Friday 11 June 2010

THUCYDIDES: CAPTURE OF SPHACTERIA; FROM "THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR", BOOK IV


Introduction. In this longish extract from Book IV of Thucydides' " The Peloponnesian War", Sabidius translates the account of the Athenians' unexpected triumph on the island of Sphacteria in 425 B.C. The details of this hard-fought skirmishing between the Athenians and the Spartans (Sabidius follows Thucydides in referring to the latter as Lacedaemonians) gives much of the flavour of what fighting in this war was like, and the text here has been extensively adapted for the use of Greek grammar exercises in school text-books.

Thucydides poses a considerable challenge to the translator because of the condensation of both his language and thought, and the fact that so many words are excluded as being either unnecessary or understood from the other words in either the sentence concerned or, indeed, in a previous sentence. Sometimes, a great deal has to be understood from compound verbs, in which there is more than one preposition in the prefix. For instance at the beginning of Chapter XI the word ' epikatabantes' means ' marching down (to the sea) to face (the enemy)'. In this case both ''the sea' and 'the enemy' have to be understood, and, if not included in the translation, the full force of the prefix cannot be brought out. Another example is the word 'enkatalambanein' in Chapter XIX, which means ' binding (his foe) down in (an agreement)'. Once again, both ' his foe' and ' an agreement' have to be understood to do justice to the meaning of the word. Thucydides makes extensive use of participial clauses, and particularly of the genitive absolute construction, which is often difficult to render in English, and main verbs are often hard to identify. For instance, in Chapter XXXIV, no main verb appears until line 11. Nevertheless, despite the considerable difficulties of turning the text of Thucydides into that of another language, - the above examples demonstrate just some of these - , Sabidius has, as far as possible, maintained his principle of following the actual sentence and phrase construction employed by the author. While this may perhaps lead at times to clumsy English, it is greatly to the advantage of those seeking to understand Thucydides' actual words and how the correct meaning is to be derived from them, surely the main purposes of textual analysis.

The text followed in the translation is that of C.E. Graves, M.A., first published in the 'Elementary Classics' series by Macmillan in 1879.

PART I: ATHENIAN SUCCESS AT PYLOS. SPARTA'S OFFER OF PEACE REFUSED.


1. Messina in Sicily secedes from Athens. Rhegium is attacked by the Locrians.

(With) the summer beginning, around the putting forth of (ears) of corn, ten ships of the Syracusans and an equal number of Locrian (ships) having sailed to Messina, they occupied (it), (the people) themselves having invited (them), and Messina revolted from the Athenians. The Syracusans had arranged this chiefly seeing that the place afforded (lit. contained) an approach to Sicily, and fearing that the Athenians, starting from it, might some day attack them from a better base (lit. preparation), and the Locrians wishing, on account of their hatred of the Rhegians, to make war upon them from both land and sea (lit. from both sides). And the Locrians had at the same time invaded the (territory) of the Rhegians with all their forces, in order that they could not bring assistance to the Messenians, (some) Rhegian exiles joining in promoting the invasion together (with them), for Rhegium had for a long time been in a state of faction, and it was impossible at that particular moment to ward off the Locrians, wherefore they attacked (them) the more. Having ravaged (their lands), the Locrian land forces (lit. the Locrians on the foot path) withdrew, and their ships guarded Messina. And other (ships), being manned, were about to take up station at that very place in order to make war from there.

2. Invasion of Attica. An Athenian fleet sails for Corcyra and Sicily.

About the same time of the spring, before the corn was ripe (lit. at its peak), the Peloponnesians and their allies invaded Attica, and Agis, the son of Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, was in command, and, having taken up position, they ravaged the country. Meanwhile, the Athenians sent off to Sicily the forty ships, which they were getting ready, and the remaining generals Eurymedon and Sophocles; for the third of them, Pythagoras, had already arrived in Sicily. They instructed them that, at the same time as (they were) sailing by, to take care of those Corcyraeans in the city who were being raided by the exiles in the mountains; sixty ships of the Peloponnesians had sailed to that place to help those in the mountains, and, there being a great famine in the city, thinking that they would easily gain control of affairs (there). They told Demosthenes, being in a private position after his return from Acarnania, at his own request (lit. himself needing it) to make use, if he wished, of this fleet of theirs (on its way) round the Peloponnese.

3. Demosthenes, who had sailed with the fleet, proposes to occupy Pylos on the coast of Messenia.

When they came sailing off (the coast) of Laconia, and they heard that the ships of the Peloponnesians were already in Corcyra, Eurymedon and Sophocles were for pushing on to Corcyra, but Demosthenes urged them to put in first at Pylos and to do what was necessary (before) making their voyage. (The generals objecting), a storm, coming on by chance, drove them into Pylos. Demosthenes immediately thought it worthwhile to fortify the place, for he had joined the expedition for this purpose, and pointed out (the existence) of good store, both of timber and of wood, and that (the place) was strong by nature, and uninhabited, both itself and to a great extent of its district; for Pylos is about four hundred stades distant from Sparta, and is in (what) was once the Messenian country, and the Lacedaemonians call it Coryphasium. They said that there were many deserted headlands in the Peloponnese, if he wished (by) occupying (them) that the city should incur expenditure. But it seemed to him that this place was somewhat different more than (any) other, there being a harbour close by, and that the Messenians, belonging to it of old and speaking the same dialect as the Lacedaemonians, would be likely to do the greatest harm setting out from there, and would at the same time be trusty guardians of the place.

4. The fleet being detained at Pylos, the soldiers complete the fortifications.

As he did not persuade either the generals or the soldiers [later having communicated with company commanders also], he was detained in inactivity by the unnavigable weather, until a sudden urge came upon the soldiers, having (too much) leisure and forming into gangs (lit. taking their stand round (different points)), to complete the fortifications of the place. And, taking on the task, they worked at it, having no implements for shaping stone, picking out and carrying stones, and they put them together, each piece as it came, whatever it was; and mortar, if at any time it were necessary to use (it), they carried on their backs, through lack of hods, stooping down so that it would particularly stay on, and their hands entwining behind their backs (lit. backwards), in order that it might not fall off. And (so) in every way they were eager to anticipate the Lacedaemonians (by) completing the most assailable (parts) before they could attack (it); for most of the place was strong of itself to begin with and it was in no way necessary for there to be fortifications.

5. Demosthenes is left at Pylos.

But they (i.e the Lacedaemonians) chanced to to be keeping a certain festival and at the same time they treated it lightly (lit. in contempt), (in the belief) that, whenever they marched out, they would not be able to withstand them or that they would easily take (them) by force; and in some part too their army being still before Athens detained them. The Athenians, fortifying that part of the place (facing) towards the mainland and where it was most necessary in six days, leave Demosthenes behind with five ships as a garrison for it, and with the greater part of the ships pushed on with their voyage to Corcyra and Sicily.

6. The Peloponnesians withdraw from Athens.

The Peloponnesians who were (lit. being) in Attica, when they heard of the occupation of Pylos, went back homewards quickly, the Lacedaemonians and their king, Agis, thinking that the matter of Pylos (was) of concern to themselves. Having invaded early in the year, and the corn being still green, food was lacking for many (of them). Stormy weather, going greatly beyond the (then) settled season, distressed the army. So that from many causes it happened that they both departed rather quickly and that this invasion became a very short one; for they remained in Attica for (only) fifteen days.

7. The Athenians attempt to occupy Eion in Thrace.

About the same time, the Athenian general, Simonides, gathering together a few Athenians from the garrisons and a number of the allies from that (neighbourhood) took by treachery Eion in Thrace, a colony of the Mendaeans, but being hostile. But immediately, the Chalcidians and the Bottiaeans having come up, he was forced out and lost many soldiers.

8. The Spartans prepare to reduce Pylos. They occupy Sphacteria, at the entrance of the harbour.

The Peloponnesians having withdrawn from Attica, the Spartans, themselves, and the nearest of the Perioeci immediately set out for Pylos, and the approach of the other Lacedaemonians happened more slowly, (they) having just arrived (home) from other campaigns. And they sent round word also over the Peloponnese that they should march quickly to Pylos, and they sent for their sixty ships, which, having been dragged over the isthmus of the Leucadians, and having escaped the notice of the Attican ships in Zacynthus, arrived at Pylos. And the infantry army was already present. (With) the Peloponnesians still sailing towards (him), Demosthenes, anticipating (them), sent out secretly two ships to report to Eurymedon and the Athenians in the ships in Zacynthus that the place (was) in danger. On the one hand, the ships were sailing quickly in accordance with the orders of Demosthenes; on the other hand, the Lacedaemonians were preparing to assault the fortifications both by land and by sea, hoping to take easily a work hastily constructed and (with only) a few men being in (it). Expecting the arrival of the Attican ships from Zacynthus, they intended (lit. had it in mind), if after all they did not capture (it) beforehand, to block up the entrances to the harbour, in order that it would not be possible for the Athenians to lie at anchor against them. For the island called Sphacteria, stretching along and lying close to the harbour, makes a strong place and (there are) two narrow entrances, at one point a passage for two ships (abreast) (on the side) near to the fortifications of the Athenians and Pylos, at the other point, (on that side) near the rest of the mainland, eight or nine (ships); it was all wooded and pathless through (being) a wilderness, and in length (was) about fifteen stades pretty nearly. And so, they intended to block the inlets with their ships, pressed closely (together) and with their prows facing (the enemy); and, fearing this island, lest they might make war against themselves from it, they carried across to it (some) hoplites and stationed others along the mainland. For so, (they considered) both the island and the mainland, neither having a disembarkation point, would be hostile to the Athenians - for the (coast) of Pylos, itself, outside the inlet and towards the open sea, being without a harbour, would not have (any point) from where, setting out, they could bring help to their men (lit. the men of themselves) - they, themselves, without (any) sea-fight or risk, would, in all probability, take the place by siege, there being no food in (it) and it having been captured with little preparation. As this (plan) seemed good to them, they carried over the heavy infantry to the island, choosing (them) by lot from all the companies. A number had crossed over in turn beforehand, but the last ones and those who were caught were four hundred and twenty (in number) and the Helots attached to them. Epitadas, the son of Molobrus, was in command of them.

9. Demosthenes prepares to repel the attack.

Meanwhile, Demosthenes, seeing the Lacedaemonians about to attack (him) with ships and, at the same time, on foot, was also making preparations himself, and, having dragged up under the fortifications the triremes which were (remaining) to him from those which had been left, he secured (them) with a stockade, and he equipped the sailors in them with shields, of poor quality and many (of them) wicker; for it was not possible to procure arms in this deserted place, and even these they had taken from a piratical three-oared ship and a pinnace of the Messenians, which happened to be present. Of these Messenians, there happened to be about forty heavily-armed men, of whom he made use with the rest. He stationed the greater part both of those being armed and those being equipped upon the most fortified and strong points of the place towards the interior, telling (them) to repel the land force, if it were to attack; he, himself, having picked out from his whole (force) sixty hoplites and a few archers, went out outside the wall down to the sea, where he expected that they would most likely attempt to land, on ground although difficult and rocky facing towards the open sea, but their wall being weakest at this point, he considered that it would draw them on to be eager. For they, themselves, not ever expecting to be overcome by ships, had not been building a strong (wall), and the place might appear easily (accessible) to those having forced a landing. At this (point), therefore, going down to the very edge of the sea, he drew up his hoplites in order to stop (them), if it were possible, and he exhorted (them) to the following (effect).

10. Speech of Demosthenes to his men.

Soldiers, having taken part in this adventure, let no one among us in such a necessity desire to be thought a man of intelligence, calculating thoroughly all the danger surrounding us, rather than closing together with our opponents, thoughtlessly sanguine that he will come out successfully from this too. For whenever matters have reached a point of necessity like this, they least of all admit of calculation, (but) one takes upon oneself a quick danger. But I see most things too being in favour of us, if only we determine to stand fast and not utterly betray our stronger advantages, being dismayed by the number of them. For I think that the difficulty of the ground is in favour of ourselves, which, ourselves standing firm, becomes a support (to us). (For us) having retired, although (it) being hard, it will be easy to pass, no one barring (the way), and we shall have a more formidable enemy, a return back not being easily (open) to him, if he may be forced back by us; for they are easiest to repel (while) on board their ships, (after) landing already on equal terms. It is not necessary (for us) to be too much afraid in respect of their number; for it will fight in small divisions, although being many, because of the difficulty of coming to anchor, and it is not an army on land on like terms with superior force (lit. better), but (an army fighting) from ships for which it is necessary that many right conditions happen together in the sea (for success to occur). So I consider their difficulties counterbalances to our (small ) number. And, at the same time, I call upon you, being Athenians and knowing from practical experience about nautical landings against others, that if anyone, standing their ground, does not retire through fear of the surf and of the sternness of the sailing in of the ships, he cannot ever be forced back, and now stand firm yourselves also and, repulsing the enemy at the very water's edge, save both yourselves and the position.

12. The Lacedaemonians attack Pylos by land and sea.

Demosthenes advising such great things, the Athenians were more confident, and, marching down (to the water) to face (the enemy), they were drawn up at the edge of the sea. The Lacedaemonians, having set out, attacked the fortification with their army by land and, at the same time, with their ships, being forty-three (in number). Their admiral, Thrasymelidas, the son of Cratesicles, a Spartan, was on board (lit. sailed along). He attacked just as Demosthenes was expecting. The Athenians were (now) defending (themselves) from both sides, from the land and from the sea; they apportioning the task in detachments of (lit. according to) a few ships, because it was not possible to approach the shore with more, and relieving (each other) in turn, they kept up their attacks, displaying every enthusiasm and cheering (each other on), if somehow, having pushed back (the defenders), they might capture the fortification. Brasidas appeared the most distinguished of all. For (being) a captain of a galley, and seeing, the position being difficult, that the captains and helmsmen, if at any point it did seem possible to land, hanging back and being careful of their ships lest they ground together, he shouted out (to them), saying that it was not like sparing planks to allow the enemy to have made a wall in their territory, but he ordered (them) to smash their ships, (thereby) forcing the entrance, and (appealing to) the allies in return for their great kindnesses to give their ships freely to the Lacedaemonians at the present moment, and, running (their ships) aground and landing in every (possible) way, to make themselves masters both of the men (defending) and of the place.

