.

In Further Spain, Marcus (Terentius) Varro, when he heard at the start (of the disturbances) of the events which were taking place in Italy, (and) being doubtful of Pompeius' chances of success, spoke of Caesar in very amicable terms: (he said) that he had previously been appointed as legate by Gnaeus Pompeius, and that he was bound in honour to hold (this post); indeed, (while) his ties of friendship with Caesar were no less strong, he was not unaware of what were the duties of a legate who held an office in trust, what his own strengths were, and the extent of the good will of the whole province towards Caesar. He said such (things) in all his conversations, and did not attach himself to any party. But, afterwards, when he learned that Caesar had been held up at Massilia, that the forces of (Marcus) Petreius had been joined with the army of (Lucius) Afranius, that a considerable (number of) auxiliaries had combined with (them) and that there were great hopes and expectations (of more), and that the whole Hither Province was united in its allegiance, and he received (reports of) what had afterwards occurred concerning (Caesar's) difficulties over the corn supply at Ilerda, and Afranius described these (things) to him more fully and in an exaggerated form, he too began to move in step with fortune.    

Chapter 18.

He (i.e. Varro) held levies throughout the province, and he brought his two legions up to full strength and added about thirty auxiliary cohorts. He collected a large quantity of corn, to send to the Massiliotes, and also to Afranius and Petreius. He ordered the inhabitants of Gades (i.e. the modern Cadiz) to build ten warships, and arranged for several (more) to be built at Hispalis (i.e. the modern Seville) in addition. He transferred all the money and all the ornaments from the temple of Hercules into the town of Gades; he sent six cohorts there from the province as a garrison, and he placed the town of Gades under the command of Gaius Gallonius, a Roman knight and a friend of Domitius, who had come there because he had been sent by Domitius to take care of an inherited estate; all the weapons, (both) private and public, he deposited into Gallonius' house. He, himself, held public meetings (where he was) heavily critical of Caesar. He frequently announced from his official platform that Caesar had fought (several) unsuccessful battles, (and) that a great number of his soldiers had gone over from him to Afranius; (he said) that he had learned of these (things) from reliable messengers, (and) on good authority. By means of these reports, he (so) alarmed the Roman citizens of his province that he compelled (them) to promise him for the conduct of his government two hundred and thirty thousand sesterces, and twenty thousand pounds of silver, and a hundred and twenty thousand pecks of wheat. Those city-states which he thought friendly to Caesar, on them he imposed heavier burdens and placed garrisons there (i.e. they then had to bear the cost of billeting these troops), and brought prosecutions against private (individuals) who were alleged to have spoken words and made speeches against the republic; their property he publicly auctioned. He forced the whole province to swear an oath of allegiance to himself and Pompeius. On learning of the events which were taking place in Hither Spain, he prepared for war. Now his plan of war was this, to go to Gades with his two legions, (and) to keep all his ships and corn there; for he had learned that the whole province was in favour of Caesar's party. He thought that the war could be prolonged without difficulty on an island, if he were provided with corn and shipping.

Caesar, although he was being called back to Italy for many important reasons, yet he had decided to leave no part of the war in Spain behind (him), as he knew of the great (number of) benefits (conferred) by Pompeius on the Hither Province and the great (number of) clients (that he had there)     

Chapter 19.

So, having sent two legions into Further Spain with Quintus Cassius, the tribune of the people (n.b. it was most unusual for a tribune to be employed in a military capacity during his year of office), he himself proceeded (there) with six hundred cavalry by forced marches, and sent ahead (of him) a proclamation (specifying) the day on which he wished the magistrates and chief men of all the city-states to meet him at Corduba (i.e. a town on the river Baetis, now the Guadalquivir, which was the capital of Further Spain; the modern Cordova). This edict having been published throughout the province, there was no state that did not send a part of its senate to Corduba at the appointed time, (and there was) no Roman citizen of any repute but that he came there on that day. At the same time, the assembly of Corduba closed its gates to Varro of its own accord, and stationed guards and watchmen in their towers and (on) their wall, (and) kept with them two cohorts, which were called the colonials (i.e. they had been levied in Roman colonies), since they had come there by chance, to guard the town. During the same period, after three cohorts had been installed in the town's citadel as a garrison by Varro, the inhabitants of Carmo (i.e. the modern Carmona, a town in Further Spain, about thirteen miles from Hispalis), by far the strongest city-state in the whole province, ejected these cohorts on their own initiative, and shut their gates.  

