Friday 3 February 2012

HORACE: ON HIMSELF

Introduction.

Sabidius has previously translated a number of selected poems from Horace's "Odes", Book III (see the item on this blogspot dated 28 September 2010 both for these and for a short introduction on Horace). Horace (full name Quintus Horatius Flaccus), who lived between 65 and 8 B.C., is best known for his "Odes", the first three books of which he wrote between 30 and 23 B.C. in a variety of metres in imitation of the Greek lyric poets. Prior to this, i.e. between 41 and 31 B.C., he wrote his "Sermones" or 'Satires', a book of satirical poems written in hexameters, in which he follows the satirist Lucilius (180-102 B.C.) in writing about contemporary life, including his own, and on human nature in general, and also his "Epodes", which were a precursor of his more famous "Odes", about which H.H. Scullard writes as follows in  his "From the Gracchi to Nero", pp.246-7: "In the first six odes of the third book in particular, the so-called 'Roman Odes', he expounded the the traditional virtues of the race and nobly reflected Augustus' policy of social regeneration; though an Epicurean, he applauded frugality and the simple life. Other themes are less solemn, such as love and wine, but are all clothed in an unparalled economy and charm of language." Subsequent to 23 B.C., and with his reputation fully established, he wrote the "Carmen Saeculare", a long poem, sung by boys and girls on the Capitol and the Palatine at the centennial celebration of the 'Ludi Saeculares' in 17 B.C., and a Fourth Book of "Odes", published in 13 B.C. at the request of the Emperor Augustus. Other works, written in hexameters, were his two books of "Epistulae", written between 20 and 12 B.C., which express his maturer views on life and philosophy, and his "Ars Poetica", a book of literary criticism, probably written in about 20 B.C. To quote Scullard once more: "The wide appeal of his attractive and balanced personality, the shrewdness, if not the depths, of his comments on human nature, and the skill of metre and diction in which they were clothed, have alike combined to ensure his perennial attraction."

In his works, Horace does make many references to the events and circumstances of his own life, and these allow us to form some understanding of his career, and give us some insight into his personality. Translated below are a number of extracts in which Horace writes about himself and his views on life. These are taken from the book "Horace on Himself, selections from the Poems of Horace illustrating his Life and Character", edited by A.H. Nash-Williams, M.A., B.A., and published in the Alpha Classics series by G.Bell & Sons, 1962.

I.  My father.

The following two extracts concern Horace's debt to his father, who, although a freedman with limited means, made it his priority to provide his son with a privileged education, and personally oversaw that he was brought up against a background of traditional morality. 

a.  Satires I. vi. 65-89. Metre: Hexameter.

But yet,  if my disposition is faulty due to some moderate  flaws and (only) a few (of these), but is otherwise perfect, just as if you would find fault with moles scattered over a fine body, if no one can truthfully charge me either with avarice or sordidness or wicked debauchery, and, if I live, pure and innocent (to give myself some considerable praise) and dear to my friends, the cause of these things was my father, who, (though) a poor man on a lean smallholding, was unwilling to send me to Flavius' school, where great boys sprung from great centurions, having hung a satchel and a writing-tablet from their left arm, were used to go, each carrying eight (asses) of bronze on the Ides (i.e. the day when payment was due): but he dared to bring (me as) a boy to Rome, to be taught the accomplishments which any knight and senator that you please can teach their offspring (lit. those sprung from themselves). If anyone had seen my clothing and the slaves attending (me), as (he might have) in a large (throng of) people, if he would thought that those expenses were supplied out of (some) ancestral estate. (My father) himself, the most faithful guardian to me, was present around all of my teachers. Why (should I say) much (more)? He kept (me) chaste, which (is) the first noble quality of virtue, not only from every (shameful) deed, but also (from every) disgraceful allegation; nor was he afraid lest someone should assign (it) to him as a fault, if I were, some day, to pursue limited rewards (as) an auctioneer or (as) a tax-collector, as he was himself. Nor should I have complained (if that had been the case), and on this (account) is praise now due to him, and greater gratitude from me. (While I am) in my right mind, I can in no way be ashamed (lit. it can in no way repent me in respect) of such a father ...

b.  Satires I. iv. 105-121.  Metre: Hexameter.

My excellent father accustomed me to this (practice), (namely) that, by noting each one of the vices, I might avoid (them) by means of examples. When he exhorted me to live modestly and frugally and satisfied with what he himself had provided for me, (he would say): "Don't you see how wretchedly the son of Albius lives, and how miserably Baius? A strong lesson, lest anyone wishes to squander his inheritance!" When he sought to deter (me) from the shameful love of a prostitute, (he would say): "Be unlike Sectanus!" In order that I should not pursue adulteresses, when I could enjoy a lawful amour, he asserted: "A wise man will give you the reasons (for what) it is better to avoid, and what (it is better) to seek: it is sufficient for me, if I can preserve the morality handed down from the men of old, and, while you have need of a guardian, to keep your life and reputation unharmed; as soon as age will have hardened your limbs aiind your mind, you will swim without cork." So by these words he formed me (as) a boy ...

II.  No soldier, I!

The ode below tells us how Horace ran away from the battle-field at Philippi in 42 B.C., and of  how he celebrated the subsequent return home of his friend Pompeius. 

"Odes" II. vii. To Pompeius Varus.  Metre: Alcaic.

O  Pompeius, the first of my companions, often drawn with me into the greatest danger in the campaign with Brutus (as) our leader, who has restored you (as) a Roman citizen to the gods of your native-land and the sky of  Italy? With you (lit. whom) I have often broken the tedious (lit. lagging) day with wine, having garlanded my hair with Syrian oil. With you I experienced  Philippi's swift rout (lit. Philippi and the swift rout), my little shield having been dishonourably (lit. not well) left behind, when virtue (was) broken, and menacing (warriors) touched the shameful ground with their chins. But swift Mercury bore me away in a thick cloud through the enemy (ranks); (but) the sea, with its foaming surf sucking (you) back, carried you back to war again. Therefore, render to Jupiter the due offering, and deposit your flank, wearied by the lengthy war, under my laurel, and do not spare the casks reserved for you. Fill up the smooth bowls with care-dispelling Massic; pour (on your hair) unguents from the capacious shells. Who is taking care to weave with speed the garlands with fresh parsley or myrtle? I shall not revel more sanely than the Edonians (i.e. Thracians): my friend having been recovered, it is delightful to me to act crazily.