12. The Lacedaemonians are repulsed.

He urged on the others, and, compelling his own helmsman to run his ship aground, he advanced on to the gangway; and, trying to land, he was struck down by the Athenians, and, having been wounded in many places, he fainted, and, he falling into the bows, his shield slipped (off his arm) into the sea, and, it having been carried up on to the land, the Athenians, taking (it) up, later used (it) for the trophy, which they set up for (their success in repelling) this attack. The others were eager but were unable to land because of the difficulty of the ground, and with the Athenians standing firm and not withdrawing in any way. Fortune came round in respect of this, so that the Athenians were warding off from the land, and that Laconian (land) too, those attacking (them) by sea, and the Lacedaemonians were landing from ships and in their own (country now) being hostile, against the Athenians. For it formed at this time a great part of the glory of the former that they were chiefly mainlandsmen and most superior in respect of infantry, and of the Athenians that they were seafarers and most eminent with ships.

13. The Athenian fleet returns to Pylos.

Having made their attacks during that day and some of the next, they had desisted; and on the third they sent out some of their ships to Asine for timber for siege engines, expecting that though the wall over against the harbour had height, yet (as) landing (here) was most (practicable) they could take (it) by means of these engines. At this point, fifty ships of the Athenians from Zacynthus arrived; for some of the guard-ships from Naupactus and four Chian (vessels) had reinforced them. When they saw both the mainland and the island crowded with hoplites, and that their ships were in the harbour and not sailing out, not knowing by which means they might come to anchor, they sailed off for the time being to the island of Prote, which was not much distant, being uninhabited, and they took up their quarters (there), and on the next (day), having prepared to be led into a sea-battle, in case they should be willing to sail out against them in the open sea, but, if not, to sail in to the attack themselves. Neither were they led out against (them) nor did they happen to carry out what they intended, to block the entrances, but, staying quietly on the land, they manned their ships and were preparing, in the event of someone sailing in, to fight within the harbour, which was not (lit. not being) a small (one).

14. The Lacedaemonians are defeated, and their forces in Sphacteria cut off and blockaded.

Perceiving (this), the Athenians advanced against them by each inlet, and, falling on the main body (lit. the majority) of their ships (which were) already under way and in line (lit. with prows facing forwards), they put them to flight, and, pursuing (them hotly) as (far as they could) in the short (space available), they damaged many (vessels), and captured five (of them), crew and all (lit. with the men themselves). They rammed (lit. dashed into) the rest which had (lit. having) taken refuge on the shore. These were shattered, still getting their crews on board, before they could put to sea; taking some in tow, they dragged (them off) empty, their crews having setting out into flight. Seeing these things, the Lacedaemonians, sore distressed by the disaster, because in truth their men were being cut off on the island, came to their help, and, going into the sea with their armour, laying hold of the ships, they tried to drag (them) off; and in this (struggle) each man thought things were at a standstill (lit. had been stopped) at whatsoever action (lit. struggle) he himself also was not present. Great tumult occurred and a complete reversal (lit. an exchanging) of the method of both sides in respect of their ships; for, on the one hand, the Lacedaemonians through their excitement and dismay were engaged in a sea-fight in no other way, so to put it, than from land, and, on the other hand, the victorious Athenians, wishing, with their present fortune, to prosecute (matters) as far as possible, were fighting as foot-soldiers from ships. And so, having effected much toil and having wounded one another, they were separated, and the Lacedaemonians saved their empty ships except those having been captured first. Both sides returning to their camps, the former (i.e. the Athenians) set up a trophy, gave back the dead and took control of wreckage, and at once they sailed around the island and kept (it) under guard, its men having been cut off; the Peloponnesians on the mainland, having now come to their assistance in full force (lit. from all besides), stayed in their place watching (lit. over against) Pylos.

15. The Lacedaemonians determine to send envoys to Athens.

When the things that had happened at Pylos were reported at Sparta, it seemed good to them under circumstances of great disaster that the authorities should go down to the camp to deliberate on the spot seeing what it might be good (to do). And as they saw that it was impossible to help their men, and they did not wish to risk either that anything should befall them due to hunger or that they should be overpowered, constrained by numbers, it seemed good to them to make a truce as concerns Pylos with the generals of the Athenians, if they were willing, and to send ambassadors to Athens concerning a peace treaty, and to endeavour to get their men back as quickly as possible.

16. An armistice is concluded at Pylos.

The generals accepting the proposal, peace was made on the following terms: that the Lacedaemonians, having brought to Pylos the ships in which they had fought and all the (ships) in Laconia that were ships of war (lit. long ships), should hand (them) over to the Athenians, and should not take up arms against the fortification either by land or by sea; that the Athenians should allow the Lacedaemonians on the mainland to send out to their men on the island a fixed quantity of corn and (this already) kneaded, two Attic measures of barley, two little cups of wine, and (a piece of) meat for each man, and half of these for an attendant; that these (rations) should be sent in with the Athenians watching and no vessel should sail in secretly; that the Athenians should keep watch on the island no less (then before), provided only that (lit. inasmuch as) they do not land, and that they should not bear arms against the army of the Peloponnesians either by land or by sea. And that whatsoever of these provisions either of the parties shall transgress in whatsoever respect, the treaty shall be terminated. That it shall remain a treaty until the ambassadors of the Lacedaemonians shall have returned from Athens; that the Athenians should send them off in a trireme and bring (them) back again. That, (they) having returned, this treaty shall be terminated and the Athenians shall give back the ships in the same condition as they had received (them). The truce occurred on these (conditions), and the ships, being around sixty, (in number) were handed over, and the ambassadors were sent off. Having arrived at Athens, they spoke as follows.

17. Speech of the Lacedaemonian ambassadors at Athens (i).

Athenians, the Lacedaemonians have sent us (here) to effect (such) an arrangement concerning our men on the island that whatsoever we may persuade (you) of is at the same time advantageous to you, and in relation to the disaster most likely to bring honour to us, as far as (is possible) in the present circumstances. We shall prolong our speech to a greater length not according to our wont, but it being our country's (custom) where a few words may suffice not to employ many, but (to employ) more (words) whenever it is a proper time to point out by the use of words something of importance to effect what is needed (lit. the necessary thing). And receive these (words) not in a hostile spirit and not thinking that (we think you are) ignorant (and in need of) being instructed, but as a reminder of good counsel to men who know (lit. knowing). For it is possible for you to make good use of your present good fortune, keeping what you control, and gaining honour and reputation besides, and not to suffer like those receiving something good surprisingly (usually do); for they always press forward in the hope of more on account of their unexpected good fortune in the present circumstances. But (those) to whom most changes have happened, for better or for worse, are justly bound to be most distrustful of prosperity; and, in truth, through experience this ought to apply to your city and to us especially.

18. Speech of the Lacedaemonian ambassadors at Athens (ii).

And see (the truth of this), looking away at our present misfortunes, we who, having the biggest reputation among the Greeks, have come (here) to you, (though) having formerly thought ourselves to be more able to grant (that) for which, having now arrived, we are asking you. And, indeed, we have experienced this neither from lack of strength nor having been arrogant, greater (power) having been added (to us), but, (starting) from our regular resources, failing in our calculations, in which (matter) the same (chance) falls to us all alike. So (it is) not reasonable that you should think that, because of the present strength of your city and its acquisitions at the moment, what belongs to (lit. what is of) fortune will be always with you. They (are) prudent men who safely reckon their gains as doubtful - and these same men would offer more sense (than others) (in dealing) with misfortunes - and, as regards war, are convinced that it cannot abide with this man just as far as the limit (which) someone may wish to take it in hand, but (must go on) as its vicissitudes may lead them. Such men, stumbling the least (times) through not being puffed up, (by) being confident in immediate success, would come to terms, if they could, especially in a period of good fortune. This, O Athenians, it is well for you to do in relation to us now, lest, if after all, having not been persuaded (to come to terms), at some time afterwards you meet with failure, which is possible in many ways, you may be thought to have won even your present successes due to luck, it being possible (for you) to leave behind for the future an unshakeable reputation for strength and wisdom.

19. Speech of the Lacedaemonian ambassadors at Athens (iii).

The Lacedaemonians are calling you to a treaty and an end of the war, offering peace and alliance and friendship in every way and on every occasion and for a neighbourly (understanding) to subsist between one another, and asking in return for the men on the island, and thinking (it) better for both parties not to take the utmost risks, whether, some means of escape occurring, they might escape by force, or, having been overwhelmed by the blockade, they might be still more subdued. We think that great enmities can really be best settled, not if someone, having proved victorious in most points of the war, (and) retaliating (by) binding (his foe) down with oaths by compulsion, shall make peace on terms (which are) not equal, but if, (though) it is in his power to do the same, having regard to what (is) equitable, (and) having also conquered him in generosity, he makes peace on moderate terms in comparison with what he expected. For his adversary, being already under an obligation, not to resist as (someone) having been constrained, but to show generosity in return, is more ready from a sense of shame to abide by the things which he agreed on. Men are more (likely) to act in this way towards their more (serious) enemies than towards those who have (lit. having) quarrelled (with them) over small things; they are naturally inclined to make concessions with gladness to those who have (lit. having) given way voluntarily, but to stand out against overweening arrogance, even against their (better) judgment.

20. Speech of the Lacedaemonian ambassadors at Athens (iv).

And for ourselves the (proposed) agreement is (now) desirable for both parties, if (it) ever (is), before something irremediable, happening in our midst, befalls us, in which (case) necessity holds an eternal hatred against you, in common and private, and you would be deprived of what we are now offering. (Matters) being still undecided, and your reputation and our friendship being at stake, (and) our disaster being settled on tolerable terms before anything dishonourable (occurs), let us be reconciled, and let us, ourselves, choose peace instead of war, and let us give to the other Greeks a respite from their sufferings; in this (matter) they will think that you are the more responsible. For they are at war, (being) unclear which of the two sides began (it); an end happening, for which you are now mainly responsible, they will ascribe their gratitude to you. And so, if you come to accept (our proposal), it is possible for you to become true friends to the Lacedaemonians, they having offered (it) to (you) gratifying rather then forcing (them). Consider the great advantages which are likely in this; for you and we saying the same things, you know that the rest of the Greek (people), being somewhat inferior, will honour (us) to the greatest extent.

21. Terms required by the Athenians.

And so the Lacedaemonians said so much, thinking that the Athenians had been desiring a peace treaty in an earlier time, but were prevented, themselves opposing (it), and, peace being given, would gladly accept (it) and would give back the men. They, having the men on the island, thought that the treaty would be ready for them at any time, whenever they wished to make (it) with them, and aimed at something more. Cleon, the (son) of Cleaenetus, a man who was (lit. being) a leader of the people at that time and most influential with the masses, urged them on especially; and he persuaded (them) to to reply (as follows), that it is necessary that those on the island, having first surrendered, should be brought to Athens; that (they) having come, (and) the Lacedaemonians having handed back Nisae and Pegae and Troezen and Achaea, which they had not taken in war but from the previous convention, the Athenians having agreed to these concessions, on the strength of (certain) misfortunes, being in somewhat greater need at that time, the men can be brought (back) and a treaty made for as long a time as may seem good to both parties.

22. The Lacedaemonian envoys return without effecting anything.

They did not say anything against this reply, but asked that commissioners might be chosen (to confer) with themselves, who, speaking and listening concerning each (point), might in quietness come to an agreement (as to) what they might persuade one another (to accept). Thereupon, Cleon fell upon (them) vehemently, saying that he knew from the beginning that they had nothing just in mind, and that this was clear enough now, inasmuch as they were not willing to speak to the people and are wishing to to be councillors with a few men; but, if they are intending anything honest, he urged (them) to speak to all. But the Lacedaemonians, seeing that, even if it seemed good to them to make concessions in their misfortune, it was not possible for them to speak in front of the people, lest they should be injuriously represented to their allies, having made proposals and having not succeeded, and that the Athenians would not grant what they had asked for on moderate terms, withdrew from Athens without achieving anything.

23. Hostilities renewed at Pylos. The Athenians retain the Lacedaemonian ships, and blockade Sphacteria.

They having arrived (back), the truce around Pylos was at once terminated, the Lacedaemonians demanded their ships back, just as had been agreed; but the Athenians, having (as) ground for complaint an attack on the fortification contrary to the truce and other things seemingly not worthy of mention, did not give (them) back, maintaining that it had been said that, if it were transgressed (in any way) whatsoever, the truce would be dissolved. The Lacedaemonians denied (these allegations), and, expostulating against the (detention) of their ships, (and) going back, they resumed the war. Hostilities went on (lit. things were fought) at Pylos by both sides with vigour, the Athenians sailing in two ships around the island in opposite directions all day - and at night as well, all (their ships) being anchored around (it) without exception except on the side facing the open sea whenever there was a wind. Twenty ships came to (join) them from Athens to guard (the island), so that there were now seventy altogether - and the Peloponnesians remaining encamped on the mainland, and making attacks on the fortification, looking for an opportunity, if one occurred, to save the men (on the island).

PART TWO. EVENTS IN SICILY. FINAL VICTORY OF THE ATHENIANS AT PYLOS.