Chapter 20.

Indeed, for this reason, Varro was all the more anxious to to make haste to march to Gades with his legions as soon as possible, lest he should be cut off on his march or sea-crossing; so great and so supportive towards Caesar was the goodwill of the province discovered to be. When he had proceeded a little further, a dispatch from Gades was delivered to him, (saying that) as soon as they had learned of Caesar's edict, the leading citizens of Gades had agreed with the tribunes of the cohorts, which were in the garrison there, to expel Gallonius from the town, and to retain the city and the island (i.e. at that time Gades was still separated from the mainland by a small channel) for Caesar. This course of action having been agreed, they warned Gallonius to leave of his own accord while he could (still do so) safely. When Varro, alarmed by these events, altered his route and sent (word) ahead that he would be coming to Italica (i.e. a town on the northern bank of the River Baetis, just to the north of Hispalis) he was informed by its inhabitants that their gates had been closed against (him). So then, having been barred from every route, he sent (word) to Caesar that he was ready to deliver up the legion to whoever he should designate. He (i.e. Caesar) sent Sextus (Julius) Caesar (i.e. Julius Caesar's first cousin once removed) to him and ordered that it should be handed over to him. Having handed over his legion, Varro came to (see) Caesar at Corduba. Having given him a faithful account of his public (monies), he gave up the money that was in his possession and indicated the whereabouts of the corn and shipping that he had. 

Chapter 21.

Holding a public meeting at Corduba, Caesar gave thanks to everyone, group by group: the Roman citizens because they had diligently taken the town under their own control, the Spaniards because they had driven out the garrison, and the people of Gades because they had thwarted the efforts of his adversaries and had asserted their right to liberty, (and) the military tribunes and centurions, who had come there to provide a garrison, because they had courageously supported those peoples' decisions. He remitted to the Roman citizens the money which they had publicly promised to Varro; he restored their property to those whom he learned had suffered the punishment (of confiscation) for speaking out too freely. He bestowed certain rewards on (both) communities and individuals, and filled the minds of the rest with good hopes for the future, and, after spending two days at Corduba, he set out for Gades; he ordered that the money and the treasures which had been taken from the temple of Hercules to a private dwelling should be restored to the temple. He put Quintus Cassius in charge of the province (i.e. Further Spain); he assigned four legions to him. He himself arrived with the ships, which Marcus Varro (had built) and which the Gaditani had built on Varro's orders, at Tarraco (i.e. the modern Tarragona, a port on the north-east coast of Spain) in a few days. There deputations from almost the whole of the Hither Province were awaiting Caesar's arrival. Having bestowed honours on certain city states in the same way, both to individuals and to groups, he left Tarraco and came by land to Narbo (i.e. the modern Narbonne), and from there to Massilia. There he learned that a law (had been) passed concerning (the appointment of) a dictator, and that he had been appointed dictator by the praetor Marcus (Aemilius) Lepidus (i.e. the future triumvir).     

 3.  Massilia capitulates (Chapter 22).

Chapter 22.

The Massiliotes  had been worn out by all kinds of misfortunes: they had suffered an extreme shortage in their supply of corn, they had twice been defeated in a naval battle, they had been routed in their frequent sallies, they had been struck down by a severe pestilence, the result of the long siege and the change in their diet - for they were subsisting on stale millet and rotten barley, (stocks of) which they had stored in a public warehouse for just such an emergency - , a tower had collapsed, a large section of their wall had been undermined, (and) they had despaired of any assistance from the provinces and their armies, which they had learned had come under Caesar's control; (so) they had decided to surrender in earnest. However, a few days before, Lucius Domitius, having learned of the Massiliotes' intentions, had got together three ships, two of which  he had assigned to his associates, (and) one he had embarked upon himself, (and) he set sail as soon as he got stormy weather. Ships, which were keeping watch near the harbour in accordance with daily routine on the orders of Brutus, observed him, and, raising their anchors, began to pursue (him). His own single ship sailed away from them and persisted in flight, and with the help of the storm disappeared from sight, (but the other) two, alarmed at meeting our ships, returned to harbour. The Massiliotes brought their weapons and catapults out of the town, as they had been ordered, took their ships and out of the harbour and the dockyards, (and) handed over the money from their treasury. After these (things) had been done, Caesar, sparing them more on account of the name and the age of the city rather than on account of its services to himself, left two legions there as a garrison, (and) sent the rest to Italy; he himself set out for the City.   