III.  My early days.

In the extract below we learn that Horace went from Rome to Athens to complete his education, and of  the reasons which impelled him to take up verse-writing.

"Epistulae" II. ii. 41-52. To Julius Florus.  Metre: Hexameter.

It happened to me to be nurtured at Rome, and to be taught how much the enraged Achilles did harm to the Greeks. Good Athens added a little more learning, no doubt to dispose (me) to distinguish a straight (line) from a curved (one), and to search for truth amidst the groves of Academe. But harsh times removed me from that pleasant spot, and the tide of civil war carried (me) inexperienced (as I was) into arms that were to be no match for Caesar Augustus. Whence, as soon as (the battle of) Philippi dismissed me in reduced circumstances, with my wings clipped and destitute of both my father's house and farm, daring poverty drove (me) to write verses.

IV.  Introduction to Maecenas. 

Horace becomes a member of the circle of Maecenas, a close associate of the Emperor Augustus and the principal literary patron of the time.

Satires I. vi. 52-64.  Metre: Hexameter.

I cannot call myself lucky on this (account), (namely) that I got you (as) a friend by chance. For that best (of men), Virgil, (and) after him Varius, told (you) what (sort of a man) I was. When I came into (your) presence, speaking  a few (words) in a halting voice, (for indeed shyness prevented (me) from saying more,) I do not tell you that I (was) born of an illustrious father, I (do) not (tell you) that I rode about the countryside on a Satureian (i.e. Apulian) horse, but (simply) what I was. You answer, as is your custom, in a few (words): I depart, and you ask (me) back in the ninth month afterwards and command (me) to be in the number of your friends. I consider this a great thing, that I was pleasing to you, who distinguishes honesty from turpitude, not by a famous father, but by a pure life and heart.


V.  My farm.

Maecenas made Horace a present of a small farm situated in the Sabine Hills, to the south-east of Rome, set in a little valley running from north to south. Horace describes ii movingly in the following passage.

"Epistulae" I. xvi. 1-16.  Metre: Hexameter:

The shape and the site of my land will be described to you in a chatty fashion, lest you ask (me), my best Quinctius, (whether) my farm feeds its master with arable land, or enriches (him) with the berries of the olive, or with fruits or meadows or the elm-tree clothed with vines. The mountains (are) unbroken, except that they are separated by a shady valley, but such that the approaching sun views its right side and the departing (sun), with fleeing chariot, warms its left (side). You would praise its mildness; what if my productive brambles bear ruddy cornel-cherries and plums? (What) if my oak and holm-oak help my flocks with many acorns (lit. fruits), (and) their master with abundant shade? You would say that Tarentum with its foliage (had been) brought nearer to (Rome). A fountain, too, suitable to give its name to a river, inasmuch as the Hebrus winds through Thrace neither more cool nor more clear, flows salubrious to the infirm head and salubrious to the stomach. These sweet, even, if you believe (this), these delightful, retreats present me to you unscathed (even) in the hours of September.

VI.  Fount of Bandusia.

 Horace never tires of saying how much he loves his farm, and this poem, one of his most beautiful odes, is written in praise of this spring which it contains. As a hymn of dedication  - hence the sacrificial imagery within it - , it represents the unwinding of the poet's thoughts, as he contemplates the scene before him.

"Odes" III. xiii.  Meter: Fourth Asclepiad.

O spring of Bandusia, more brilliant than glass, worthy of sweet wine, not without flowers, tomorrow you will be presented with a kid, whose forehead, swollen with the tips of horns, marks (him) out for love and battles; in vain: for this offspring of the playful flock will stain your cold streams with his red blood. You the cruel hour of the flaming Dogstar does not know how to touch, you provide welcome coolness for the oxen wearied by the plough and for the straggling herd. You, too, will become (one) of the famous fountains, with me singing the praises of (lit. telling of) the holm-oak placed over the hollowed-out rocks, whence babbling waters tumble down.

VII.  Independence.

Despite his gratitude to Maecenas for the gift of his estate, Horace was anxious to demonstrate his independence and that he was not at Maecenas' beck and call. The extract below indicates his concern to avoid Rome during the late summer, when illness was rife in the capital, and a general desire to avoid any risks to his health.

"Epistulae" I. vii. 1-21, 25-28.  Metre: Hexameter.

Having promised you that I should be in the country for (but) five days, untrue (to my word), I am missed for the whole of Sextilis (i.e. August). And yet, if you wish me to live soundly and in perfect health, Maecenas, you will grant (me), fearing to be ill, the indulgence which you grant me when I am (lit. being) ill, while (the arrival of) the first figs and the heat (of autumn) adorns the undertaker with his black attendants, while every father and mother turns pale (with fear) for their children, while dutiful diligence and the petty business of the forum brings on fevers and unseals wills. But if the winter spreads snow over the Alban fields, your bard will go down to the seaside, and take care (lit. be sparing) of himself and read huddled up (against the cold): he will revisit you, dear friend, if you will allow (him), with the West Winds and at the first swallow. You have made me wealthy not in the manner in which the Calabrian host bids (his guest) to feed on his pears. "Eat, if you please." "I have had enough (lit. There is enough [to me]) already." "But do you take away as much as you want." "(It is) kind (of you, but no, thank you)." "You will be taking little presents not displeasing to your little boys." "I am as obliged by your gift as if I were going away laden." "As you wish (lit. it pleases [you]); you will leave them to be devoured today by the pigs." The prodigal and the foolish (man) gives away what he despises and hates: such a sowing (of favours) as this has produced, and will always (lit. in all years) produce, ungrateful (men)......................But if you do not wish me to go away anywhere, you will restore my strong constitution (lit. lungs) (and) my black locks on a narrow forehead, you will restore (my ability) to chatter pleasantly, you will restore (my ability) to laugh becomingly and to lament, amid (cups of) wine, the flight of saucy Cinara.

VIII.  A prayer fulfilled.

With his wish for a small estate having been answered, Horace prays that Mercury will protect him and his possessions. This extract also demonstrates Horace's profound gratitude to Maecenas for his generous gift, and his determination not to take advantage of his patron by coveting more.

Satires II. vi. 1-15.  Metre: Hexameter.