24. Progress of the war in Sicily. The attack upon Rhegium is continued.

Meanwhile, the Syracusans and their allies in Sicily, having taken the rest of the fleet, which they were getting ready, to join those on guard duty in Messina, made war from Messina. The Locrians chiefly urged (them) on through hatred of the Rhegians, and they themselves too had invaded their territory with their full force. They (i.e. the Syracusans) wished to make trial of a sea-battle, seeing that the Athenians had (lit. there were to the Athenians) only a few ships present, and learning that the majority (of the ships) intended to have come were blockading the island (of Sphacteria). For, if they were to be victorious in this sea-battle, they hoped to subdue Rhegiam easily, (by) blockading (it) both by land (lit. on foot), and that thereby their position (lit. affairs) would become strong. For Rhegium, a promontory (on the coast) of Italy, lying very close to Messina in Sicily, it would not be possible for the Athenians to keep watch over and control the strait. The strait consists of (lit. is) the sea between Rhegium and Messina at the point where Sicily is the shortest distance from the mainland, and this (channel) is the Charybdis of legend (lit. having been so called), through which Odysseus is reputed to have sailed. And the sea, owing to the narrowness (of the channel) and with a strong current rushing into it from the vast open seas, both the Tyrrhenian and the Sicilian, was considered to be naturally dangerous (lit. difficult).

25(i). Actions in the straits of Messina.

In this narrow strait (lit. space between), the Syracusans and their allies were compelled to engage late in the day, concerning the passage of a boat (lit. a boat sailing across), putting out to sea with a few more than thirty ships against sixteen ships of the Athenians and eight Rhegian (ones). Having been defeated by the Athenians, they sailed back hurriedly, as each chanced to his own base, at both Messina and Rhegium, (and) losing one ship. And night fell upon the action. The Athenians and Rhegians, sailing up (and) seeing their ships empty, attacked, but they themselves lost one ship to a grappling iron which had been thrown on to (it) (lit. having been thrown on it), the men (saving themselves by) swimming away. After this, the Syracusans embarking on their ships and having them towed (lit. sailing with a rope) to Messina, (and) the Athenians, attacking again, lose another ship, the former getting their ships into the open sea and becoming the assailants. The Syracusans, having had not the less (of fortunes) in the coastal voyage and in the sea-battle which occurred (lit. having occurred) in such a way, brought (their ships) into the harbour at Messina.

25(ii). Attempts upon Naxos and Messina respectively.

The Athenians, Camarina having been reported as being betrayed to the Syracusans by Archias and those with him, sailed thither, and meanwhile the Messenians, with their full forces, by land and with their ships at the same time, took the field against Naxos, which was (lit. being) their Chalcidian neighbour. On the first day, having made the Naxians keep within their walls, they laid waste the country, and on the next day, sailing around with their fleet by way of the river Acesines, they ravaged the land, and with their infantry made an inroad in the direction of the city. Meanwhile, the Sicels came down over the hills in large numbers to attack (lit. assisting against) the Messinians. And the Naxians, when they saw (them), having taken heart and encouraging themselves that the Leontinians and their other Greek allies were coming to their aid, making a sortie from the city, fell upon the Messinians, and, having routed (them), killed over a thousand (of them), and the survivors withdrew homewards with difficulty; for the barbarians, falling upon (them) on the roads, killed them in great numbers. The ships, having put into Messina, were afterwards separated, each to (her own) home (port). The Leontinians and their allies with the Athenians immediately took the field against Messina as having been weakened, and, attacking, the Athenians made their attempt against the harbour with their ships, and the infantry against the city. The Messinians and some of the Locrians with Demoteles, who had been left behind (as) guards after the disaster, suddenly attacking, rout much of the army of the Leontinians and killed many (of them). The Athenians, seeing (this) and disembarking from their ships, came up in support, and closely pursued the Messenians back again into the city, falling upon (them) in their confusion; and, having set up a trophy, they retired to Rhegium. After this, the Greeks in Sicily continued to make war upon each other by land without the Athenians.

26. The Lacedaemonians in Sphacteria still hold out, being furnished with supplies from the mainland in various ways.

On Pylos, the Athenians were still besieging the Lacedaemonians on the island, and the army of the Peloponnesians remained in its position on the mainland. The blockade was laborious for the Athenians, from want of both food and water; for there was no spring except one in the citadel of Pylos itself, and this not large, but most, scraping away the shingle on the sea (shore), drank such water (as was) suitable (for them to drink). There was a narrowness (of room) for those encamped in the small (space), and, the ships not having a mooring-place, some crews took their food on the land, and others were anchored out at sea. The time elapsing contrary to reasonable expectation caused the greatest discouragement, (as they were besieging men) on a desert island being possessed of only brackish water, whom they thought they would overcome within a few days. The reason was the Lacedaemonians having given notice that anyone wishing to bring to the island ground corn and wine and cheese and, if (they could send it in) any other food such as might be useful in a siege, having rated (these provisions) at a high price, and promising freedom to any man among the Helots bringing (the food) in. Many, running the risk, brought (food) in, and particularly the Helots, putting off from the Peloponnese at any point they chanced, and sailing in while it was still night to the side of the island facing towards the sea. They looked out especially (for the chance) of being brought in by the wind; for (it was) easier to elude the blockade of the triremes, whenever the wind was from the sea; for it (then) became impossible to anchor around the (island), and the landing was made unsparingly by them; for they ran ashore their boats, having been deemed worthy of money, and the hoplites were on guard around the island's landing places. Those who (lit. such as) made the attempt in calm weather were captured. Divers also swam in from the harbour under water, dragging by a cord in skins poppy-seed mixed with honey and pounded linseed (lit. seed from flax); these escaping notice at first, look outs later happened; both sides skilfully employed every scheme, one to bring in provisions, the other lest these escape them.

27. State of feeling at Athens. Cleon attacks the Generals in office, especially Nicias.

In Athens, (the people) learning about the army, that it was suffering hardships, and that food was sailing in to the men on the island, were at a loss and had been fearing that winter might interrupt their blockade, seeing that the carrying of necessities around the Peloponnese would be impossible - (the troops being) in a desolate place and, at the same time, (themselves) not being able to send round enough (supplies) even in summer - and that the blockade of places without a harbour would not be practicable, but that either the men would escape the blockade, themselves giving (it) up, or that, watching out for bad weather, they would sail away in the boats, which were bringing them food. But of all things they chiefly feared that with regard to the Lacedaemonians, because they thought that they had a strong position they were no longer seeking to negotiate with them. And they began to repent not having accepted the treaty. And Cleon, realising their suspicion of him concerning the prevention of the agreement, said that those bringing the news were not telling the truth. Those having come recommending that, if they did not believe them, that they send some commissioners of inspection, he himself was chosen (as) a commissioner with Theagenes by the Athenians. Aware that he would he would be compelled either to tell the same things or, saying the opposite, he would be shown (to be) lying, he advised the Athenians, seeing that they were somewhat the more eager in mind (for men) to be sent off to fight, that it was necessary not to send commissioners of inspection nor, letting slip the opportunity, to delay, but, if it seemed to them that the things reported were true, to sail against the men. And he pointed at Nicias, the son of Niceratus, being a general, being hostile (to him), and reproaching (him), (he said) that it would be easy with preparation, if the generals were men, having sailed, to capture those on the island and, indeed, that he himself would have done this, if he had been in command.

28. Nicias offers to resign the command to Cleon, who is ultimately obliged to take it.

The Athenians having raised some clamour at Cleon because he was not sailing even now, if indeed it appeared (so) easy to him, and, at the same time, seeing that he was being reproached, told (him) that, as far as the generals were concerned (lit. inasmuch it was concerning them), taking whatever force he wished, he could try his hand. He, thinking at first that he was only giving (it) up in debate, was ready (to accept), but realising that he was disposed to give (it) up in reality, he began to retreat, and he said that the former (i.e. Nicias) was in command but not himself, (being) scared now and not supposing that he would venture to give (it) up to him. Nicias exhorted (him) once more and renounced the command at Pylos and made the Athenians witnesses (to this). But, such as the mob loves to do, the more Cleon shrunk from the expedition and tried to back out of what he had said, so much (the more) they encouraged Nicias to give up his command and called loudly upon the former to sail. And he said that, having this force in addition to those soldiers at Pylos, he would either bring (back) the Lacedaemonians alive or kill (them) on the spot. There fell among the Athenians a degree of laughter at his boastful speaking, and it occurred to sensible men (to be) equally glad, considering that they would gain from one or the other of the two blessings, either they would be rid of Cleon, which was what they rather expected, or, (if) disappointed in this expectation, they would have the Lacedaemonians in their hands.

29. Cleon, after choosing Demosthenes as his colleague, sails for Pylos.

Having made all the arrangements in the assembly and the Athenians having voted (the command of) the expedition to him, having chosen as his colleague Demosthenes, one of the generals at Pylos, he arranged the putting to sea with speed. He took Demosthenes to help him, learning that he was contemplating a descent on the island. For the soldiers, being distressed at the difficulty of the position, and besieged rather than besieging, were eager to risk all. And the island having been set on fire gave him confidence too. For previously he was afraid, it being wooded for the most part and trackless on account of its permanent wilderness, and he thought this would be to the advantage of the enemy. For, if he landed with a large force (lit. with a large force landing), falling on them from an unseen position, they might injure (them). For their weaknesses and preparation alike would not be visible to themselves through the forest, whereas all the weaknesses of their own force would be conspicuous, so that they could attack (them) unexpectedly wherever they chose; for the initiative to attack would be in their hands. If, on the other hand, he should force (them) to come to close quarters in the wooded area, he considered that a lesser (force) but (one) experienced in the country (would be) stronger than a larger (but) inexperienced (one). And (so), their force, (though) being numerous, would be cut to pieces unawares (lit. being cut to pieces, escaped notice) it being impossible to see (lit. a seeing not being possible) where there was a need to assist one another.

30. Demosthenes is prepared to land on the island.

These (reflections) occurred to him not least due to the Aetolian disaster, which had happened to a great (lit. some) extent because of the wood. One of the soldiers, compelled by the want of space to land on the extremities of the island, was preparing for breakfast with a guard (posted) in advance, and, setting fire to a small part of the wood unintentionally, and after this, a wind arising, much of it was consumed accidently (lit. being consumed, escaped notice). So, seeing that the Lacedaemonians were more numerous (than he had thought) - suspecting previously that he was sending in the corn for fewer men (than those actually) there - and that island was (now) easier to land on, he got ready for the attempt as something worthy on the part of the Athenians of making a serious (lit. greater) effort, and, sending for trooops from the neighbouring allies and preparing other things. At that moment, Cleon, having sent a messenger (saying) that he was coming and that he had the troops for which he had asked, arrives at Pylos. Having conferred together, they first send a herald to the camp on the mainland, proposing that, if they would, without risk (of battle) order the men on the island to surrender themselves and their arms to them, on condition that they should be kept under a moderate guard, until something concerning the main (lit. greater) war might be agreed.

31. Disposition of the Lacedaemonians.

These (proposals) not having been accepted, they delayed for one day, and on the next (day), having embarked all their hoplites on a few ships, they set out at night, and a little before dawn they landed on both sides of the island, from the open sea and from the harbour, the hoplites being about eight hundred (strong), and they advanced at a run against the first guard-post in the island. (The enemy) were disposed as follows: in this first guard-post, there were around thirty hoplites, and the majority of them and Epitadas, their archon, were holding the centre and the most level (part) and (the part) around the water, and a certain part, itself not large, guarded the extremity of the island facing towards Pylos, which was precipitous from the sea and barely assailable from the land; for there was a sort of fort there, rudely constructed of stones, which they thought might be useful to them if a retreat, unusually hard-pressed, were to overtake (them). Thus were they drawn up.

32. Arrangements made by Demosthenes and Cleon for the attack.

The Athenians immediately killed the first guards whom they ran up against, (who were) still in their beds trying to take up their weapons, and landing secretly (lit. they eluded notice in their landing), they (i.e. the enemy) thinking that their ships were sailing to their anchorage for the night as usual. At the same time as dawn was happening, the rest of the army landed, all the men of a little more than seventy ships, except the rowers, equipped as well as possible in each case, eight hundred archers and no less peltasts then these, the reinforcements from the Messenians, and all the other (troops) such as were holding their positions around Pylos, except the guards on the fortification. Demosthenes drawing (them) up, they were divided into (groups of) two hundred, sometimes more and at some points it was less, occupying the highest points, in order that the enemy had the greatest difficulty (lit. there was the greatest difficulty to the enemy), surrounding (him) on all sides, so that he had no place against which he might counter-attack, but might become encompassed by the number (of their assailants), if he attacked those in front, being shot at by those in his rear, and, if (he attacked) on the flanks, (being shot at) by those on the other (flank). Wherever they went, the enemy was always about to be at their back, lightly armed men and those most difficult (to cope with) with arrows and javelins and stones and slings, having effect from a distance, but whom it was not possible (for them) to attack; (in) fleeing, they were superior (in speed), and, (as) they went back, they pressed on (them again). With such a plan, Demosthenes contrived the landing from the first, and he made these dispositions in its execution;

33. Engagement on the island.

The men around Epitadas, what was in fact the main body of those on the island, when they saw that their first guard-post had been overwhelmed and that an army was coming to attack them, were drawn up and moved forwards against the hoplites of the Athenians, wishing to come to close quarters; for they had positioned themselves in front (of them), and the lightly armed troops (were) on their flanks and at their rear. So, they were not able to close with the hoplites nor to make use of their own specialised training; for the lightly armed troops, shooting (at them) from both flanks, held (them) up, and at, the same time, they (i.e. the Athenian hoplites) did not rush forward, but stayed still; they (i.e. the Lacedaemonians) pushed back the lightly armed troops, wherever, running at them, they came especially close; but they, turning about, fought back, the men being lightly equipped and easily outstripping (them) in their flight, and from difficulty of ground, being before a rough wasteland, in which the Lacedaemonians, having (heavy) armour, were not able to pursue (them).