4.  Africa - Curio's campaign (Chapters 23-36).

Chapter 23. 

At the same time, Gaius (Scribonius) Curio (i.e. tribune of the people 50), after sailing to Africa from Sicily, and already scorning from the outset the forces of Publius Attius Varus (i.e. praetor in 53), transported two of the four legions which he had received from Caesar and five hundred cavalry, and, having spent two days and three nights on the voyage, he came in to land at the place which is called Anquillaria. This place is twenty-two miles from Clupea (i.e. a port on the north coast of Africa) and has fairly good anchorage in summer and is enclosed between two projecting promontories. Lucius (Julius) Caesar, the son (i.e. Julius Caesar's third cousin once removed, and the son of Lucius Julius Caesar, consul in 64; he was also first cousin of Marcus Antonius, tribune of the people 49), had been awaiting his arrival off Clupea with ten warships, which ships, having been beached at Utica (i.e. the principal town of Roman North Africa) after the war with the pirates (i.e. Pompeius' campaign in 67), Publius Attius had repaired and fitted out for use in this war, but, alarmed at the large number of our ships, he fled from the sea, and, having run aground his own decked trireme on the nearest shore and having left (it there) on the beach, he fled for refuge to Hadrumetum (i.e. a town on the east coast of Tunisia) by land. Gaius Considius Longus (i.e. praetor perhaps in 52) guarded this town with a garrison of one legion (i.e. on behalf of Pompeius). After his flight, the rest of Caesar's (i.e. Lucius Caesar's) ships retired to Hadrumetum. The quaestor Marcius Rufus pursued him (i.e. Lucius Caesar) with twelve ships, which Curio had brought (with him) from Sicily as an escort for the transport ships, and, when he saw the ship (that had been) abandoned on the shore, he hauled it off with a towrope; he himself returned to Gaius Curio with his fleet. 

 Chapter 24.  

Curio sent Marcius ahead to Utica with his ships. He himself set out with his army at the same time and, after advancing on the march for two days, he came to the river Bagradas (i.e. the principal river of Roman North Africa). There he left his lieutenant Gaius Caninius Rebilus with the legions; he himself went forward with the cavalry to reconnoitre Castra Cornelia (i.e. the site of the camp of Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus in his campaign against Hannibal in 202), because that place was thought highly suitable for a camp. Now it is a straight ridge jutting out into the sea, very steep and rugged on both sides, but yet with a slightly more gentle slope on the side which faces Utica. By the direct route it is little more than a mile from Utica. But on this route there is a spring, over which the sea flows for some distance, and this ground is extensively flooded; if anyone would wish to avoid it, he (must) reach the town by a six mile detour.  

Chapter 25. 

While exploring this place, Curio caught sight of Varius' camp adjoining the town wall at a gate which is called Belica (i.e. the War-gate), well fortified by the nature of its location, on one side by the town of Utica itself, (and) on the other by a theatre, which lies in front of the town, access to the camp (being rendered) difficult and narrow by the very substantial foundations of that structure. At the same time, he observed the many (things) being transported and driven from every quarter along the very full roads, which were being conveyed from the countryside to the town in alarm at the sudden disturbance. He sent his cavalry after them, to despoil (them) and treat (them) like booty; and at the same time six hundred Numidian cavalry and four hundred infantry, which king Juba had sent to Utica a few days before for the sake of reinforcements, were sent by Varus as an escort for these things. There was a paternal (bond of) friendship between him (i.e. Juba) and Pompeius, and a feud (between him) and Curio, because (the latter as) tribune of the people had proposed a law, by which measure Juba's kingdom would have become the property of the (Roman) people. The cavalry joined battle with each other; but the Numidians could not withstand our charge, but, after about a hundred and twenty (of them) had been killed, the rest withdrew to their camp near the town. Meanwhile, on the arrival of his warships, Curio ordered that a proclamation should be issued to the merchant ships which were lying off Utica, around two hundred in number, that he would consider as enemies (any) who did not take their vessels across to Castra Cornelia at once. As soon as this proclamation had been made, they instantly raised their anchors and left Utica and crossed over to (the place) where they had been commanded (to go). This circumstance furnished the army with supplies of everything.      

Chapter 26.