This was (ever) among my prayers: a measure of land not so large, where there may be a garden, and a fountain with a continual stream near to the house, and, besides these, a little woodland. The gods have done larger and better (than this for me). It is well. O son of Maia (lit. O [thou] born from Maia) (i.e. Mercury), I ask for nothing more, except that you would make these gifts permanent to me. If I have neither made my property greater by evil means, nor shall I make (it) smaller by vice or misconduct, if I do not foolishly ask for any of the following things: " O if that little corner nearby, which now spoils the shape of my little farm could be added (lit. could go to [me])! O if some chance could show me an urn of silver, as, treasure having been found, (it showed it) to that man (who) bought that very land, which he tilled (as) a hired labourer, rich, with Hercules (as) his friend!" If what I have at present (lit. if what is present [to me], pleases (me), grateful (as I am), I beg you with this prayer to make my flocks fatter for their master, and (all) other things, except my wit, and, as you are accustomed, to be present (as) my chief guardian.

IX.  My daily round.

From the extract below it is clear that Horace was a man of simple tastes, who deliberately sought to avoid both an extravagant lifestyle and an ambitious career. 

Satires I. vi. 111-131.  Meter: Hexameter.

Wherever I have a fancy (lit. there is a fancy to me), I walk alone, (and) I ask how much (is the price of) cabbage and corn-meal: I wander around the cheating circus and the forum often in the evening; I stand near the fortune-tellers: thence I betake myself home to a dish of leeks and and lentils and pancakes. My dinner is served by three slaves, and a white stone (slab) supports two cups with a ladle; a cheap basin stands nearby, a bowl with its saucer, earthenware from Campania. Then, I go to sleep, not concerned (by the thought) that tomorrow I must (lit. it is necessary for me to) rise in the morning so as to meet (the statue of) Marsyas, who denies that he can bear the countenance of the younger of the Novii. I lie (in bed) into the fourth (hour); after this, I ramble (about), or, having read or having written what (lit. or [something] having been read and having been written such as) may amuse me in a quiet moment, I am anointed with oil, (but) not such as that filthy Natta (uses), the lamps having been robbed. But, when the fiercer sun reminds me, (being) tired, to go to bathe, I avoid the Campus (Martius) and the ball-game for three people. Having lunched moderately (lit. not greedily), (but) enough to prevent me from having to endure the (rest of the) day with an empty stomach, I knock about at home. This is the life of (those) freed from wretched and burdensome ambition; with such things I comfort myself, destined to live more pleasantly than if my grandfather and father and great-uncle had been a quaestor.

X.  Meeting with a bore. 

As a friend of Maecenas, and later of the Emperor Augustus, Horace became vulnerable to the predatory activities of toadies anxious to curry favour with him. In this longish poem we find Horace seeking desperately to extricate himself from the sycophantic attentions of one such flatterer, and to do so without losing his temper. 

Satires I. ix.  Metre: Hexameter. 

By chance, I was walking along the Via Sacra, meditating on some (lit. I know not what) trifling (matters), and (being) totally intent on these. A certain man, known to me only by name, runs up, and, my hand having been seized, (says), "How are you doing, my dearest of fellows?"

Very well (lit. pleasantly), at present (lit. as it is now)," say I, "and I wish you everything that you desire."

When he continues to follow after (me), I interject, "There isn't anything you want, is there?"

But he says, "(I wish) that you would get to know me (lit. us)," he says, " (for) I am (lit. we are) learned."

Hereupon, I say, "You will be of more (esteem) to me on this account."

Seeking sadly to get away (from him), at one moment I went more quickly, and then I stopped, (and) spoke something (lit. I know not what) to my slave into his ear, while the sweat trickled down into the top of my ankles. "O, Bolanus," I said quietly, "(how) lucky you (are) with your temper," while he prattles away, (saying) anything that comes into his head (lit. anything at all), (and) he praises the streets and the city.

When I did not reply to him at all, he says, "You desperately desire to get away; I perceived (that) some time ago: but it's no use (lit. you are not achieving anything): I shall keep right up (with you); I shall follow (you) hence (to the place) to which your journey now is."

"There is absolutely no need for you to be dragged out of your way: I want to visit someone not known to you: he lives a long way off across the Tiber, near Caesar's gardens."

"I am not doing anything (lit. I have nothing that I am doing), and I am not lazy: I shall follow (you) right up (to your destination)." I hang my ears like an ass with a surly disposition, when a heavier (than usual) load has been put upon his back.

He begins (again): "If I know myself well, you will regard neither Viscus nor Varius more as a friend than I: for who can write more verses, or (do so) more quickly, than I? Who can move his limbs more smoothly (when dancing)? I sing such that even Hermogenes would envy (me)."

Here, there was an opportunity of interrupting (him): "Do you have (lit. Is there to you) a mother, (or any) relations, who would be concerned about your safety (lit. for whom there is a need for you (to be) safe)?"

"I do not have anyone (lit. [There is] not anyone to me). I have laid (them) all to rest.

"(How) lucky (they are)! Now I am left. Finish (me) off: for indeed that fatal (moment) is sadly at hand, which an old Sabine woman, her divining urn having been shaken, foretold (to me as) a boy, (when she said): 'That (boy) neither cruel poison nor an enemy's sword, nor pleurisy (lit. pain of the lungs) or a cough, nor crippling gout shall carry off: (but) some day or other a babbler shall destroy him: if he be wise, let him avoid talkative (people), as soon as he comes of age (lit. his age has increased).' "

A quarter (lit. fourth part) of the day having now passed, we had come (lit. it had been come) to (the Temple) of Vesta, and by chance he was then due to put in an appearance for a man who had been bound over by bail: unless he were to have done this, he would (have to) lose his law-suit.

"If you love me," he says, "support me here by your presence for a little while."

"May I persish, if either I have the strength to stand (through the case) or I know the civil laws: also I am hastening whither you are aware."

"I am uncertain what I should do," says he, "whether I should desert you or my cause."

"Me, I beg of you."

"I shall not do (it)," he says, and he begins to go ahead of me. I, as it is difficult to contend with one's conqueror, follow.

"How (does) Maecenas (get on) with you?" Hence, he resumes (his prattle).

"He is (a man) of few acquaintances and of a very sound mind."

"No one has used opportunity more skilfully (than I). You should have a powerful assistant (in me), (the sort of man) who could play second fiddle (to you), if you were disposed to introduce your humble servant (lit. this man). May I perish, if you would not have supplanted everyone (else)."