34. The Lacedaemonians are hard pressed.

And so, they skirmished against one another for a little time. The Lacedaemonians no longer being able to rush out abruptly at the points where they were falling upon (them), the lightly armed troops, realising that they were now slower in defending (themselves), and having themselves derived the greatest confidence from their seeing that they appeared many times more numerous, and being more habituated to them no longer appearing equally formidable to themselves, because they had not suffered things worthy of their immediate expectations, as they had been cowed in mind when they first landed, (considering) that (they were going) up against the Lacedaemonians, (now) despising (them) and shouting, charged upon them in a mass and pelted (them) with stones and arrows and javelins, as each man had something to hand. The shouting happening at the same time as their onset, consternation fell upon men unused to such a kind of fighting, and a cloud of dust rose up from the recently burned wood, and it was difficult to see before one due to the arrows and stones pouring (on them) together from many men through the dust cloud. Thereupon, the struggle began to go hard for the Lacedaemonians; for their felt caps were not protecting (them) from the arrows and stones, and the spears were breaking off short in (their armour) as they were hit (lit. they being hit), and they could do nothing with themselves (i.e. they could not attack), being prevented from looking ahead in respect of seeing, and not hearing the orders between themselves due to the louder shouting of the enemy, and being surrounded by danger on every side, and not having (any) hope as to how it was necessary (for them), having defended (themselves), to escape.

35. They retreat to the extremity of the island.

But at last, many having already been wounded through moving to and fro on the same ground all the time, closing up, they fell back to the fort at the end of the island, which was not far distant and their guards (there). As they gave way, thereupon the lightly armed troops, full of confidence, pressed upon (them); as many of the Lacedaemonians as were caught retiring were killed, but the majority escaping to the fort were drawn up with the guards at this (point) in order to defend (it) at every place where it was assailable. And the Athenians, pursuing (them), could not surround them and hem them in (lit. did not have a way round and a surrounding of them) from the strength of the position, and, attacking from in front, they tried to storm (it). For a long time, and indeed for most of the day, both sides held out (though) suffering from the fighting and thirst and the sun, the one endeavouring to dislodge (the enemy) from the high ground, the other not to give in. But the Lacedaemonians were (now) defending (themselves) more easily than before, there being no surrounding of them on their flanks.

36. The Athenians occupy a position in their rear.

When it (i.e. the fighting) proved endless, the general of the Messinians coming to Cleon and Demosthenes, said they were wearying themselves to no purpose; but, if they were willing to give him some part of the archers and of the lightly armed troops, he would go round by way of their rear by a path which he himself would find, (and) he was resolved to force home the attack. Having received what he had asked for, setting out from where he could not be seen so that they could not observe (him), making his approach by the precipitous (cliffs) of the island, and (by a route) which the Lacedaemonians, trusting in the strength of the position, did not guard, and, going around with great difficulty, he escaped notice, and, suddenly appearing on the high ground at their rear, he astounded the one side by the unexpectedness (of the thing), and gave still more confidence to the other side, seeing what they were expecting. The Lacedaemonians, being shot at now from both sides, and being in the same dilemma, to compare a small (event) to a great one as that at Thermopylae - for they (i.e. the Lacedaemonians at Thermopylae) were utterly destroyed, the Persians coming around (them) by the path, and they (i.e. the Lacedaemonians at Pylos) being already attacked on both sides, no longer held their ground, but, (as) a few fighting with many and due to the weakness of their bodies through want of corn, they fell back, and the Athenians were now masters of the approaches.

37. Summons to surrender.

Cleon and Demosthenes, realising that if they (i.e. the Lacedaemonians) were to retreat any (lit. ever so little) further they would be utterly destroyed by their army, stopped the fighting and held their men back, wishing to lead them back to Athens (lit. the Athenians) alive, (hoping that) they might surrender their weapons, if, somehow, hearing their proclamation, they might be shaken in their resolution and yield to (lit. to be less than) the present danger. And (so) they made proclamation (to know), if they would surrender their arms and themselves to the Athenians, on condition (lit. so that) that they (i.e. the Athenians) would decide what seemed good to them.

38. Surrender of the Lacedaemonians. Loss in the action.

Hearing (this), the majority (of them) lowered their shields and waved their hands, showing that they accepted what had been offered. After this, a cessation having occurred, Cleon and Demosthenes and Styphon, the son of Pharax, on the part of them (i.e the Lacedaemonians) met for a parley, the first of the earlier of their leaders, Epitadas, having been killed, and Hippagretas, the (officer) chosen to succeed after him, lying as (if) dead among the bodies, (yet) still alive, (and) he himself having been chosen to succeed as commander in the third place according to the rule if anything should befall them (lit. if they should suffer anything). Styphon and those with him said that they wished to send a herald across to the Lacedaemonians on the mainland (to ask) what it was necessary for them to do. The Athenians, allowing none of them to pass over but themselves summoning heralds from the mainland, and consultations happening two or three times, the last man sailing across to them from the Lacedaemonians on the mainland reported that the Lacedaemonians order you yourselves to decide concerning yourselves, (while) doing nothing dishonourable. They, having discussed (the matter) among themselves, surrendered themselves and their arms. The following numbers were killed and captured alive on the island: altogether four hundred and twenty hoplites had crossed over; of these two hundred and ninety-two (lit. three hundred falling short of eight) were brought back alive, and the others had died. Of these, there were about a hundred and twenty Spartiates living. Not many of the Athenians were killed; for the fighting was not a pitched (business).

39. Duration of the blockade. Cleon fulfils his promise.

And the total time from when the men on the island were besieged, from the naval battle until the battle on the island, amounted to seventy-two days. Of these, for about twenty days, during which the ambassadors were talking about a treaty, they were furnished with provisions, and on the other (days) they were continually sustained by the things secretly sailed in. There was corn on the island and other victuals were captured on (it); for their commander, Epitadas, gave out less rations to each man than (was possible) having regard to his capacity. The Athenians and the Peloponnesians now both withdrew their forces from Pylos for home, and the promise of Cleon, although being reckless was fulfilled; for he led the men (back) within twenty days, just as he had undertaken (to do).

40. The general feeling throughout Greece.

This (event) occasioned more against the judgement (of the Greeks) than anything (else) concerning the war; for they expected that the Lacedaemonians would not surrender their weapons either through famine or any kind of force, but would die, bearing (them) and fighting as they could. (People) disbelieving that those surrendering were similar in essence to those among them who had fallen, and a certain man among the allies of the Athenians asking sometime later for the sake of annoyance one of the prisoners from the island, if those who had fallen were good men and true, it was answered to him that the spindle, meaning the arrow, would be worth a great deal, if it could distinguish the men of honour, making an indication that the man coming in the way of stones and arrows was (the one) killed.

41. The prisoners taken to Athens. Pylos garrisoned.

The men having been brought back, the Athenians resolved that they should be kept under guard in fetters until whatever time they might make peace, and that, if the Peloponnesians were to invade their land before this, having brought (them) out, they would put (them) to death. They established a garrison at Pylos, and the Messenians from Naupactus, sending their own fittest men as to their native country - for Pylos is in that country once belonging to Messenia - plundered Laconia and, being speakers of the same dialect, they did very much damage. The Lacedaemonians, being inexperienced in the time before of rapine and warfare of this kind, and (with) the Helots deserting, and fearing that (something) should be attempted (still) further against themselves among the (institutions) in the land, endured this not easily, but, although not wishing to be clear (about this) to the Athenians, they began to send envoys to them, and tried to recover Pylos and their men. But they were grasping at more, and, (although they) came often, they sent them away with nothing achieved. These (were) the affairs concerning Pylos.












































Saturday 5 June 2010

" STONES " - A POEM.

The air is spun disjointed. Sounds and days,
The idling fingers of our lassive drift,
Endeavour to restate the discontent
Of minimal encounters - a grimace
A hand, a block of stone ... The years that went
to dogged balancing of each on each
(Triglyph and metope, tongue to slotted rift)
Scattered like armour on a blood-stained beach.

Lists were of course prepared, proportions found
And counterchecked - " So many thousand load
Of marble", " Such a curve, viewed from the ground,
Gives the effect of being straight" - amounts
Recalculated, notes transferred ... But still
Retracts in silence time's unfailing Once;
Before the cart-dust settled on the road,
The whirlwind breaks about the sacred hill.

Accept, examine, redetermine, hold -
Within the fractured pattern I can trace
Contorted shudders of reality.
Feel where the shadowed gridlines interlace,
Woven through dust-stained, water-melon streets,
Their sudden brief constraint; recall the old
Unvisioned fears ... The final memory
Shards into ashes and scatters all retreat.




THE ATLANTIS MYTH.

In last year's magazine I wrote a light hearted article suggesting an argument, from which one might adduce Britain to have contributed to the legend of Atlantis. In doing this I had no intention of committing myself to any belief in the historical existence of Atlantis, but, perhaps because I did not express myself clearly enough, I have been misinterpreted. In writing this article I wish to clear myself from the charge of being an Atlantologist, and then to outline, as I see it, the way in which the legend fits into the thought of its author, Plato. For the whole Atlantean phantasmagoria has stemmed from an improper appreciation of a Platonic myth, and is a classic example of the danger involved in interpreting something out of its context.

Atlantis is only a legend; it began with Plato and might have ended with him. But for various reasons, some of them innocuous and others more sinister, men have sought ever since to carry the legend further and to prove its historical existence. The legend, however, has no discoverable foundation at all. If there exist in the copious mythologies of the world, legends that appear to be complementary, this is purely coincidental and the reasons for this can probably be assigned to the psychological basis of mythology.

Plato's Atlantis myth is a fanciful tale, a 'noble lie' with a didactic purpose behind it. Such myths are common to Plato's work and are essentially literary devices. The myth of Atlantis is intended to complete the account of the Ideal State, given by Plato in the "Republic", and it presents the pattern which a nation should seek to emulate in this world. Atlantis is mentioned in the "Timaeus", but Plato must have intended to deal more thoroughly with it in the "Critias", an unfinished work. In this fragment Plato represents the Ideal State engaged in a patriotic conflict, and it is almost certainly symbolical, or retrospectively prophetical, of the struggle of Athens with the Persians, rather as the first part of the "Aeneid" foreshadows the wars between Rome and Carthage. Thus, the whole tale is a product of Plato's fertile imagination and he knew how to give verisimilitude to it by a wealth of detail and observed fact.

The story of the struggle between Athens and Atlantis symbolises the struggle between form and matter. In Plato's theory of Forms we find the key to his conception of historical change. He seems to have believed that all things in this mutable world of ours are destined to decay. Thus, history for Plato is the history of social decay, the history of a disease. He saw himself as a doctor of human society, and his remedy was the total arrest of social change. The Atlantis myth is a 'noble lie', concocted to inspire people to look to the past for the solution to their problems. It is deliberately deceitful, like the myth of the Earthborn in the "Republic", which sought to uphold the barriers of social distinction. The old Athens is intended as the model which the new Athens must copy if it is to return to the halcyon days of the past.

These myths enshrined what were for Plato essential truths. The Platonic Fall of Man, which we see in his principle of historical decay, had the same force of truth for him as the story of Adam and Eve has for the Christian. But Plato believed social decay to be the result of racial decay, and he gives this cause explicitly in the "Critias" for the degeneration of the Atlanteans. We can never know exactly how much truth Plato intended us to find in his myths, but, if we see them all as elaborate deceits, we shall not arrive at a flattering opinion of his integrity. We can, however, show the absurdity of claiming him as a source for the existence of a historical Atlantis. My stated intention has been not to do this, but to show where the true significance of the myth lies.

Where resemblances to the details of this myth do occur - for instance, the almost universal flood myths and the Celtic legends of the 'lands of the west' - I would suggest that these are merely psychic phenomena, and in no way historical. But if Atlantis is indeed a psychological creation, it affords a fine example of how a myth, through its suggestive power, can come to be seen as reality.

Hilary Term 1967.

Postscript.

In re-reading this article and its 1966 predecessor, which I re-published yesterday, I have become uneasily aware that my emphatic disassociation, in the above article, of ever being an Atlantologist, is not consistent with the text of the original article, and thus what I am saying here that "the legend... has no discoverable foundation at all" is either inaccurate or disingenuous. In the 1966 article I maintained - correctly I now think - that, while the the very specific details of the Atlantis myth, as portrayed by Plato, were indeed a product of fiction, the Atlantis myth was based upon legends that relate to some degree of historical reality, albeit derived very probably from a number of sources. Hence, the concept of a composite myth.

In this context, it is very interesting to note that in 1967, the very year in which the above article was first published, there was an exciting discovery of a subterranean city at Akrotiri on the Eastern Mediterrean island of Santorini (known to the ancient Greeks as Thera). Since then, it has become clear that in 1,620 B.C. this island, and the vibrant civilisation which it contained, were totally destroyed by an earthquake greater than any other experienced in the ancient world. Some idea of the force of this earthquake and the tsunamis that followed, can be gained from the fact that it was at least ten times stronger than the earthquake which destroyed the Roman towns of Pompeii and Herculaneum in 79 A.D. In the longer term, this earthquake may well have contributed to the beginning of the decline of the great Minoan civilisation of ancient Crete, from which Thera was only seventy miles distant across the sea, and to which it was very closely associated, if not exactly a dependency of it. It appears that at around this date all the palaces of Minoan Crete were destroyed, except that of Knossos, which was, mercifully, further inland than the five mile reach of the tsunamis. The consequences of this terrible earthquake would also have been drastic for much of Europe, the Near and Middle East and Africa, to all of which Thera was close. Apart from the devastating damage caused by the explosion on Thera which was buried some sixty feet below the ash, molten mud and pumice-stone belched forth by the explosion, and the tsunamis which would have destroyed anything within five miles from the Eastern Mediterranean coast-lines, the ash clouds which obscured the sun would have adversely affected crop-yields for a number of years throughout a very wide area and the massive blocks of pumice, floating throughout the Mediteranean, would have made sailing even more hazardous than usual. I am emphasing the unparallelled extent of this disaster because I want to make the point that, although Plato was writing over eight centuries after the Theran earthquake, it is quite possible to suppose that some memory of it lingered in the collective consciousness of the Greeks of his time. The exciting results of the excavations that have taken place, and are continuing, at Akrotiri on the island of Santorini since 1967, have inevitably led to many now seeing Thera as the principal source for the Atlantis myth, and I cannot quarrel with this view. At the same time, I believe it no longer possible to assert quite as forcefully as I did in 1967 that there is no historical basis for this myth. Furthermore, the detailed physical description of Atlantis in Plato's "Critias" resembles uncannily what will have been the lay-out at Thera prior to the earthquake. So, while there is as yet no proof that Thera was Atlantis, and there almost certainly never can be, the likelihood that the Atlantis myth is based on some historical source has surely been raised from a possibility to a probability in the context of the discoveries on Santorini.