These things having been done, Curio returned to his camp by the Bagradas and was hailed 'imperator' by the acclamation of the whole army, and on the following day he led his army to Utica and pitched camp near the town. While the work on the camp had not yet been completed, the cavalrymen on guard reported that large reinforcements of cavalry and infantry sent by the king were on their way to Utica; at the same time a great cloud of dust was seen, and, in a short time, the front of the column was in sight. Surprised by this new development, Curio sent out the cavalry to receive and retard the initial onset; he himself quickly withdrew the legions from their work and drew up a battle-line. The cavalry joined battle, and before the legions could be deployed and take up their position, the king's entire forces, because they had been marching in a disorderly fashion and without any apprehension, were encircled and thrown into confusion, and they took to flight, but (while) almost all of their cavalry (were) unharmed because they retreated quickly along the shore into the town, a large number of their infantry were killed. 

Chapter 27.  

On the following night two Marsian centurions from  Curio's camp deserted to Attius Varus with twenty-two of their fellow-soldiers. Whether they were expressing to him the view that they really had or were just gratifying his ears - for we readily believe the things that we want (to hear), and we hope that others feel what we feel ourselves - at any rate they assured (him) that the minds of the whole army were alienated from Curio, and that there was a very great need (for him) to come face to face with their army and that he should give (them) a chance of talking (with him). Convinced by this opinion, Varus led his legions out of their camp early the next day. Curio did the same, and each drew up his forces with one small valley coming between (them).

 Chapter 28.

There was in Varus' army (one) Sextus Quintilus Varus, who it has been mentioned above, had been at Corfinium, After his release by Caesar, he had come to Africa, and Curio had brought across those legions, which Caesar had taken over at Corfinium, in such a way that the ranks and companies were still the same, although a few centurions had been changed. Taking this (as) a reason to address (them), Quintilius began to go around Curio's lines and beseech the soldiers not to lose (all) recollection of their first (military) oath which they had sworn to Domitius and to himself (as) quaestor, not to bear arms against those who had experienced the same fortune and endured the same (hardships) in a siege (as they had), nor fight for those, by whom they had been insultingly called deserters. To this he added a few (words) in the hope of inducement, (concerning) what they should expect from his own liberality, if they were to follow him and Attius. After this speech had been delivered, no response of any kind was made from Curio's army, and the two (generals) took their forces back (to camp).  

Chapter 29.

Then a great fear came upon the minds of everyone in Curio's camp; this was rapidly intensified by the men's various remarks. When this had spread from one author to several (persons) and was passed from one to another, there seemed to be many authors of this view. (It was) a civil war; (they were) a type of men, to whom it was permitted to act freely and to follow whichever (party) they wished; these (were) legions, which (but) a short time before had been among their adversaries; for the manner in which it was offered had even affected Caesar's generosity; the townships were even joined together (by men) from different regions, for they came from the Marsi and the Paeligni, as they had been in tents (as) fellow-soldiers on the previous night; several of the soldiers' conversations were full of rather painful (stories); uncertainty was poorly received, (and) several (of these stories) were invented by those who wished to appear more zealous.  (N.B. Because of the corruption of the Latin text it is impossible to translate this chapter with any degree of confidence.) 

Chapter 30.

For these reasons, he (i.e. Curio) convoked a council (of war) and began to deliberate on the whole situation. (Some) were of the opinion that they should vote to attempt an attack upon Varus' camp by all (possible) means, because they thought that, with the minds of the men in this (sort of) mood, idleness was the greatest danger. Finally, they said it was better to try the fortunes of war through courage in battle than to be abandoned and betrayed by their own (men) and to have to endure the gravest punishment. There were (those) who thought they should withdraw to Castra Cornelia in the third watch (i.e. during the small hours), so that, after a longer interval of time had intervened, the minds of the men might be healed, (and,) at the same time, if anything untoward should befall (them), a safer and easier retreat might be granted (to them) through the large number of their ships.  

Chapter 31.