"We do not live there in that fashion which you suppose: there is not any house either cleaner or more remote from such evils: it does not prejudice me at all," say I, "because a particular person is richer or more learned (than I): everyone has (lit. there is to everyone) his own place."

"You tell a tall (story), (and) a scarcely credible (one)."

"And yet it is so."

"You inflame (me) all the more as to why I should wish to be very close to him."

"You have only to wish (it): such (is) your merit (that) you will take (him) by storm: and he is (someone) who can be won over, and, for that reason, he keeps initial approaches (to him) difficult."

"I shall not let myself down (lit. I shall not be wanting on my own behalf). I shall corrupt his servants with gifts: if I am (lit. shall have been) excluded today, I shall not desist: I shall seek the right moments; I shall meet him in the street (lit. at the crossroads), I shall escort (him) home. Life gives nothing to mortals without great labour."

While he is blathering on (lit. pushing forth these [words]), behold, Fuscus Aristius meets (us), (a man) dear to me and (one) who knows that (fellow) very well. We come to a halt.

"Whence are you coming? And whither are you going," he asks and replies (to the same question). I begin to pluck (at his cloak), and to take hold of his sluggish (lit. very slow) arms with my hand, nodding and winking (lit. distorting my eyes) (at him) to rescue me. Cruelly arch, (and) laughing, he pretends (not to take the hint): bile burns my liver.

"Certainly," (I said to Fuscus), you said that you wanted to discuss something (lit. I know not what) with me in private."

"I remember (it) well," (said he), "but I shall speak (to you) at a better time: today is the thirtieth sabbath. Do you wish to affront the circumcised Jews?

"I have no scruples (lit. There are to me no scruples) at all on that account."

"But I have (lit. there are to me)," (he replies). "I am somewhat weaker (than you), one of the multitude. May you forgive (me): I shall speak (with you) at another time." (To think) that this day (lit. sun) should have risen so black for me! The rogue runs off and leaves me under the knife.

By luck his adversary meets him (lit. comes in his way), and shouts (at him) in a loud voice, "Whither (are) you (going), you very shameful (fellow)? and (to me), "Are you willing (lit. Is it permitted [to you]) to be a witness (to the arrest)?"

Assuredly, I assent (lit. offer my ear [to be touched]). He hurries (him) into court: (there is a clamour from both sides (and) a throng from all parts. Thus Apollo saved me.

XI.  The simple life.

Advocating the virtues of the simple life was very much in tune with the Augustan programme of a return to the 'mos maiorum', and at the same time simplicity of life-style, related closely to his love of the countryside, was very much a matter of personal preference so far as Horace was concerned.  As the two odes below indicate, those visiting Horace's modest villa could expect neither lavish decoration nor expensive wine. 

a.  "Odes" I. xxxviii.  Metre:  Sapphic.

Boy, I detest Persian splendour. Garlands, woven with (the inner bark of) the linden-tree, displease (me). Cease seeking in what place the late rose lingers. I care not that you diligently add with toil anything to plain myrtle: myrtle is unbecoming neither to you (as) a servant, nor to me drinking under this close-leaved vine.

b.  "Odes" I. xx.  Metre: Sapphic.

My dear knight Maecenas, (in my house) you will drink cheap Sabine (wine) in simple goblets, which, bottled (lit. stored)  in a Grecian  cask I myself sealed (lit. smeared [with pitch]), (on the day) when (such loud) applause (was) given to you in the theatre that the banks of your ancestral river and, at the same time, the joyous echo of the Vatican hill returned your praises. Then you will drink the Caecuban and the grape squeezed in the Calenian wine-press: neither the Falernian vines nor the Formian hills will season my cups.


XII.  The country for me!

Horace had a supreme ability to write about serious matters in a light-hearted fashion, although that does not imply any lack of sincerity. To both amuse and inform simultaneously is the essence of satire. Among the more notable of Horace's satirical pieces is the charming story of the town mouse and the country mouse, in which he hints of the risks involved in luxurious urban living, when compared with the security of rural tranquillity.

Satires II. vi.  Meter: Hexameter.

Once upon a time, a country mouse is said to have welcomed a town mouse into his humble mouse-hole, an old host (is said to have welcomed) an old friend, a rough (type) and careful with his stores, yet in such a way that he relaxed his thrifty soul with (acts of) hospitality. What more can I say? He begrudged neither his stored-up chick-peas nor his long oats, and, carrying in his mouth a dry grape and half-eaten scraps of bacon, he offered (them) up, wanting to overcome with his varied dinner the fastidiousness of  (one) barely touching each individual (morsel) with his haughty teeth, while the master of the house himself, stretched out in this year's chaff, ate grain and grass, leaving the better (parts) of the feast (to his guest).

Finally, the town (mouse) said to him, "Why does it please you, my friend, to live uncomplaining on the steep summit of a wood? Would you (not) wish to place men and the city before these wild woods? Trust me,(and) take the road with me (as) my companion: since earthly (creatures) live, having been allotted with mortal souls, there is no escape from death either for the great or for the small; wherefore, my good (fellow), while we can (lit. it is permitted [to us]), live happily in pleasant circumstances; live remembering how short-lived you are (lit. you are of a short life)." When these words had convinced (lit. impressed) the country (mouse), he jumped nimbly out of the house: then, they both undertake the proposed journey, eager to creep under the walls of the city during the night. And now night was holding the middle space of the heavens, when each of them sets his footprints in a wealthy house, where a covering, dyed with bright scarlet, gleamed over the ivory couches, and many dishes (of food) were left over from a great dinner, which, (remaining) from yesterday, were in heaped up baskets (not too) far off. Therefore, when (the town mouse) had placed the country (mouse) stretched out on a purple coverlet, like a girt-up (slave) he runs about (as) the host, and makes the feast continuous, and also, in the manner of a house-slave, he performs every single duty, tasting in advance everything which he brings. Reclining, (the country mouse) rejoices in his changed luck, and amidst the good things he acts (as) a happy guest, when suddenly a great noise from the doors shakes each from off the couches. Terrified, they run through the whole room, and, petrified, they were more alarmed as soon as the deep house resounded with Molossian hounds.

Then, the country mouse said, "I have no need (lit. There is no need to me) of this (kind of) life, and "Farewell: my wood and my hole, safe from ambush, with some meagre vetch, will console me."