However, Thera was in the Eastern Mediterranean and the relatively recent discoveries on Santorini, do not account for the geography of Plato's myth, and, in particular, Plato's attribution of Atlantis to an island west of the Pillars of Hercules, and indeed the very name 'Atlantis', itself. To account for this, it is possible that Plato was drawing on others myths of which he was aware, e.g. memories of bronze -age Britain and Tartessus, as I did in fact suggest in my 1966 article. If Plato's myth is a composite one, this is surely quite conceivable. What would have been his motive? - perhaps a desire to ensure that his 'noble lie' could not be associated with anything too specific.

Friday 4 June 2010

ATLANTIS - WAS IT BRITAIN?

Of all the sunken civilisations of man, that of Atlantis is perhaps the most exciting. The question of whether Atlantis is only legendary or whether it is based on a certain amount of discoverable fact, was a bone of contention even in antiquity. Thus, the immediate question that presents itself is to decide whether the Atlantis so meticulously described by Plato was no more than a poetic fiction. Was his utopian island that ruled the world only a sympathetic refurbishing of myths handed down from the dawn of pre-history? Or did Plato have actual evidence of a submerged city, of a vanished Atlantic civilisation?

In considering the topic of Plato's lost continent, it is as well to begin by getting rid of any notion that it might have existed as described by him. In 1882 Ignatius Donnelly proclaimed the literal reality of Atlantis, that it was the site of all earthly paradises, the mother of the Egyptian, Mexican and Peruvian civilisations, and was destroyed by flood and earthquake in 9,564 B.C. This theory, however, is entirely refuted by history; no sizeable section of the mid-Atlantic sea-bed has been above water for at least sixty million years, and certainly no inundation of the necessary proportions can be attributed to the right period. Even if we move Atlantis to a more tractable site, the date still presents an overwhelming obstacle. Atlantis, as portrayed by Plato, is the centre of a sophisticated bronze-age society, and just could not have existed around 10,000 B.C.

There is in fact no pat solution to the Atlantis problem. The tale is a composite collection of themes, some mythical and some based on historical tradition, and welded into a unity by Plato's love of myth-making. Nevertheless, while we should accept the essential fictional substance of Plato's story, we should also ask what are the raw materials which provide its basis. But, if we are to seek tentatively for a possible location of Atlantis, we must effect an explanation in time before one in space. The bronze-working civilisation, described by Plato is akin to those of the Minoan-Mycenean era, about the sixteenth or fifteenth century B.C. This epoch, which has supplied material for so many legends, may also have engendered that of Atlantis. Thus, the problem confines itself to finding a country within the orbit of Knossos and Mycenae which fulfils the minimal conditions.

At this point, we would be well advised to consult the text of Plato's "Timaeus", and then stick closely to it in continuing our research:

' Our records tell us how your city checked a great power which arrogantly advanced from its base in the Atlantic ocean to attack the cities of Europe and Asia. For in those days the Atlantic was navigable. There was an island opposite the strait which you call the Pillars of Hercules (Gibraltar), an island larger than Libya and Asia combined; from it travellers could in those days reach the other islands, and from them the opposite continent, which surrounds what can truly be called the ocean.' [ Plato: Timaeus, 24-25]

It now becomes apparent that we have a country which fulfils the above the above requirements in time, and also, if one is prepared, in taking the limitations of Greek geography into account, to be flexible, the requirements in space also. That country is Britain. In order to reach the actual Atlantis, it must have been necessary to get into the Ocean outside the straits of Gibraltar. The islands of the Mediterranean were too familiar for any of them to qualify, and they all were palpably above water in Solon's time, when the dialogue took place. The direction of Britain may be in error, but Britain, like Atlantis, could only have been approached by the outer sea.

It does indeed seem plausible that somewhere at the back of the Platonic myth is the distant Mycenaean image of Britain. Bronze-age Wessex was undoubtedly in touch with the Mycenaean world in the sixteenth century B.C. It is probable that a Mycenaean trading post was established near Amesbury on the Wiltshire Avon. This area was the heart of a Wessex which had grown rich by exploiting its position on the roads by which the valuable metals of the British Isles - gold from Ireland and tin from Cornwall - were brought to the continent. The magnificence of Stonehenge is a just tribute to the wealth of the Wessex aristocracy. The great sarsens of the main circle could only have been brought and erected by an authority capable of organising hundreds of slaves. And Stonehenge IIIa shows abundant signs of Mediterranean influence. Though not exactly a Mycenaean structure, it seems to have been inspired by men from the Aegean. Britain was at this time temporarily important and Greek travellers must have known of its great concentric temple on Salisbury Plain. Inundations, too, occurred at this time, Mount's Bay becoming submerged a little after 1,500 B.C. having previously been populated.

Eventually, however, British trade with the Mediterranean declined, and the Wessex aristocracy fell into decay. Later, the Aegean civilisation, itself, declined, and the western seas became the preserve of Phoenicians, who closed the entrance of the Mediterranean to other ships. An interruption almost blotted out the original Atlantic tradition and covered it with a cloud of ignorance. What remained of it among the renascent Greeks of the eighth century was unenlightening. It would have been strange if no Greek had ever wondered in the subsequent centuries what had become of that immense island, of which nobody heard any more. If no stories explaining its disappearance had been devised, it is not surprising that Britain became glorified in the process in the process, as medieval legend was later to expand an insignificant and ephemeral state into the mighty kingdom of Prester John. Indeed, there is evidence of the way in which the Greeks wove fantasies around Britain in the writings of Hecateus of Abdera. His Britain, which looms so queerly through the fog, with its round temple, its double harvest, its ancient Hellenic contacts, and its heaven-descended rules has obvious Atlantean connections.

To assert that Britain is Plato's Atlantis would be an oversimplification. All one can say with safety is that dim hearsay of bronze-age Britain may have been worked up by Plato into a haunting myth. Given the British orientation, the text of Plato gives an unmistakeable hint at the northern route. A voyager can go from Britain by way of islands - the Orkneys, Shetlands, Faeroes, Iceland, Greenland - to America. Such is the case for Britain being the actual origin of the Atlantis of legend, and in isolation it appears most convincing. However, there are many theories as to the location of Atlantis, many of them very convincing also. Twenty-five years ago, Adolf Schulten at last threw some real light on the question, by hitting upon the brilliant notion that the lost city of Tartessus, near present day Cadiz, and Atlantis were identical. This view has now become generally acceptable to archaeologists.

The Atlantis story, as told by Plato, is, as I have previously said, a composite legend. Plato appears to have incorporated many Greek traditions as to what existed beyond Gibraltar, and, while perhaps the main force of the myth is based on Tartessian legends, it is also likely that legends about Britain and other countries of Western Europe gave further colour to it. The attack on Athens, which is the cause of Plato's allusion to Atlantis, probably came from Crete. This is not directly relevant here, but further illustrates the composite nature of the Platonic myth. It is, in fact, quite impossible to say that any particular place is synonymous with Plato's Atlantis, though the historical Atlantis is almost certainly identifiable with Tartessus. Britain, if it is a major contributor to the Platonic myth, cannot seriously be identified with the real Atlantis of legend.

Hilary Term 1966.

Wednesday 12 May 2010

VIRGIL ; AENEID BOOK I : SAFE HAVEN AFTER STORM

Sabidius' preface.

Having already translated Books IV and VI of Virgil's "Aeneid", surely his greatest works, if not the greatest books in the whole of Latin literature, I now offer the translation of another of the twelve books that make up this epic. And what better than Book I, in which Virgil sets the scene in a masterly way for the whole story? Right from the beginning of this book, Aeneas is portrayed as the man of destiny who will establish, through his descendants, not only the rule of Rome but the supremacy of the Julian dynasty, and it is evident at once that he is writing to please not just the wider intelligentsia of Rome but in particular the emperor Augustus. This book lacks the stirring passages of Books IV and VI but still has some famous lines. Its beginning, "Arma virumque cano..." (I sing of arms and the man) echoes like a drum-roll. Later, Jupiter sets out his intention that the Romans shall rule the world: "his ego nec metas rerum, nec tempora pono: imperium sine fine dedi" (to these people I fix neither bounds nor periods of time to their fortunes: I have given them power without end). This statement sets out the agenda for the whole work, which had a seminal influence on the Romans and their confidence in their right to world rule. Book I also provides examples of Virgil's humanism, i.e. his understanding of the human condition, and its many dilemmas and predicaments. One is in the inimitable, and largely untranslatable l.462: "sunt lacrimae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt" (there are tears for things and mortal things touch the heart), perhaps one of the greatest lines in Latin literature. While, the opening book of the "Aeneid" cannot compete in stature with some later books, it sets the tone for the whole work admirably and reading it is, frankly, wonderful entainment.

In this translation, Sabidius maintains the approach outlined at the beginning of Book VI. Above all, the intention is that a reader of this Latin text will be able to identify readily how Virgil's Latin can be accurately translated into an English which reflects the actual structure of his sentences and the meaning of the words used. Where Latin grammar or idiom just cannot be rendered into meaningful English, a paraphrase is given, followed by a literal translation of the words used.

The main text used for this translation is the 1947 edition of H.E.Gould, M.A. and J.L. Whitely, M.A., Ph.D in the Modern School Classics' series (Macmillan, St. Martin's Press), but attention is also given to the 1892 edition of T.E. Page, M.A., D.Litt, in the Elementary Classics series, issued by the same publisher. The 'Notes on Hexameters' section, published at the end of Page's edition, and, indeed, the notes on the text which he provided, is far from elementary, and suggests a formidable linguistic capacity among the alleged beginners of Page's time.

Ll. 1-11. I am about to sing of the Trojan hero, Aeneas, who founded our Roman race. Help me, Muse, to tell how Juno opposed him in this enterprise.

I sing of arms and of the man who, exiled by fate, first came from the shores of Troy to Italy and the Lavinian strand - much harassed both on land and on the deep by the violence of those above, on account of the unforgetting anger of stern Juno, and, having suffered also many things in war, until he could found a city and bring his (household) gods into Latium, he - from whom (sprang) the Latin race, the Alban fathers and the lofty walls of Rome.

(O) Muse, recount to me the reasons, because of what injured deity, or resenting what, did the queen of the gods drive a man remarkable for his piety to pass through so many perils, (and) to encounter so many tribulations. (Are there) to heavenly hearts such great angers?

Ll. 12-33. Juno's love of Carthage, and the hatred she feels for the Trojans, whose descendants are destined to overthrow that city.

There was an ancient city, (called) Carthage [Tyrian settlers possessed (it)], opposite Italy and the mouths of the Tiber (but) from afar, rich in resources and very formidable in the practice of war; Juno is said to have loved this one (city) more than all (other) lands, (even) Samos having been esteemed less: here (were) her arms, here was her chariot; then already the goddess aimed and desired that this should be for the nations an empire, if the fates should in any way allow (it). But, indeed, she had heard that a breed was being drawn from Trojan blood, in order some day to overthrow the Tyrian citadel; that from this a widely ruling race, and (one) proud in war should come for the destruction of Libya: (and) that thus the Fates were tending. The daughter of Saturn (i.e. Juno), fearing this and mindful of the old war, which she had waged at Troy on behalf of her dear Argives [and not even yet had the causes of her angers and fierce resentments fallen from her mind; the judgment of Paris, the insult of her beauty scorned and the hateful race and the honours (paid) to the ravished Ganymede stay hidden deep in her mind (lit. in her deep mind)] - (and) inflamed further by these things, kept the Trojans, the leavings of the Danaans and ruthless Achilles, (storm)-tossed in every (quarter of) the sea, far from Latium, and, driven by destiny, they wandered for many years about every sea. Of such great effort it was to found the Roman race.

Ll. 34-64. Juno, seeing the fleet of Aeneas on its way to Italy, plans to scatter it, and to this end visits Aeolus, King of the Winds.

Scarcely out of sight of the land of Sicily, they were joyously setting sail into the deep and driving through the foaming (waves) of salt (water) with their brazen (prows), when Juno, nursing the everlasting wound deep within her breast, (speaks) these things to (lit. with) herself: " Am I, defeated, to cease from my endeavour? And can I not keep the king of the Teucrians away from Italy? I suppose I am forbidden by the fates. Was (not) Pallas able to burn up the fleet of the Argives and drown (the men) themselves in the sea on account of the sin and madness of one man, Ajax, (the son) of Oileus? She, herself, hurled the devouring fire of Jupiter from the clouds and stirred up the sea with winds, (but) him, breathing forth flames from his pierced breast, she caught up in a tornado and impaled upon a sharp rock; yet I, who move in majesty (as) queen of the gods and sister and consort of Jupiter, have been waging war for so many years with one nation. And will anyone worship the divinity of Juno henceforth, or humbly place his offerings upon her altars?" Meditating such (thoughts) with herself within her flaming heart, the goddess comes to Aeolia, the land of storm-clouds, a region teeming with raging South Winds. Here King Aeolus in his vast cavern keeps struggling winds and echoing storms in order, and controls (them) with chains and a prison. They angrily roar around their bars with great murmur of the mountain, (and) King Aeolus sits in a lofty citadel, wielding his sceptre, and he soothes their anger and tempers their rages. If he were not to do (so), they would, as plunderers, surely carry (away) with them the seas, the earth and the high heaven , and whirl (them) through the air. But, fearing this, the almighty father confined (them) in a black cavern, and laid a mass and high mountains above (them), and appointed a king who, under a fixed covenant, should know both (how) to tighten and, as ordered, to give loose reins. To him Juno then humbly employed these words:

Ll. 65-101. Juno asks Aeolus to free the winds and raise a tempest. He agrees, and as the storm clouds gather Aeneas despairs.