Curio rejected both of their counsels and said that one proposal was lacking in spirit, and that the other showed an excess of it; the latter were contemplating some kind of disgraceful flight, and the former thought that they should fight in an unfavourable position. "For with what assurance," he said, "can we rely on it being possible for a camp to be stormed (that is) fortified both by works and by the nature of its position? Indeed, what do we gain if we withdraw from an attack on the camp after we have received great losses? As if it is not the case that a successful campaign earns the good-will of an army towards its commanders and failure its hatred! But what would a change of camp amount to other than an ignominious flight and a giving up of all hope and the alienation of the army? For those with a sense of honour ought not to suspect that they are not trusted enough, nor should the rebellious know that they are feared, because our fear would enhance the licentiousness of the latter and diminish the zeal of the former. But if," says he, "we have now had these (reports) investigated, in which (rumours) of disaffection within the army are spoken of, (rumours) which I certainly believe to be false or, at at any rate less (serious) than they are made out (to be), how much better it would be for these (rumours) to be covered up and concealed, (rather) than that they should be confirmed by our (conduct). Should not the troubles of the army be kept hidden like wounds of the body, so as not to increase the hopes of our enemies? But (some) also add that we should set out in the middle of the night, by which means, I suppose, they should have greater scope to attempt to commit misdemeanours. For behaviour of such a kind is (usually) held in check either by (a sense of) shame or by fear, which feelings the night is very much inclined to block. Therefore, I am neither so reckless that I should give my opinion that we should attack their camp without any hope (of success), nor so timid as to lack (all) hope, and I do think that everything should first be tried, and I am, to a great extent, certain that I shall form the (same) judgment as you concerning this matter." 

Chapter 32.

Having dismissed the council, he (i.e. Curio) summoned an assembly of his troops. He reminded (them) how Caesar had made use of their zeal at Corfinium, so that, through their good-will and example, he had won over a great part of Italy to his (cause). "For," he said. "all the townships subsequently followed you and your actions, and (it was) not without (good) reason (that) Caesar thought so very well of you, and his enemies (felt) so very harshly (towards you). For Pompeius, although defeated in no battle, departed from Italy because he had become unsettled by the precedent (established) by your conduct; Caesar has entrusted me, whom he considered his dearest (friend), (and) the provinces of Sicily and Africa, without which the City and Italy cannot be protected, to your good keeping. But there are (some) who are encouraging you to desert from us. For what is more desirable to them than to betray us, and, at the same time, to involve you in a heinous crime? Or what worse (fate) could they conceive for you than that you should betray those who believe that they owe everything to you, (and) fall into the power of those who think that they have been ruined through you? But have you not heard of the things Caesar has achieved in Spain, that he has routed two armies, conquered two generals, (and) recovered two provinces, (and) that (all) these (things) have been done within forty days of the time when Caesar had come into sight of his opponents? Can (those) who were not able to withstand (him), (when they were) unharmed, resist (him now that they are) ruined? Are you (who) followed Caesar, when victory was uncertain, really going to follow the loser now that the fortune of war has been decided, (and) when you ought to be reaping the rewards of your services? For they say that they (were) deserted and betrayed by you, and they make mention of your former oath. But (did) you (desert) Lucius Domitius, or did Domitius desert you? Did he not forsake (you, when you were) prepared to endure extreme hardship? Did he not seek his own safety by secretly running away from you? Were you not betrayed by him and preserved through Caesar's generosity? How, indeed, could he hold you to your oath, when he had thrown down his symbols of office and laid aside his command, and had, himself, come into the power of another as a private citizen and a captive? A new obligation is left (to your conscience), by which you should neglect that oath by which you are bound, and have regard for the one which was invalidated by your general's surrender and by the loss of his civil rights. But, I suppose, if you approve of Caesar, you take offence at me. I am not going to boast of my services to you, which are still less than my inclination and your expectation; but yet soldiers have always sought the rewards of their labours at the outcome of a war, and what it is going to be, not even you can doubt. Why, indeed, should I omit my own diligence, or my (good) fortune with regard to how far our affairs have as yet progressed? Do you regret that I transported the army safe and sound with not a single ship being lost? That, on my arrival, I routed the enemy's fleet at the first encounter? That twice in two days I defeated (them) in a cavalry battle? That I took two hundred of the enemy's merchant ships out of the harbour and the bay, and forced them (to join us) here, so that they could not receive the help of supplies either by land or in ships? You are rejecting such (good) fortune and such leaders, (and) you are following (those responsible for) the debacle at Corfinium, the flight from Italy, and the surrender of the Spanish (provinces), (all of these) precedents for the war in Africa! I, for my part, wished that I should be called a soldier of Caesar; you hailed me with the name of 'imperator'. If you regret this, restore my name to me, lest you should seem to have given (me) the honour as an insult." 

Chapter 33.