XIII.  Pro patria mori.

Horace was also capable of writing in a serious way, especially on patriotic themes. In the extract below, taken from one of the six 'Roman Odes' at the beginning of the Book III, he encourages the youth to be brave and to die for their country.

"Odes" III. ii. 1-16.  Metre: Alcaic.

Hardened by keen warfare, let the boy learn thoroughly to endure gladly pinching poverty, and, (as) a horseman dreadful with his spear, let him harass the wild Parthians and pass his life beneath the open sky amid hazardous deeds. Let the wife of a warring ruler and his full-grown daughter, beholding him from the enemy's walls, sigh "alas!" lest the royal betrothed, unskilled in warfare, provoke a lion, dangerous to touch, whom murderous anger drives through the midst of the slaughter. It is sweet and becoming to die on behalf of one's country: death also pursues the fleeing man, nor does it spare the knees and cowardly back of the unwarlike youth.  

XIV.  True courage. 

In the poem below, another of the six 'Roman Odes', Horace recounts the heroic story of Marcus Atilius Regulus, who, having been captured by the Carthaginians with his army in 254 B.C. and sent back to Rome with peace terms, preferred to argue against these terms and then return himself to a certain death, than to recommend what he considered to be a dishonourable and cowardly peace.  

"Odes" III. v. 18-56.  Metre: Alcaic.

"(With my own eyes,) he said, "I have beheld our standards nailed to Punic shrines and our weapons torn from soldiers without bloodshed. (With my own eyes) I have beheld the arms of citizens bound behind a free back, and city-gates not closed, and fields, having been ravaged by our army (lit. Mars), being tilled. Ransomed by gold, the soldier will, doubtless, return more eager (for the fray). You are adding financial loss to disgrace: wool dressed in dye does not regain its lost colours, nor does true courage, when once it falls away, care to be restored to the degraded. If (ever) a deer, freed from thick nets, fights, (then indeed) will that man be brave, who has entrusted himself to faithless foes, and will he trample upon the Carthaginians in a second war, who, with arms tied (behind his back), has spiritlessly felt the straps and feared death. He, unaware how (lit. whence) he might win his life, has confounded peace with war. O shame! O mighty Carthage, (towering) higher on the disgraceful ruins of Italy!" It is recounted that, like (one) deprived of his status as a citizen, he banished from himself the kiss of his chaste wife and his little sons and grimly fixed his manly gaze on the ground, until his authority might fortify the wavering senators with counsel never having been given at another time, and amid his sorrowing friends he hastens away, a glorious exile. And yet, he knew what the barbarian torturer had in store for him: yet he made the kinsmen blocking his way and the people delaying his return stand aside, just as (lit. not otherwise than) if he were leaving the tedious business of his clients, their lawsuits having been decided, (and) making his way to the fields of Venafrum or to Spartan (lit. Lacedaemonian) Tarentum.

XV.  True happiness.

While Horace made sincere efforts to assist Augustus in his policy of regeneration, his real interest as a poet lay with human beings and their qualities, and indeed what it was that particularly motivated them. He was aware how important it seemed to so many to amass wealth, but, as he emphasises in the extract below, he knew that such wealth often brought anxieties, not happiness, in its train.

"Odes"III. i. 17-32. On contentment.  Metre: Alcaic.

(For the man) over whose impious neck a drawn sword hangs (i.e. Damocles), Sicilian feats will not furnish a sweet savour, and the songs of birds and of the lyre will not restore sleep: gentle sleep does not despise the humble homes of rustic men and a shady bank, nor  a valley (lit. Tempe) fanned by the West Winds. Neither the storm-tossed sea nor the fierce onset of the setting Great Bear or the rising Kids, nor vineyards lashed by hail and the falsely-promising farm, with the (olive-)tree blaming now the rains, now the stars scorching the fields,  (and) now the inclement winters.

XVI.  The miser.

Another character type that interested Horace was the miser. In the following extract he mercilessly exposes the fallacy involved in hoarding one's possessions and not putting them to good use. 

Satires I. i. 73-100.  Metre: Hexameter.

Do you not know to what end a coin can be worth? Bread, a cabbage, a measure of wine can be bought, add (such other things), if these things were withheld (lit. these things having been withheld), human nature would grieve for itself. Does this help (you), whether to be awake, faint with terror, both night and day, to dread wicked thieves, fires, (and) your slaves lest they rob you as they run away (lit. running away). I should always hope to be very poor of possessions such as these.

But, if (ever) your body, tried by a chill, is in pain, or any other mishap should confine you to your bed, do you have anyone who can sit near (you), prepare medicines, (and) ask the doctor to get you up and restore (you) to your children and dear relations?

Your wife does not wish (to see) you recovered, nor (does) your son: all your neighbours, your acquaintances, (even) the boys and girls, hate you. Do you wonder that no one shows (you) the love which you do not deserve? But, if you are disposed to retain, and to preserve (as) friends, the relatives which nature gives you with no effort, you would be wasting your labour fruitlessly, just as if someone were to train an ass to run, obedient to the rein, in the Campus (Martius). Finally, let there be an end to your searching, and when you possess more, may you fear poverty less and begin to cease your striving, (the things) which you craved having been acquired, lest you do what a certain Ummidius (did): it is not a tedious story: (he was so) rich that he measured his money: (he was) so mean that he did not ever clothe himself better than a slave; right up to his last moment he feared lest lack of food should oppress him; but his freedwoman, the bravest of the daughters of Tyndarus, cut him in twain with an axe.

XVII.  False ambition.

In this extract Horace warns against the dangers of seeking public office.

Satires II. iii. 168-171, 179-186.  Metre: Hexameter.

Servius Oppidius, rich according to the old (standard of) incomes, is said to have divided two farms between his two sons, and, (when) dying to have said this to the boys, having been called to his bedside: ..... "Lest (a desire for) glory should entice you, I shall bind you both by an oath: whichever of you shall become an aedile or a praetor, may he be incapable of making a will and be accursed. Would you squander your property in (largesses of) peas and beans and lupines, so that you may proudly strut in the Circus, and so that you may, in your madness, stand (in a) bronze (statue), bereft of your paternal farms (and) stripped of your money, doubtless, in order that you may win the applauses that Agrippa is winning, (like) a cunning fox imitating a noble lion?"  
ings back 

XVIII.  'Cut your coat according to your cloth.'

In the following extract, men of limited means are encouraged not to develop tastes which they cannot afford.