"Aeolus, for to you the father of the gods and king of men has given (the power) both to calm the waves and to rouse (them) with the wind, a people hateful to me is sailing the Tyrrhene sea, conveying Ilium and their vanquished household gods to Italy: strike violence into your winds, and sink and overwhelm their ships (lit. overwhelm their sunken ships) or drive (them) apart and scatter bodies on the sea. I have (lit. there are to me) fourteen (lit. twice seven) nymphs of surpassing beauty, of whom I shall join (to you) in abiding wedlock (her) who (is) fairest of form, Deiopea, and I shall consecrate (her) yours for ever, in order that, in return for your good services, she may complete all the years with you and make you father of splendid offspring."

Aeolus (says) this in reply: "(It is) your task, O queen, to search out what you desire; it is right for me to perform your orders. Whatever of sovereignty this (is), you win for me, my sceptre and (the favour of) Jupiter you (win for me also), you give (me the right) to recline at the banquets of the gods, and you make (me) lord of the storm-clouds and of the tempests."

When these things were said, his spear having been reversed, he struck the hollow mountain on its side: and forthwith the winds, as though a column having been formed, where a gate has been given (them) rush through, and blow through the the earth in a whirlwind. (Straightway) they settle on the sea and together both the East Wind and the South Wind and the African gale, with frequent squalls (lit. frequent with squalls), heave (it) all up from its lowest abodes, and roll vast waves towards the shores. And the shouting of men and the groaning of cables follow. Suddenly the clouds snatch away from the eyes of the Teucrians both the sky and the daylight; black night broods upon the ocean. The poles (suddenly) thunder and the sky lightens with frequent flashes and everything threatens immediate death to men. Forthwith the limbs of Aeneas are paralysed with cold (fear); he groans, and, stretching out both palms to the stars, he says the following things with his voice: O three and four times blessed, (those) for whom it was a happy chance to meet (their doom) before the faces of their fathers under the lofty walls of Troy! O son of Tydeus (i.e. Diomedes), bravest of the race of the Danaans, could I not have fallen and have poured out this life through your right hand on the plains of Ilium, where fierce Hector lies prostrate beneath the spear of the descendant of Aeacus (i.e. Achilles), where huge Sarpedon (lies), (and) where the Simois snatches up and rolls along the shields and helmets and the bodies of so many brave men (lit. so many snatched up shields and helmets and brave bodies of men)?

Ll. 102-123. The havoc wrought by the tempest.

(For him) hurling such (cries) a squall shrieking with the North Wind strikes the sails full in front and raises the waves to the stars. The oars are broken; then the prow swings round (and) presents the side to the waves; there ensues a mountain of water precipitate in a heap. Some (sailors) hang on top of the waves, (and) for others the yawning sea reveals the earth between the waves; the waters seethe with sand. The South Wind snatches up and hurls three (ships) (lit. hurls three snatched up ships) on to hidden rocks [rocks which the Italians call Altars in the middle of the waves, a vast ridge on the surface of the sea], (and) the East Wind drives three (ships) from the deep towards shallows and sandbanks and, piteous to behold, dashes (them) upon shoals and surrounds (them) with a mountain of sand. The huge sea strikes one (ship), which was carrying the Lycians and the faithful Orontes, from above against its stern before the eyes of (Aeneas) himself: the helmsman is dashed out (of the ship) and falls (lit. is rolled) face downwards on to his head; but the wave spins the ship three times around in the same place, driving it round (and round), and a devouring whirlpool engulfs (her) in the sea. Scattered swimmers, the arms of heroes, planks and Trojan treasure appear in the vast whirlpool amid the waves. The tempest prevails against now the strong ship of Ilioneus, now (the ship) of brave Achates, and (the ship) in which Abas was carried, and (the ship) in which aged Aletes (was carried); the bolts of their sides having been loosened, all (the ships) let in the deadly rain and gape at the seams.

Ll. 123-156. Neptune, roused by the the roaring of the elements, rebukes the winds and allays the tempest.

Meanwhile, Neptune, grievously disturbed, perceived that the sea had been troubled by a great uproar, and that a storm had been let loose and his pools upheaved from their lowest depths; and, looking out over the deep, he raised his serene head from the surface of the water. He sees Aeneas' fleet scattered over all the sea, (and) the Trojans overwhelmed by the waves and the havoc of the sky. Nor did the wiles and rages of Juno escape her brother. He calls the East Wind and the West Wind to himself, (and) then he says the following things: "Does so great a pride in your birth possess you? Do you now dare, you winds, without my sovereign consent to confound the sky and the earth and to raise up such great masses (of water)? I will (show them) - but to soothe the tumultuous waves is more important. Hereafter, you will atone to me for your offences with a different (lit. not by a like) punishment. Hasten your flight, and say these things to your king: dominion over the sea and the dread trident was not given by lot to him but to me. He occupies the vast rocks, your, and your colleagues', dwellings, East Wind; let Aeolus flaunt himself in that court, and let him rule (but) with the prison of the winds locked up."

Thus he speaks, and more swiftly than his word he calms the heaving seas, and routs the gathered clouds and leads back the sun. Cymothoe and Triton, heaving together, dislodge the ships from the sharp reef; he, himself, lifts with his trident and opens the vast sandbanks, and calms the sea, and he skims the tops of the waves with his light (chariot-)wheels. And just as when, (as) often (happens), a riot has arisen in a big (assembly of) the people and the common mob is furious with anger, and now firebrands and rocks are flying, fury supplies weapons: then, if by chance they have seen some man weighty owing to his uprightness and his services, they are silent and stand nearby with attentive ears; he sways their passions with his words and soothes their breasts; thus all the tumult of the sea fell, when the sire, looking out over the sea and driving on through the cloudless sky, wheels his horses and, as he flies (lit. flying), he gives the reins to his obedient chariot.

Ll. 157-222. Aeneas and the remnant of his fleet reach a sheltered bay on the African coast. They restore their strength with a feast of venison, and Aeneas heartens them with words of confidence.

Exhausted, the companions (lit. sons) of Aeneas strive to make for the nearest shores at speed (lit. by running), and they turn to the coast of Libya. There is a place (there) in a long inlet: this island makes a harbour by the projection of its sides, by which every wave from the deep is broken and divides itself into retreating bays. On this side and on that side vast ridges of rock and twin crags threaten towards the sky, under the broad headland of which (crags) the sheltered seas are quiet: then, above, there is a background of waving woods, and a dark forest overhangs with dreadful gloom. Beneath the (cliff-)face confronting (them), there is a cavern with hanging rocks (i.e. stalactites), the home of nymphs, (and) inside (there are) sweet waters and seats of natural rock. Here, no (lit. not any) cables hold the weary ships, (and) no anchor binds (them) with hooked bite (i.e. a fluke). Hither, seven ships (only) out of the whole number having been collected, Aeneas seeks shelter (lit. enters); and, disembarking with a great longing for the land, the Trojans take possession of the desired strand, and deposit their limbs, dripping with brine, on the shore. And, firstly, Achates struck a spark from flint and caught the fire with leaves, and he put dry kindling around (it) and in the tinder snatched a flame. Then, weary of their troubles, they get ready the corn (lit. Ceres), (although) damaged by the sea-water, and the implements of bread-making (lit. of Ceres), and prepare both to roast the rescued grain in the flames and (then) to pound (it) with a stone.

Meanwhile, Aeneas climbs a rock, and seeks a complete view far and wide over the sea, in the hope that he may see some (glimpse of) Antheus, (albeit) battered by the wind, and his Phrygian galleys, or Capys or the arms of Caicus on his lofty stern. He sees no ship in sight, (but) three stags wandering along the shore; the whole herd follows them from behind, and (as) a long line grazes in a valley. Thereupon, he stopped and seized in his hand a bow and (some) swift(-flying) arrows, weapons which faithful Achates was carrying, and at once lays low the leaders themselves, carrying their heads high with branching antlers; then he throws into confusion the ordinary ones and all the rabble, driving (them) with his darts into the leafy forests; nor does he desist until (as) victor he lays low on the ground seven large carcasses and matches their number with his ships. Then, he makes for the harbour and shares (them) among all his comrades. Next, he divides the wine, which that hero, kindly Acestes, had loaded in jars on the shore of Trinacria (i.e. Sicily) and had given to them (as they were) departing, and he soothed their sorrowing breasts with these words: "O my comrades [for we have not before (this) been ignorant of evils], O (you) who have suffered (lit. having suffered) more grievous things, providence will give an end to these (evils) as well. You have both faced the roar of Scylla and her far-sounding rocks, and you have known the rocks of the Cyclopes: revive your spirits, and dismiss sorrowful fear; perhaps it will be pleasing one day to recall even these things. Through various hazards and through so many crises of affairs we are making our way to Latium, where destiny holds out (to us) a peaceful home; there it is lawful that the realm of Troy should rise again. (So) hold on, and preserve yourselves for favourable circumstances."

He speaks (lit. brings back with his voice) such things, and (though) sick (at heart) with his enormous responsibilities, he pretends hope with his face, (and) he suppresses the pain deep in his heart. They make themselves ready for the booty and the future feast: they strip the hide from the ribs and disclose the flesh; some cut (it) into pieces, and fix (them) quivering on to spits, (while) others set copper cauldrons on the beach and tend the flames. Then, by food they restored their strength, and, stretched on the grass, they are filled with old wine (lit. Bacchus) and rich venison. When hunger has been taken away and the tables removed from the feast, they regretfully recall their lost comrades, hesitating between hope and fear, whether they should suppose that they are (still) alive, or are suffering the last things and, having been called, no longer hear.

Ll. 223-253. Venus protests to Jupiter at the hard fate which dogs Aeneas, her son.

And it was now the end (of the meal), when Jupiter, looking down from the top of the sky on the sea studded with sails and the (flat-)lying lands and coasts and wide(-dwelling) peoples, thus stood at the peak of heaven and cast his eyes down upon the realms of Libya. And Venus, sadder (than usual) and suffused as to her shining eyes with tears, addressed him as he pondered (lit. pondering) such cares in his breast: "O (you) who rules the affairs both of men and of gods with eternal decrees and frightens (them) with your thunderbolt, what (crime) so grave can my Aeneas and his Trojans have committed against you, (they) to whom, having suffered so many deaths, the whole world is closed for the sake of Italy? Assuredly, you did promise that from this source, with the years rolling on, the Romans would some day be the leaders (of men), with the blood of Teucer renewed, to hold the sea, (and) to hold all lands in their sovereignty. What thought has changed your mind (lit. been turning you round), father? With this (promise) indeed I consoled (myself) for the fall and sad ruin of Troy, weighing fates contrary to fates; now the same (ill-)fortune pursues these men, harassed by so many disasters. What end, great king, do you grant to their ordeals? Antenor, having slipped through the midst of the Achaeans, could penetrate the Illyrian gulfs and the inmost realms of the Liburnians safely and pass the source of the Timavus, whence through nine mouths with the vast thunder of the mountain there issues a rushing sea and it covers the fields with a roaring flood. Yet here he founded the city of Patavium (i.e. Padua) and a dwelling for the Teucrians, and he gave a name to the race and hung up the arms of Troy, (and) now he rests, settled in undisturbed peace. (But) we, your progeny, to whom you allow the heights of heaven, our ships having been lost [a shameful thing!], we are betrayed on account of the wrath of one person and we are kept far away from the coasts of Italy. (Is) this the reward of piety? (Is it) thus that you restore us to power (lit. to the sceptres)?

Ll. 254-304. Jupiter reassures Venus with promises of the glorious destiny in store for Aeneas and his Roman descendants, and sends Mercury to ensure for Aeneas a welcome among the Phoenicians.

That great father of men and of gods, smiling with that expression by which he calms the sky and the storms, kissed the lips of his daughter, (and) then says the following things: "Spare your fear, Cytherea (i.e. Venus): the destiny of your people remains unaltered for you; you shall see your city and the promised walls of Lavinium, and you shall bear aloft great-hearted Aeneas to the stars of heaven; nor has a thought turned me. He [for, since these cares consume you, I shall speak further, and (un-)rolling (them) I shall uncover the sacred (records)] will wage a great war in Italy and shall crush its fierce peoples, and shall establish customs and walls for his warriors, until the third summer shall have seen (him) ruling in Latium, and three winters will have passed for the subdued Rutulians. And the boy Ascanius, to whom the surname Iulus is now added (he was Ilus while the Ilian state stood in sovereignty), shall complete with his rule thirty great circles with their rolling months, and shall transfer his kingdom from its seat of Lavinium, and shall fortify lofty Alba with great strength. Here, henceforth, there will be ruling (lit. it will be be ruled) for all of three hundred years under the line of Hector, until Ilia, a royal priestess, pregnant by Mars, shall give birth to (lit. shall give at a birth) twin offspring. Then, Romulus, exulting in the tawny hide of a wolf nurse, shall take over the line, and build the walls of Mars and call (his people) Romans after his name. To these people I fix neither bounds nor periods to their (good) fortunes: I have given (them) power without end. Yes, even resentful Juno, who now wearies the sea, and the earth, and the heavens with her fear, shall amend her plans for the better, and together with me will favour the Romans, the masters of (all) things and the nation that wears the toga. Thus it has pleased (the fates). With the sacred seasons gliding (along), the time will come, when the house of Assaracus will crush in servitude (even) Phthia and illustrious Mycenae, and will rule in conquered Argos. There shall be born of noble lineage a Trojan Caesar, to bound his empire at the Ocean, (and) his glory at the stars, a Julius, his name handed down from great Iulus. One day, you, freed from anxieties, will welcome in heaven this man laden with the spoils of the East; he also shall be invoked with prayers. Then, wars having been laid aside, our fierce age will grow mild; silver-haired Fidelity and Vesta, (and) Quirinus (i.e. Romulus) with his brother Remus will give (us) laws; terrible with iron and tight-fitting fastenings, the gates of War will be closed; (and) unnatural Blood-lust, squatting within on top of savage weapons and bound behind his back with a hundred knots of bronze, roars horribly through his bloody mouth."