The soldiers, upset by this speech, frequently interrupted (him), even as he was speaking, as they seemed to be bearing the suspicion of disloyalty with great anguish, and, indeed, as he was leaving the meeting they all urged (him) to be of a strong mind, and not to hesitate to join battle and put their loyalty and courage to the test. Since the inclination and the view of (them) all had been changed by this action, Curio decided with the consent of his (men) that, whenever the opportunity was first offered (to him), he would entrust (the issue) to battle, and, on the following day, he led (his men) out and arranged (them) in battle order in the same place where he had stationed them on the preceding days. Nor indeed did Attius Varus hesitate to lead out his forces, whether the situation was offered (to him) of suborning our soldiers or of engaging in a favourable position, lest he should lose the opportunity (of doing so).    

Chapter 34.

There was, as has been mentioned above (i.e. in Ch. 27), a valley between the two battle-lines, not so deep but difficult and steep to climb. Each side was waiting (to see) whether the forces of their adversaries would attempt to cross it, so that they might join battle in a more favourable position. At the same time, on the left wing, the whole of Publius Attius' cavalry and a good many light-armed troops, (that were) intermingled with them, were perceived when they descended into the valley. Curio sent the cavalry and two cohorts of the Marrucini (i.e. a tribe of central Italy) to (meet) them; the enemy's cavalry failed to withstand their first onset, but spurred on their horses and fled back to their own (lines); abandoned by those who had charged along with them, the light-armed troops were surrounded and slain by our (men). The whole of Varus' army turned around in that direction, and saw their (men) fleeing and being cut down. Then Rebilus, Caesar's lieutenant, whom Curio had brought with him from Sicily, because he was aware that he had great experience in military matters, said, "You see the enemy (are) terrified, Curio; why do you hesitate to take advantage of the opportunity provided by this moment?" He (i.e. Curio) said only that his men should should keep in mind those (things) they had professed to him on the previous day, (and then) he ordered them to follow him and charged ahead in front of (them) all. The valley was (so) difficult to climb that those in front could not easily clamber up unless they were supported from below by their (comrades). But the minds of Attius' soldiers were so preoccupied by their fear and with the flight and slaughter of their (comrades) that they had no thought at all of any resistance, and (indeed) they believed that they had all been surrounded already by our cavalry. And so, before a (single dart) could be thrown or any of our (men) could come near them, all of Varus' army turned their backs and retreated to their camp. 

Chapter 35.

During this flight, a certain Fabius, a Paelignian (soldier) from the lowest ranks of Curio's army, while pursuing the head of the retreating column, began searching for Varus and calling (him) by name in a loud voice (in such a manner) that he appeared to be one of his own soldiers and to be wishing to speak (to him) and to warn (him) of something. When, after he had been called several times, he stopped and looked at (him), and asked (him) who he was and what he wanted, he aimed a blow at his bare shoulder with his sword, and came very close to killing Varus; but he avoided the danger by raising his shield to (block) the attempted (blow). Fabius was (then) surrounded by the nearby soldiers and cut down. The gates of the camp were thronged and the passageway blocked by the numerous crowd of fleeing (troops), and more (of them) perished in that place without a wound (i.e. they were crushed to death) than in battle or in the retreat, nor were they very far from being expelled from the camp, and several (of them) hurried straight on in the same direction into the town (i.e. Utica). But, when the nature of the ground and the fortifications of the camp prevented their access, then, because Curio's men had marched out (prepared) for battle, they were lacking those pieces of equipment which were necessary for an assault on a camp. So, Curio led his men back to camp with all his (men) except Fabius, while, of the number of the enemy, about six hundred were killed and a thousand wounded; on Curio's departure, all of these, and many (others) in addition, on the pretence of being wounded, withdrew from the camp into the town on account of their fear. Having observed this situation and being aware of his army's terror, Varus left a trumpeter in the camp and a few tents for the sake of appearances, and led his army back into the town in silence during the third watch (i.e. the small hours of the morning).

Chapter 36. 

On the following day, Curio began to besiege Utica and to surround it with a rampart. The populace in the town was unaccustomed to war, due to a long period of peace. On account of certain favours of Caesar towards them, the inhabitants of Utica were very well disposed to him; their community (of Roman citizens) was composed of different elements, (and) there was considerable anxiety on account of the earlier battles. And so they all began to speak openly now of surrender, and they urged Publius Attius not to seek to jeopardise the fortunes of all (of them) through his own obstinacy. While these matters were under discussion, messengers, sent ahead by king Juba, arrived to say that he was on his way with large forces and to encourage (them) to guard and defend their city. This news gave fresh strength to their most anxious minds. 