"Epistulae" I. xviii. 21-31.  To Lollius.  Metre:  Hexameter.

(Him) whom pernicious lust, whom the fatal dice strips, whom vanity beyond his means both dresses and perfumes, whom insatiable thirst and hunger for money, whom shame and avoidance of poverty possesses, his rich friend, (though) frequently equipped with many more vices (lit. more equipped with ten vices), hates and abhors, or, if he does not hate, he rules (him), and, like a dutiful mother, wants (him) to be wiser than himself, and to be his superior in virtues, and he says (what are) nearly true (words): "My wealth - do not (lit. be unwilling to) vie (with me) -  permits (me to indulge) my folly; your income is a little small: a close fitting toga suits a sensible dependant: cease to compete with me."

XIX.  The golden mean.

With his preference for a moderate and simple life-style, Horace was attracted to the Aristotelian concept of the 'golden mean'.  

"Odes" II. x.  To Licinius Murena.  Metre: Sapphic.

You will live more uprightly, Licinius, by neither always pursuing the deep (sea), nor, while, in your caution, you shrink from squalls, by keeping too close to (lit. by pressing too much) the hazardous shore. Whosoever loves the golden mean safely avoids the squalour of an antiquated house (and) rather prudently avoids a palace worthy to be envied. The lofty pine is often agitated by winds, and high towers fall down with a heavier calamity, and (bolts of) lightning strike the summits of mountains. The well-prepared breast hopes in adversity, (and) fears in prosperity, a different outcome (lit. lot). Jupiter brings back the hideous winters, the same (god) takes (them) away. If (the prospect is) gloomy now, it will not be so in the future also: Apollo sometimes arouses his silent muse with his lyre, and does not always bend his bow. In straitened circumstances appear high-spirited and undaunted: likewise you will prudently contract your sails, swollen too much in a favourable wind.


XX.  An Epicurean I!

For Horace a moderate life-style was not incompatible with enjoying the good things of life. In the extract below he declares himself a follower of Epicurus, the Greek philosopher, for whom the main aim of life was to avoid pain of mind and body and to seek pleasure. 

"Epistulae" I. iv.  To Albius Tibullus.  Metre: Hexameter.   

Albius, (you) candid judge of my conversations, what shall I now say you are doing in the country of Pedum? That you are writing something that will surpass the little works of Cassius of Parma, or that you are strolling silently among the health-giving groves, reflecting upon whatever is worthy of a wise and good (man)? You used not to be a body without a mind: the gods (have given) you a (handsome) form, the gods have given you wealth and the ability to enjoy (it). What greater (blessing) could a loving nurse wish for a dear foster-child, if he could be wise and express what he feels, and, (if) grace, reputation and health may come to him in abundance, as well as a decent mode of life and a never-ending purse? Amidst hope and care, amidst fears and irritations, think that very day that has dawned upon you (is) your last: (thus) the hour, which will not be expected, will come upon (you) gladly. When you are disposed to laugh, you will come and see (lit. visit) me, fat and sleek, with a well-cared for skin, a hog from Epicurus' herd.

XXI.  A day of celebration.  

As the extract below shows, Horace certainly knew how to enjoy life when the occasion arose. The public holiday to celebrate Augustus' safe return from Spain in 25 B.C. was one such opportunity. 

"Odes" III. xiv. 13-28.

This day, truly a holiday for me, shall banish gloomy cares: with Caesar (i.e. Augustus) possessing the earth, I shall neither dread an uprising nor death through violence. Go, slave, and seek perfume and garlands and a cask remembering the Marsian War (i.e. the Social War 90 B.C.), if any jar could have eluded the marauding Spartacus. Also, tell clear-voiced Neaera to make haste to bind her perfumed into a knot; but, if (any) delay should happen through the hated janitor, come away. Whitening hair cools my spirit, (once) eager for quarrels and wanton wrangling; I should not have endured this treatment, (when) warm with youth, with Plancus (as) consul (i.e. 42 B.C.).

XXII.  Are there gods?

Horace seems generally to have adopted a sceptical attitude towards the gods, but in the following extract he indicates that he has been given food for thought by the phenomenon of thunder coming from a cloudless sky.

"Odes" I. xxxiv.  Against the Epicureans.  Metre:  Alcaic.

A sparing and infrequent worshipper of the gods, while I strayed, adept in a foolish philosophy, I am now obliged to set sail (lit. to give my sails [to the wind]) back again and renew my abandoned course: for Jupiter, usually cleaving the clouds with flashing fire, (lately) drove his thundering horses and swift chariot through a clear (sky), by which the sluggish earth and the wandering rivers, by which the Styx and the dread seat of hateful Taenarus, and the boundary of Atlas are shaken. The deity is able to exchange the lowest with the highest, and diminishes the exalted (man), bringing the obscure to light; rapacious fortune, with a shrill whizzing, has (ever) lifted the crown from one head (and) rejoices to have placed (it) on another.

XXIII.  The biter bit!

One of Horace's more attractive character traits was his capacity to recognise his own failings and to laugh at himself. In the extracts below his house-slave Davus purports to upbraid him for displaying the same faults which he censures in others.

Satires II. vii. 23-35, 83-88, 102-115.

'You praise the customs of the ancient (Roman) people, and yet, if any god were suddenly to push you towards those things, you would reject (them), either because you do not really feel that what you are shouting about is (really) the more upright (course), or because you do not defend the right with real conviction (lit. firmly), and you are at a loss, in master of himselfvain desiring to extract your foot from the mire. At Rome you long for the country; (when) in the country, in your fickleness, you extol the city to the stars.If, by chance, you have not been invited to dinner anywhere, you praise your plain (dish of) cabbage, and, as though you would ever not go out (but) under compulsion, you say that you are so happy, and you hug (yourself), that it is not necessary for you to drink somewhere (else). (But) should Maecenas bid you to come to him, (as) a guest, late, just before the first lamps, "Does no one bring the oil more quickly? Is anybody listening?" You roar with a loud shout and rush off.'

'Who on earth (is) free? The wise (man), who (is) master of himself, whom neither poverty, nor death, nor death, nor chains affright, brave in checking his desires (and) in scorning honours, and whole within himself, polished and round, so that not anything from outside can linger on account of his smoothness, (and) against whom misfortune ever rushes (only to be) maimed.'