He says these things, and he sent (the one) born of Maia (i.e. Mercury) down from on high, so that the new lands and the citadel of Carthage may be open for hospitality to the Teucrians, (and) lest Dido, unaware of fate, should ward (them) off from her territories. He flies through the broad air by the oarage of his wings, and swiftly he alights on the coast of Libya.

Ll. 305-371. Aeneas, upon a journey of exploration, is met by Venus, disguised as a huntress, who tells him of Dido, and her city of Carthage now rising close at hand.

But pious Aeneas, pondering very many things during the night, when first kindly light was vouchsafed, decided to go out and explore this new place (and) to investigate what shores he has come to with the wind, (and) which (creatures) inhabit (them) [for he sees that they are uncultivated] (and) whether they are men or wild beasts, and to report back the results (lit. the completed things) to his comrades. He hides the fleet enclosed around amid trees and fearful shade in a vault of woods at the foot of a hollow rock; he himself goes forth, accompanied by Achates alone, and grasping two spears with broad iron (heads). His mother presented herself to him (lit. brought herself in his way) in the middle of a wood, having the countenance of a maiden and the dress and the weapons of a maiden, from Sparta, or (the weapons of such a maiden) asThracian Harpalyce (who) wearies horses and outstrips in flight the swift(-flowing) Hebrus. For, (as) a huntress (would), she had, according to custom, hung from her shoulders a light bow, and had given her hair to the winds to scatter, bare as to the knee and having gathered the flowing folds (of her dress) in a knot. And she speaks first: "Ho, young men, point (her) out, if you have by chance seen any of my sisters wandering here, girded with the hide of a spotted lynx, or with a shout pressing (hard) on the track of a foaming boar."

Thus (spoke) Venus, and the son of Venus began thus in reply: "None of your sisters has been heard or seen by me, O how am I to address you, maiden? For you do not have (lit. there is not to you) a mortal countenance, nor does your voice sound human (lit. man); O goddess surely [whether the sister of Phoebus (i.e. Diana) or one of the blood of the Nymphs?], may you be gracious and, whoever (you are) may you relieve our tribulation, and may you tell (us), pray, under what sky (and) on which of the world's shores we are afflicted; ignorant both of the peoples and of the places, we wander, having been driven hither by the wind and the huge waves: (if you help us) many a victim will fall before your altars (slain) by my right (hand)."

Then Venus (replied): "I do not deem myself worthy of such an honour; it is the custom for Tyrian maidens to carry a quiver, and to bind their calves on high with purple buskins. You see a Punic kingdom, Tyrians and the city of Agenor; but our frontiers (are) Libyan, a race formidable in war. Dido controls the power, having set out from the city of Tyre, escaping from her brother. Long is (the tale of) her injustice, long (is) its winding course (lit. a roundabout way); but I shall trace the main highlights of the story. Her husband was Sychaeus, the richest of the Phoenicians in land, and he was loved by the unhappy girl with a great love. Her father had given (her) to him (as) a virgin (lit. intact) and had united (her to him) in her first wedlock (lit. auspices). But her brother Pygmalion occupied the throne of Tyre, (and he was) more monstrous in crime than (lit. before) all others. A quarrel came between them in the midst. And, blinded with a lust for gold and heedless of his sister's love, he secretly slays the unsuspecting Sychaeus with a sword, impiously, before the altars; and for a long time he concealed his deed, and pretending many things he wickedly deceived her, sick and loving, with false hope. But the very ghost of her unburied husband came (to her) in her sleep, uplifting a visage pale in wondrous ways; he laid bare the cruel altars and his breast pierced with a sword, and disclosed the whole secret crime of the palace. And (as) a help on her way, he reveals treasure long hidden (lit. old) in the earth, a weight of silver and old unknown (to anyone). Shocked by these (words), Dido prepared for flight and her companions (for it). (Those) assemble to whom either bitter hatred or fear of the tyrant was fierce; they seize ships which by chance were ready and load (them) with gold. The riches of the grasping Pygmalion are carried over the sea; a woman (is) the leader of the enterprise. They came to the place where you will shortly see the huge walls and the rising citadel of the new (city of) Carthage, and purchased ground, (called) the Byrsa from the name of their deed, as much as they could enclose with the hide of a bull. But who, pray, (are) you, or from which shores have you come or whither do you hold your course?" To (her) questioning in such (words), he (answered) sighing and dragging his voice from the bottom of his heart:

Ll. 372-417. Venus bids Aeneas enter Dido's city of Carthage and tells him that his lost comrades shall be restored to him. At parting she reveals herself for a moment in her divine form.

"O goddess, if tracing (events) back from their first starting point, I were to proceed (to tell) and there were to be leisure (for you) to hear, of our tribulations, the Evening Star will lay the day to rest, the sky (lit. Olympus) having been closed, before (the tale is ended). A storm, by its own caprice, drove us sailing over various seas from ancient Troy, if by chance the name of Troy has come to your ears, on to the Libyan coast. I am pious Aeneas, who carries with me in my fleet our household gods rescued from the foe, (and) my fame is known in heaven (lit. beyond the sky). I seek the Italy of my ancestors and a race (sprung) from highest Jupiter. Following my allotted destiny, (and) with my goddess mother showing (me) the way, I put out upon (lit. climbed) the Phrygian sea with twenty (lit. twice ten) ships. Scarce seven survive, rescued from the waves and the East Wind. I, myself, wander, unknown, (and) in need, over the deserts of Libya, driven from Europe and Asia." But Venus not suffering (him) to complain further, interrupted (him) thus in the midst of his lamentation: "Whoever you are, you breathe the breath of life, not, I believe, hated by the celestial beings, since you are coming to a Tyrian city. Proceed on this path and convey yourself hither to the threshold of the queen's (palace). For I can announce that your comrades are restored to you and that your fleet has been returned and driven to a safe (place), the North Winds having been changed, unless to no purpose my parents
have taught (me) augury falsely. Look at those twelve (lit. twice six) swans joyously in line, which the bird of Jupiter (i.e. an eagle) swooping from the expanse of aether was scattering through the open sky; now in a long line they are seen either to alight or to gaze down on the place already occupied (by the others): as they, safe-returned, play with whirring wings, they have both circled the sky in company and have uttered songs, not otherwise do your ships or the youth of your (men) either hold the harbour or enter its mouth under full sail. (So) proceed on this path and direct your steps where the way leads you."

She spoke, and, turning away, she gleamed with roseate neck, and her ambrosial hair breathed a divine scent from her neck; her gown trailed down to the bottom of her feet: and by her gait she was revealed (as) a true goddess. When he recognised his mother, he pursued (her) as she vanished (lit. fleeing) with such a voice: "You too (are) cruel; why do you so often deceive your son with false disguises? Why is it not given (to me) to join my (right hand) to your right (hand) and to hear and return unfeigned words. He reproaches (her) with such (words) and directs his steps towards the (city) walls. And Venus shrouded (them) as they went (lit. going) with a thick mist, and enfolded (them), goddess (as she was), with a dense mantle of cloud, so that no one could see them and no one (could) touch (them) or cause (them) delay or demand the reasons for their coming. She, herself, departs on high to Paphos and joyfully returns to her own home, where her temple and a hundred altars glow with Sabaean incense and are fragrant with freshly cut wreaths.

Ll. 418-493. Aeneas and his companion Achates enter Carthage, where building is in busy progress. They admire scenes from the story of Troy, depicted in sculpture upon the buildings of the city.

Meanwhile, they have hurried along (lit. seized) the way where the pathway points. And now they were climbing a hill which very much looms over the city and from above looks towards the towers opposite. Aeneas wonders at the mass (of buildings), once (mere) shepherds' huts, (and) he wonders at the gates, the commotion, and the paving of the streets. The Tyrians press on hotly: some (wanting) to construct walls and to build the citadel and to manhandle stones with their hands, others (wanting) to choose a site for a dwelling and to enclose (it) with a trench. They choose laws and magistrates and a reverend senate. At one spot some are excavating a harbour; at another spot others are laying the deep foundations of a theatre and are quarrying gigantic columns from the cliffs, lofty adornments for the future stage. The labour (is such) as keeps the bees busy at the beginning of summer amid the flowery countryside in the sunshine (lit. under the sun), when they lead out the full-grown offspring of their stock, or when they press the oozing honey and cause the cells to bulge with sweet nectar, or receive the burdens of (bees) coming, or, an army having been formed, they drive the drones, a slothful herd, from their enclosure; and the fragrant honey is redolent with thyme. "O fortunate (are they) whose (city) walls are already rising!" Aeneas speaks and looks up at the tops of the city. He takes himself forward veiled by the cloud [wonderful in the telling] through the midst (of the people) and mingles with men, and is not seen by anyone. In the middle of the city there was a grove (of trees), most rich in shade, in which place the Phoenicians, having been shaken by the waves and the storm, first dug up the sign which queenly Juno had pointed out, the head of a spirited horse: for thus (she said) the race would be outstanding in war and rich in food throughout the ages. Here Sidonian Dido was beginning to build a vast temple to Juno, wealthy with offerings and the presence of the goddess, on the steps of which a bronze threshold rose and the beams were bound with bronze (and) the hinge creaked on the bronze doors. In this grove a strange thing offered soothed his fear; here Aeneas first ventured to hope for safety and better trust his shattered fortunes. For while under the huge temple (roof) he inspects each thing, awaiting the queen, (and) while he wonders at what is the (good) fortune of the city and the (things wrought by) the hands of craftsmen among themselves, he sees the battles of Ilium in order and the wars now published by report throughout the whole world, the sons of Atreus (i.e. Agamemnon and Menelaus), Priam, and Achilles fierce against both. He stood still, and, weeping, said, " What place (is there) by this time, Achates, what region (is there) on earth (which is) not full of our tribulations? Behold, (there is) Priam! There are here too to fame its own rewards; there are tears for things and mortal things touch the heart. Put aside fear; this fame will bring you some security." Thus he speaks, and, groaning deeply, he feeds his mind on the insubstantial picture, and his face is wet with a large river (of tears). For he saw how, warring around the Pergama (i.e the citadel of Troy), here the Greeks fled (and) the Trojan youth pursued, there the Phrygians (fled, while) the crested Achilles pressed on in his chariot. Not far from here, (still) weeping, he recognises the tents of Rhesus with their snowy canvas, which, betrayed by the first sleep, the blood-stained son of Tydeus was ravaging, and he turned away the fiery horses to the camp before they could taste the grass of Troy and drink (the waters of) the Xanthus. On another side Troilus, unhappy boy and having met Achilles unequal (in combat), in flight, his weapons having been lost, is carried along by his horses and, fallen backwards, clings to his empty chariot, still holding the reins; both his neck and his hair are dragged along the ground and the dust is scored by his inverted spear. Meanwhile, the women of Ilium, with their hair dishevelled, were going to the temple of the angry (lit. not kind) Pallas, and were mournfully bearing a robe in suppliant fashion and were beating their breasts with the palms (of their hands): the goddess, turned away, kept her eyes fixed on the ground. Then, indeed, he utters (lit. gives) a great groan from the bottom of his heart, as he caught sight of the spoils, as (he caught sight of) the chariot and as (he caught sight of) the very body of his friend, and Priam stretching forth his weaponless hands. Himself also he recognised mingled (in combat) with Achaean chieftains, and the Eastern battle-line and the arms of black Memnon. Raging Penthesilea leads the columns of the Amazons with their crescent-shaped shields and she blazes in the midst of thousands, binding a golden girdle beneath a breast displayed, a warrior-queen, and she dares, (though) a maiden, to engage in battle with men.

Ll. 494-560. Dido enters, and the companions of Aeneas, missing since the tempest, appear and address to her an appeal for aid.