5.  Curio's last stand (Chapters 37-44).

Chapter 37.

The same information was reported to Curio, but for sometime he could not give (it) credence; (for) he had such great confidence in his own affairs. And at this time, Caesar's successes in Spain were brought to Africa by messengers and dispatches. (He was) elated by all these reports, and did not think that the king would try anything against him. But, when he learned from a reliable authority that his forces were less than twenty-five miles away from Utica, he abandoned the siege-works and withdrew to Castra Cornelia. Here he began to lay up corn, to fortify the camp, and to gather timber, and he immediately sent (orders) to Sicily that the two legions and the rest of the cavalry should be sent to him. His camp was highly suitable for conducting a campaign, from the nature and strength of the site, from its proximity to the sea, and from the abundance of water and salt, of which a great quantity had already been gathered from the neighbouring salt-pits. There could be no lack of timber, due to the large amount of trees, nor corn, of which the fields were very full. And so, with the consent of all his (men), Curio prepared to await the rest of his forces and to prolong the war.   

Chapter 38.

These arrangements having been decided and his plans approved, he heard from some deserters from the town that Juba had remained in his kingdom, having been recalled by a border war and troubles with the people of Leptis (i.e. Leptis Minor, a town on the east coast of the province of Africa, between Hadrumetum and Thapsus), and that his commander Saburra, (who had been) sent with a rather small force, was approaching Utica. Rashly believing these informants, he altered his plans and resolved to settle the issue in battle. His youth, his courageous spirit, the outcome of earlier situations, and his confidence in waging war successfully greatly helped to approve this decision. Induced by these factors, he sent all his cavalry at the beginning of the night to the enemy's camp by the river Bagradas. Saburra, of whom he had heard before, was its commander, but the king was following on with all his forces, and had halted at a distance of six miles from Saburra. The cavalry (that had been) sent accomplished the journey at night, and made an attack upon their naive and unsuspecting enemy. For the Numidians, in accordance with some barbarian custom, had encamped here and there without any formation. They fell upon them, dispersed (as they were) and heavy with sleep, and killed a great number of them; many fled in panic. After this had happened, the cavalry returned to Curio and brought back some captives to him. 

Chapter 39.

Curio had set out with all of his forces at the third watch (i.e. in the small hours of the morning), having left five cohorts to guard the camp. When he had advanced six miles, he met the cavalry (and) learned of their successful action; he asked the prisoners who was in command of the camp at the Bagradas; they replied (that it was) Saburra. In his eagerness to complete the march, he omitted to ask any other (questions), and, looking back at the nearest ranks, he said, "Don't you see, men, that the prisoners' answer is in line with (the information provided by) the deserters? That the king is not there, (and) that the force he sent out was a small (one), which was not able to be a match for a few cavalrymen? Hasten then to (win) spoils and renown, so that we may now begin to think of your rewards and of the thanks we should give (you)." What the cavalry had achieved was significant in itself, especially when their small number was compared with so great a multitude of the Numidians. However, these (events) were related by themselves in an exaggerated manner, as men are naturally inclined to sing their own praises. Besides, many spoils were displayed and the captured cavalrymen were brought forward, so it seemed that, whatever time intervened, all this would delay their victory. So, the zeal of his soldiers did not fail the hopes of Curio. He ordered the cavalry to follow him, and hastened his march, so that he could attack (them), while they were (still) panic-stricken from their flight. But they (i.e. the cavalry), exhausted by their long all-night journey, could not keep up, and came to a halt, some in one place, some in another. (But), not even this occurrence impaired Curio in his expectations.   

Chapter 40.

When Juba was informed by Saburra of the nocturnal battle, he sent Saburra two thousand Spanish and Gallic cavalrymen, whom he had been accustomed to keep around him as his (personal body-)guard, and that part of his infantry on which he most greatly relied; he himself followed more slowly with the rest of his forces and sixty elephants. Suspecting that Curio, having sent his cavalry ahead, would (soon) be present himself, Saburra drew up his forces of cavalry and infantry, and ordered them to give way gradually and fall back under the pretence of fear, and that he would give (them) such orders as he felt the situation required. Curio, his view of the present situation being added to his earlier confidence, thought that the enemy were in retreat, and brought his forces down from the higher ground on to the plain. 

Chapter 41.  