'I (am) a good-for-nothing, if I am tempted by a smoking pasty: but, as for you, does your great virtue and soul resist rich dinners? Why is obedience to my belly (so) ruinous to me? To be sure, I am punished by my back. How do you grab with impunity those delicacies which cannot be taken for a little (expense)? For sure, those little feasts, (taken) without limit, grow bitter, and your tricked feet refuse to bear your over-indulged body. Does that slave sin who by night exchanges (some) grapes for a stolen strigil? Does he, who, obedient to his appetite, sells his estates, have nothing servile (about him)? Add (the fact) that you cannot likewise be in your own company (lit. with yourself) for an hour, nor dispose of your leisure properly, and that you shun yourself (as) a runaway and a vagabond, endeavouring, at one time, by wine, and, at another time, by sleep, to cheat care; in vain: for that gloomy companion presses (upon you) and pursues you in your flight.'

XXIV.  To a wine-jar.

This delightful ode reflects Horace's cheerful and happy disposition, and his capacity to enjoy life.

"Odes" III. xxi.  Metre: Alcaic.

O dutiful jar, born with me, with Manlius (being) consul, whether you bring complaints or jokes, or conflict and crazy loves, or effortless slumber, under whatever pretext you preserve the choice Massic (vintage), worthy to be served on an auspicious day, descend (to earth), with Corvinus ordering (me) to bring forth a mellower wine. Although he is steeped in Socratic dialogues, he will not slight you in an unkempt fashion: even the virtue of ancient Cato is reputed to have often been warmed by undiluted wine. You gently apply the rack to a generally unyielding disposition: you reveal the concerns and secret design of philosophers through merry Lyaeus (i.e. Bacchus): you restore hope to anxious minds and you give strength and horns to a poor man, after (drinking) you, trembling neither at the angry diadems of kings nor at the weapons of soldiers. Liber (i.e. Bacchus), and, if she will kindly be present, Venus, and the Graces, lothe to loosen the knot (that binds them), and the still-burning (lit. living) lanterns, shall lead you on, until Phoebus returning puts the stars to flight.


XXV.  A lovers' quarrel.

Horace never married but he almost certainly enjoyed a number of amorous relationships when he was a young man. In the poem below, the only example from his works of the 'carmen amoebaeum' (the poem in dialogue), he portrays an imaginary reconciliation between two young lovers. 

"Odes" III. ix.  To Lydia.  Metre: Second Asclepiad.

HE:  As long as I was agreeable to you, nor did any more favoured youth put his arms around (lit. give his arms to) your snowy-white neck, I flourished more happily than the king of the Persians.

SHE:  As long as you did not burn more (with love) for another (woman), nor was Lydia after Chloe (in your affections), I flourished more famously than the Roman Ilia.

HE:  The Thracian Chloe now commands me, (she who is) expert in sweet modulations and skilled on the lyre, for whom I shall not fear to die, if the fates shall spare my darling (lit. my life) to survive (me).

SHE:  Calais, the son of Ornytus of Thurii, inflames me with a mutual torch, for whom I shall twice endure to die, if the fates shall spare my boy to survive (me).

HE:  What if our former love returns, and joins (us), having been led asunder, with a brazen yoke, what if golden-haired Chloe is cast off, and the door opens to slighted Lydia?

SHE:  Although he is fairer than a star, and you are more fickle (lit. lighter) than cork and more irascible than the stormy Adriatic, with you I should love to live, and with you I should gladly die.

XXVI.  Ancients versus moderns. 

In the 'letter' below Horace ridicules the tendency for Romans to value only the writers of the distant past.

"Epistulae" II. i.  18-49, 76-88,  102-117.

But here your people, wise and just in one (point), by preferring you to our own leaders, (and) you to Greek   (heroes), by no means estimate other things with like proportion and measure, and disdain and detest (everything) except (those things) which they see removed from the earth, having completed their allotted span. To such an extent (are the people) supporters of ancient things, that they keep saying that the Muses on Mount Alba dictating the (Twelve) Tables forbidding transgression, which the decemviri ratified (i.e. in 451 B.C.), the treaties of our kings, concluded with the Gabii or the hardy Sabines, the books of the pontiffs  (and) the ancient rolls of the seers.

If, because all of the most ancient writings of the Greeks are the very best, Roman writers are weighed in the same scale, there is no (reason) that we should say much (more): there is nothing hard inside an olive, there is nothing (hard) in a nut on the outside; we have come to the highest (point) of success (in the arts), we paint and we sing and we wrestle more skilfully than the well-oiled Achaeans (i.e. Greeks). If time makes poems, like wine, better, I should wish to know how many years will lay a claim to value in manuscripts. Ought a writer, who died a hundred years ago, to be reckoned among the perfect and the ancient, or among the mean and modern (writers)? Let some boundary exclude (all) disputes. "He is an old and excellent (writer) who completes a hundred years." (Then) what? Among whom will (he) who died one month or (one) year less (than that) be reckoned? (Among) the old poets or (among those) whom both the present and tomorrow's age will scorn? "At any rate, he may be fairly placed among the ancients who is younger either by (one) short month or by a whole year." I use (what has been) allowed, and, like the hairs of a horse's tail, I gradually pluck and pull away one, and likewise I pull away (another) one, until whosoever has recourse to the annals, and values excellence in years, and admires nothing except what Libitina (i.e. the goddess of funerals) has made sacred, falls (to the ground) baffled, in the manner of a tumbling heap.  

I am indignant that anything should be censured, not because it is thought a lumpish or inelegant composition, but because (it has) recently (been written), and that not indulgence, but honour and prizes, be demanded for ancient (works). If I should express (any) doubt (as to whether) a drama of Atta walks in an upright manner through the saffron and flowers( i.e. across the stage), or not, almost all the fathers would cry out that shame had perished, since I should be attempting to criticise those (pieces), which the grave Aesopus, which the skilful Roscius, have acted: either because they consider nothing right except what has pleased themselves, or because they think (it is) disgraceful to submit to their juniors, and to confess in their old age that (those things) which they learned (when) beardless ought (lit. are worthy) to be destroyed. In fact, (the man) who extols Numa's Salian hymn, and wishes to seem the only man to know, (together) with me, what he is ignorant of, he does not favour and applaud buried geniuses, but attacks ours, and, in his spite, hates us and our (works).