While these wonders are being seen by Dardanian Aeneas, while he is aghast and sticks fixed in one gaze, queen Dido, very fair in form, stepped forth to the temple with a great crowd of young men thronging (around her). Even as Diana busies herself with dances on the banks of the Eurotas or along the ridges of Cynthus, having followed which (goddess) a thousand Mountain Nymphs assemble from here and from there; she carries a quiver on her shoulder, and as she goes (lit. going) she surpasses (in height) all (other) goddesses; [joy thrills Latona's secret soul]: like her (lit. such) was Dido, like her (lit. such) she bore herself joyfully through the midst (of the throng), urging on the work and her future empire. Then, at the doors of the goddess, beneath the central dome of the temple, encircled with arms, and resting on a throne on high, she took her seat. She was giving ordinances and laws to her people, and she made equal the labour of their tasks by a fair division or apportioned (them) by lot; when suddenly Aeneas saw approaching in a large crowd Antheus and Sergestus and the bold Cloanthus and other Teucrians whom the black storm had scattered far away and had carried to other shores. Both he, himself, and Achates were amazed, having been struck with joy and with fear: eagerly they burned to clasp their right (hands), but the unknown circumstances (lit. thing) troubled their minds. They conceal (their eagerness) and, shrouded by the enveloping (lit. hollow) mist, they watch to see what future (there is) to the men, on what shore they are leaving their fleet, (and) why they are come: for (men) chosen from all the ships were coming, begging for pardon and making for the temple with a clamour. After they had entered and the opportunity of speaking in the presence (of the queen) had been granted, Ilioneus, the most senior (by date of birth), began thus with unruffled breast: " O queen, to whom Jupiter has given (the right) to found a new city and to curb unruly tribes with your justice, we, hapless Trojans, borne by the winds over every sea, entreat you (thus): keep dreadful fires away from our ships, spare a pious race and look more kindly (lit. more nearly) on our fortunes. We have not come either to ravage with the sword your homes (lit. household gods) or to drive stolen booty to the beach. (There is) not such strength to the spirit nor such great arrogance to the vanquished. There is a region, the Greeks call it Hesperia (i.e. the Western Land) by name, an ancient land, mighty in arms and in richness of soil; the Oenotrian people tilled (it); now (there is) a report that those more junior (in date of birth) have called the race Italian from the name of their leader. When stormy Orion, rising with a sudden wave, carried (us) on to a hidden sandbank, and with the boisterous South Winds scattered (us) far, both amid the waves, the surge overwhelming (us), and amid the pathless rocks: we few have swum to your shores. What race of men (is) this? Or what native-land is so barbarous (that) it permits this custom? We are debarred from the welcome of the beach. They are inciting warfare and forbidding (us) to stand on the edge of their land. If you despise the human race and mortal arms, yet expect gods mindful of right and wrong. Our king was Aeneas, than whom another was neither more just in piety nor greater in war and (deeds of ) arms: if destiny preserves that man, if he (still) breathes (lit. feeds) on the air of heaven and does not yet lie in the the cruel shades, (then there is) no fear, nor would it repent you to have striven the first in kindness: there are (to us) also cities and strength in the regions of Sicily, and famous Acestes from (lit. of) Trojan blood. Let it be allowed (to us) to beach our fleet, battered by the winds, and in the forests to shape planks and to strip (boughs into) oars, in order that, if it be granted (to us), our comrades and our king having been rescued, to make our way to Italy, we may joyfully seek Italy and Latium; but if salvation is taken away (from us), and the sea possesses you, best father of the Teucrians (i.e. Aeneas) and no hope now remains in Iulus, (that) at any rate we may at least seek the seas of Sicania (i.e. Sicily), whence we sailed hither, and the homes having been made ready (for us there), and Acestes (as) king." Ilioneus (spoke) with such (words); all the descendants of Dardanus shouted their assent (lit. made a noise by their mouths) together.

ll. 561-612. Dido gives promise of assistance to the storm-tossed Trojans, and Aeneas, till now, by the contrivance of Venus, invisible, stands forth and thanks the queen for her humanity.

Dido then speaks briefly, downcast with regard to her face: " Teucrians, free fear from your hearts. Hard fortune and the newness of rule compel me to perform such (deeds) and to watch widely over my borders with guards. Who could be unaware of the race of Aeneas' people, who (could be unaware of) the city of Troy, of its brave deeds and warriors or the conflagration of such a great war? We, Carthaginians, do not bear such unfeeling hearts, nor does the Sun yoke his steeds so distant from our Tyrian city. Whether you choose great Hesperia and the fields of Saturn, or the territories of Eryx and Acestes (as) king, I shall send (you) off safe with assistance and I shall help (you) with my resources. Also do you wish to settle in this kingdom with me on equal terms? Trojan and Tyrian will be treated with no distinction by me. But would that your king, Aeneas, himself, were present (here), having been driven by the same south wind! Indeed, I shall send out trusty men along the shores and I shall order (them) to explore the furthermost (parts) of Libya, in case he is wandering in any woods or towns, a shipwrecked man." Both brave Achates and father Aeneas had been eager for some time to burst out from the cloud. Achates addresses Aeneas first: " (You) born of the goddess, what plan is now rising in your mind? You see that all (is) safe, and your fleet and comrades have been recovered. There is absent (only) one man (i.e. Orontes), whom we saw drowned in the midst of the waves; other things are responding to your mother's words." He had scarcely spoken these words when the enveloping dust cloud suddenly disperses itself and clears (itself) into open air. Aeneas stood forth and he gleamed in clear light like to a god in face and shoulders; for his mother had breathed beautiful flowing locks on her son and a radiant light of youth and joyful glory on his eyes. (Such) grace as
the (craftsman's) hands add to ivory, or when silver or Parian marble is encircled with yellow gold. Then, he addresses the queen thus and, unexpected by all, he suddenly says: " I am here in your presence, the one for whom you are looking, Trojan Aeneas, having been rescued from the Libyan waves. O (you) alone that has (lit. having) pitied the terrible tribulations of Troy, (you) who does associate us in your city and home, (us), the leavings of the Danaans, worn out now by all the hazards both of land and of sea, and in need of all things, to pay (you) fitting thanks is not within (lit. of) our power, Dido, nor (within the power) of whatever anywhere (lit. everywhere) there is of the Dardanian race, which is scattered throughout the wide world. May the gods, if any deities regard the pious, if justice means (lit. is) anything anywhere, and the mind conscious to itself of right, bring you worthy recompense. What so happy an age gave birth to you? What so great parents bore (one) such (as you)? While the rivers run into the sea, the shadows continue to glide over the hollows, (and) the sky feeds the stars, your honour and name and praises will abide at whatever lands (may) call me." Having spoken thus, he seeks his friend Ilioneus with his right (hand) and Serestus with his left (hand), (and) others afterwards, both brave Gyas and valiant Cloanthus.

Ll.613-656. Dido makes Aeneas a speech of welcome. Sacrifices and a banquet are ordered, and Achates is sent to fetch to the palace Ascanius, the young son of Aeneas.

At first sight, Sidonian Dido was amazed, then at the very great misfortune of the man, and she spoke thus from her mouth: " What fortune pursues you, son of a goddess, through such great perils? What force brings (you) to these cruel shores? (Are) you that Aeneas, whom gracious Venus bore to Dardanian Anchises by the waters of Phrygian Simois? And, indeed, I remember Teucer coming to Sidon, having been expelled from his native land, seeking a new kingdom with the help of Belus. My father Belus was then ravaging rich Cyprus and he held (it) victorious beneath his sway. Now, from that time, the fate of the city of Troy has been known to me, and your name and the Pelasgian kings. He, himself an enemy, told of the Teucrians with high praise, and claimed that he was (lit. wanted himself) sprung from the ancient stock of the Teucrians. Wherefore come, O young men, enter my palace. A similar fortune has also willed me, storm-tossed through many tribulations to find rest at last in this land. Not ignorant of misfortunes, I am learning to succour those in distress." Thus she speaks; at once she leads Aeneas into the royal palace, (and) at once she proclaims a sacrifice in the temples of the gods. Meanwhile, she also (lit. no less) sends to his comrades at the shore twenty bulls, the bristling backs of a hundred great hogs, (and) a hundred fat lambs with their mothers, (as) gifts and the gladness of the day.

And the inside of the palace is adorned, splendid with regal luxury, and they are preparing a banquet in the central hall: (there are) coverlets embroidered with skill and of proud purple, massive silver on the tables, and, embossed in gold, the brave deeds of their ancestors, a very long line of exploits traced through so many men from the ancient origin of the race. Aeneas [for fatherly love did not allow his mind to settle] sent Achates on swiftly to the ships to bring these (tidings) to Ascanius, and lead (the boy), himself, to the city. In Ascanius all the care of a beloved father is centred (lit. stands). Besides, he orders (him) to bring gifts saved from the ruins of Ilium, a robe stiff with figures and with gold and a mantle hemmed around with a yellow acanthus, garments of Argive Helen, wonderful gifts from her mother Leda, which she had carried off from Mycenae when she sought the Pergama and her illicit nuptials; further, (there was) a sceptre, which Ilione, the eldest daughter of Priam had once borne, and a circlet of pearls for the neck, and a coronet double with jewels and gold. Hastening these things, Achates made his way to the ships.

Ll. 657-694. Venus, for fear lest Dido should waver in her good will towards the exiles, substitutes for the boy Ascanius her own son, Cupid, meaning that he shall arouse in the queen a passion for Aeneas.

But Cytherea ponders in her breast new devices, new plans, how Cupid, having been changed in appearance and face, might come in the place of sweet Ascanius, and with presents inflame the fiery (lit. raging) queen and entwine a fire within her bones. For, in truth, she fears the uncertain home and two-tongued Tyrians, dread Juno frets (her), and her anxiety rushes back about nightfall. Therefore, she speaks to winged Love in these words: " Son (who is) alone my strength and my great power, son, who scorns the Typhoean bolts of the supreme father, I come to you for help, and, as a suppliant I entreat your divine power. How your brother Aeneas is tossed by the sea around every coast through the hatred of merciless Juno is known to you, and you have often grieved at my grief. Now, Phoenician Dido holds (him) and detains (him) with her coaxing voice, and I fear whither Juno's welcome may turn out (lit. turn itself); she will not be idle at so great a turning point of events. Wherefore I intend before hand to capture the queen by a trick and to encompass (her) with the flames of love, that she may not change herself through any divine power, but with me she may be possessed of a great love for Aeneas. Now, hear my plan as to how this can be done. The royal boy, my greatest concern, is preparing to go to the Sidonian city at the summons of his dear father, bringing gifts surviving from the sea and the flames of Troy; I shall hide him, soothed in slumber, in my hallowed precinct on Cythera's heights or on Idalium, lest in any way he could learn of the trick or appear in the middle of it. For not more than one night you must imitate his appearance by a disguise and, boy (as you are), you must wear the familiar features of the boy, so that, when a most joyful Dido will take (you) to her breast amid the royal tables and the flowing wine (lit. the liquid of Lyaeus), when she will give (you) her embraces and imprint her sweet kisses (on your mouth), you may breathe secret fire (into her) and cheat (her) with its poison." Love obeys the commands of his dear mother, and sheds his wings and moves, rejoicing, in the steps of Iulus. And Venus infuses peaceful rest through the limbs of Ascanius, and, a goddess, she lifts (him), fondled in her bosom, to the high groves of Idalium, where soft marjoram embraces him amid flowers and breathing (on him) sweet shade.

Ll. 695-722. Cupid arrives in the likeness of Ascanius, and, fondled by Dido, begins to awaken in her a love for Aeneas.

And now Cupid, obedient to her command, was on his way and was carrying the royal gifts for the Tyrians, happy with Achates (as) his guide. As he draws near, the queen, amid stately curtains, composed herself on a golden couch and placed (herself) in its centre, (and) now father Aeneas and now the Trojan youth come together, and recline (lit. it is reclined) on purple laid on (coverlets). Attendants give (them) water for their hands, and serve bread (lit. Ceres) in baskets and bring napkins with shorn nap. Beyond, (there are) fifty maidservants, to whom (is) the task to arrange the lengthy store-room and to keep the hearth (lit. the gods of the hearth) aglow with flames; there are a hundred other maidservants and the same number of manservants, equal in age, who load the tables with the feast and put out the cups. Moreover (lit. neither... not), the many Tyrians, having also been told to recline on the embroidered couches, assembled through the festal entrances. The marvel at the gifts of Aeneas, they marvel at Iulus, both at the glowing face of a god and his assumed words, and at the robe and the dress embroidered with the yellow acanthus. In particular, unhappy Phoenissa, doomed to impending ruin, cannot satisfy her soul and is inflamed by gazing, and is equally moved by the boy and the gifts. When he has hung in the embrace, and upon the neck, of Aeneas and has fulfilled the great love of his supposed father, he seeks the queen. She clings (to him) with her eyes, she (clings to him) with her whole breast and at times she fondles (him) at her bosom, Dido, unaware of how great (is) the god (that) settles in (her) wretched (person). And he, mindful of his Acidalian mother, begins gradually to efface (the memory of) Sychaeus, and he tries to surprise her mind, now for a long time dormant, and her heart, unused to passion, with a living love.

Ll. 723-756. Dido and her guests drink together, and after listening to the minstrel Iopas, she invites Aeneas to tell the story of Troy's fall, and of his own subsequent wanderings.

When the first pause (came) to the banquet and the tables were removed, noise arises in the palace and they roll their voices through the spacious halls; lighted lamps hang from the gold panelled ceilings and torches conquer the darkness with flames. At this point, the queen asked for a goblet heavy with jewels and gold, which Belus and all after Belus were wont (to fill), and she fills (it) with unmixed wine; then silence happened in the palace, (and she spoke): " Jupiter, for they say that you give the laws for hosts, may you grant (lit. wish) that this be a joyful day both for the Tyrians and for those having set out from Troy, and that our descendants remember this (day). May Bacchus, giver of joy, and bounteous Juno be presnt; and you, O Tyrians, attend the gathering favouring (it)." She spoke, and she poured as a libation an offering of wine (lit. liquid) on to the table, and, first, the libation having been offered, merely touched the goblet with the edge of her mouth; then she gave (it) to Bitias, challenging (him); he unhesitatingly drains the foaming goblet and steeps himself in the brimming gold; afterwards other chiefs (drink). Long-haired Iopas, whom mighty Atlas had taught, with his golden lyre makes (the halls) resound. He sings of the wandering moon and of the sufferings (i.e. eclipses) of the sun, whence the race of men and the beasts, whence rain and fire, Arcturus and the rainy Hyades and the two Bears; why the wintry suns hasten so much to dip themselves in Ocean, or what delay obstructs the lingering nights. The Tyrians redouble with applause, and the Trojans follow. Moreover (lit. neither...not) unhappy Dido also prolonged the night with various conversations and drank in a long love, repeatedly asking many things about Priam, (and) many things about Hector; now (she asks) of what kind were the horses of Diomedes, now how great was Achilles. "Nay rather, come, tell me, my guest, and from the first beginning," she says, "of the wiles of the Danaans, and of your misfortunes and your wanderings. For by now the seventh summer carries you, a wanderer, over every land and sea."