When he had advanced a fairly long way from this place, (about) sixteen miles in distance, and his army was by that time worn out by their exertions, he halted. Saburra gave his (men) the signal, and formed his battle-line and began going around the ranks and encouraging (them). But (keeping) his infantry at a distance, he used (them) only for show, (and) sent his cavalry into battle. Curio was not found wanting in this situation (i.e. he rose to the occasion), and encouraged his (men) to repose all their confidence in their courage. Nor did his soldiers, though weary, nor his cavalry, though few (in number) and exhausted by their labour, lack any zeal and valour for the fighting; but they were (only) two hundred in number, (as) the rest had stopped on the journey. Wherever they charged, they forced the enemy to give ground, but they could not pursue (them) very far as they fled, nor spur their horses on too forcefully. Now the enemy's cavalry began to outflank our battle-line on both wings and to trample down those in our rear. When any of our cohorts ran forward from the battle-line, the Numidians, fresh (as they were), would escape our charge due to their speed, and (then) surround our men as they were seeking to return again to the ranks, and cut (them) off from the battle-line. So it did not seem safe either to remain in their position and keep their ranks, or to charge forward and take a chance. The enemy's forces were frequently increased (in number) by reinforcements sent by the king; the strength began to fail our (men) due to their fatigue, (and,) at the same time, those who had received wounds could neither leave the battle-line nor be taken to  a place of safety, because the whole line was surrounded and held back by the enemy's cavalry. Despairing of their own safety, as men are wont to do in the last moment of their lives, they either lamented their own death, or, if fortune should save any (of them) from this peril, they commended their parents (to them). Everything was full of fear and grief.        

Chapter 42.

When Curio realised that neither his exhortations nor his pleas were being heeded at all by his terrified (men), he thought that there was one hope of safety left (to them) in their wretched circumstances, and he ordered (them) as a body to take the nearby hills and to convey the standards there. (But) some cavalry, sent by Saburra also, took them first. Then indeed did our (men) fall into  a state of the utmost despair, and some were killed by their cavalry as they tried to escape, and others fell to the ground unharmed. His cavalry commander, Gnaeus Domitius, surrounding Curio with a few horsemen, urged (him) to seek safety in flight and make his way to the camp, and he promised that he would not desert him. But Curio declared that, having lost the army which he had accepted when (it was) committed to his charge by Caesar, he would never appear again in his sight, and so he died fighting. Very few of the cavalrymen got away from the battle, but those at the tail of the column, whom we have stated (i.e. see Ch. 39) had stopped for the sake of refreshing their horses, having perceived the rout of the whole army, retired to their camp in safety. The infantrymen were all killed to a man. 

Chapter 43.

Having heard of these events, the quaestor Marcius Rufus, (who had been) left behind in the camp by Curio, exhorted his (men) not to lose heart. They begged and entreated that they should be taken back to Sicily in their ships. (This) he promised (to do), and he ordered the ships' masters to bring the boats in to land on the shore by early evening. But so great was the general terror that some said that Juba's forces were present, some that Varus was hard on their heels with his legions, although none of these things had happened at all, (and) others suspected that the enemy's fleet was about to swoop swiftly down on (them). And so, amid the general terror, each (man) sought to consult his own (interests). (Those) who were on board ship were hastening to set sail. Their flight spurred on the masters of the transport vessels; a few skiffs assembled to (do) their duty and (obey) their orders. But on the crowded shores the struggle (to determine) who out of this vast number should be most able to embark was so great that several (vessels) were sunk by the weight of the multitude, (and) the rest were deterred from coming too close by the fear of this. 

Chapter 44.

As a result of these things, it happened that (only) a few soldiers and fathers of families, who prevailed either through (personal) influence or compassion, or (who) could swim to the ships, were taken on board and reached Sicily in safety. The rest of the troops sent some centurions to Varus at night as a group of delegates and surrendered themselves to him. The next day Juba caught sight of their cohorts of soldiers in front of the town, and, claiming (them) to be his booty, he ordered a great number of them to be killed and sent back a chosen few to his kingdom, (and,) although Varus protested that his good faith had been broken by him, he did not dare to resist. He, himself, (i.e. Juba) rode into the town on horseback, attended by several senators, among which number were Servius Sulpicius and Licinius Damasippus, (and) in a few days decided and gave instructions as to what he wanted done in Utica, and then after a few days more he returned to his kingdom with all his forces.