At Rome it was for a long time agreeable and customary to be awake early, the house having been opened up, to expound the laws to clients, to pay out money on good security (lit. cautiously) to upright debtors, to listen to their elders, (and) to tell the younger by what means their fortunes might grow and pernicious luxury be diminished. What pleases or is odious which you may not think changeable? The fickle people have changed their mind and glow with a universal zeal for writing: boys and their stern fathers dine, their locks bound with greenery (lit. bound with greenery in respect of their locks), and dictate poems. I myself who affirms that I write no verses, am found to be more untruthful than the Parthians, and, awake before the rising  sun, I call for my pen and my papers and my book-cases. (He who is) ignorant of a ship is afraid to sail (lit. drive) a ship; none, except he who has learned, dares to give (even) southernwood to a sick (man); doctors undertake the work of doctors; craftsmen handle the (tools) of a craftsman: we, the unlearned and learned (alike), write indiscriminately.

XXVII.  Eat, drink, and be merry, for tomorrow we die. 

In this famous ode, which includes the famous aphorism "carpe diem" (seize the day!), Horace takes up again his injunction to enjoy life while you can. 

"Odes" I. xi.  To Leuconoe.  Metre: Fifth Asclepiad. 

Do you not enquire - (it is) wrong to know  - what limit of life the gods have given to me, (and) what to you, Leuconoe, neither try the Babylonian calculations (i.e. astrology). How (much) better (it is) to endure whatever will be, whether Jupiter has granted (us) more winters or (this as) the last (one), which now wears out the the Tyrrhenian sea upon the opposing rocks. Be wise, strain your wines, and cut down distant expectations in accordance with the short span (of your life). While we speak, jealous age will have fled: seize the day, trusting to the morrow as little as possible.

XXVIII.  Inevitable death.  

Again Horace warns that death cannot be avoided; once again we see that the moral is to take advantage of one's blessings before that moment arrives. This ode includes the renowned quotation "eheu fugaces ... labuntur anni" (Alas, the fleeting years slip away).

"Odes" II. xiv.  To Postumus.  Metre: Alcaic.

Alas, Postumus, Postumus, the fleeting years slip (away), nor will an upright life bring (any) delay to wrinkles and advancing old age and unconquerable death: (no), my friend, not even should you try to appease him with three hundred bulls for every day (of your life) which passes, (could you placate) pitiless Pluto, who confines the thrice monstrous Geryon and Tityus with the dismal stream (i.e. the Styx), that is, (the stream which) must (lit. is needing to) be sailed across, whoever (we are) who enjoy earth's bounty, whether we shall be kings or poor husbandmen. In vain shall we abstain from blood-thirsty warfare (lit. Mars) and the broken waves of the raucous Adriatic, in vain, in respect of our bodies, shall we fear the harmful South Wind during the autumn (seasons). The black Cocytus, meandering with its sluggish current, and the infamous tribe of Danaus, and Sisyphus, the son of Aeolus, condemned to lengthy toil, must (lit. are needing to) be visited. Your land and your house and your agreeable wife must (lit. are needing to) be left behind, nor shall any of those trees which you are cultivating, except the hateful cypress, follow their short(-lived) master. A worthy heir shall consume your Caecuban (wines), (now) guarded by a hundred keys, and shall stain the pavement with the proud undiluted vintage, more potent than (that served at) the dinners of the pontiffs.

XXIX.   Man passes and is seen no more. 

In this ode Horace compares the transience of human life to the passing of the seasons.

"Odes" IV. vii.  To Torquatus.  Metre: Third Archilochean.

The snows have fled, grass now returns to the fields, and foliage to the trees, the earth runs through (lit. alternates) her changes, and the decreasing rivers glide past their banks; a Grace, with the Nymphs and her two sisters, dares to lead the dances naked. The year and the hour which snatches away the kindly day warn that you should not hope for immortality. (Winter's) colds grow mild with the West Winds, summer tramples upon spring, (itself) doomed to perish as soon as fruit-bearing autumn shall have shed its fruits, and soon winter returns in its sluggishness. Yet the swift moons repair the wastage of the sky: when we have descended (to those regions) where father Aeneas, where rich Tullus and Ancus (have gone before us), we are (but) dust and shadow. Who knows whether the gods above will add tomorrow's hours to today's total? Everything which you will have given to your dear self (lit. soul) will escape the greedy hands of  your heir. When once you shall be dead, and Minos will have made his resplendent judgments about you, Torquatus, not your birth, not your eloquence, not your piety, shall restore you: for neither can Diana free the chaste Hippolytus from infernal darkness, nor is Theseus able to break off the Lethaean chains from his dear Pirithous.  

XXX.  L'Envoi. 

On the publication of his third book of "Odes" in 23 B.C. Horace claims that his poems will be a more lasting memorial of him than a bronze tomb. 

"Odes" III. xxx.  On his own work.  Metre: First Asclepiad.

I have completed a monument (lit. tombstone) more lasting than bronze (and) loftier than the royal site of the pyramids, such as neither a biting storm nor a violent North Wind,  or a countless succession of years and flight of ages can demolish. I shall not all die, and a great part of me will cheat Libitina (i.e. the goddess of funerals). I shall grow ever fresh in the praise of posterity, as long as the pontiff shall climb the Capitol with the silent (Vestal) virgin. I shall be spoken of where the Aufidus (i.e. the river of Apulia which runs through Venusia, Horace's birthplace) roars in fury, and where Daunus (i.e. legendary king of Apulia), poor in water, ruled over rustic people, (as one who) rising from a humble (estate) (was) the first to have conducted Aeolian (i.e. the metres of Alcaeus and Sappho) song to Italian measures. Take the pride (of place) won by your deserts, Melpomene (i.e. the Muse of Tragedy), and kindly garland my locks with Delphic laurel.

 














 

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Monday 23 January 2012

GERUNDS AND GERUNDIVES: EXEMPLIFICATION

Preface:

On 6 March 2010 Sabidius issued on this blogspot a short item concerning the use of Gerunds (verbal nouns) and Gerundives (passive verbal adjectives) in Latin; and on 17 January 2011 he followed this up with an article entitled "Nunc est bibendum", which was a detailed discussion of the controversy concerning whether the "bibendum" in this famous quotation was a Gerund or a Gerundive, and thus the alternative possibilities for its translation. Now, having just completed a translation of Book XXX of Livy's history (see article dated 26 November 2011 on this blogspot), Sabidius has combed this text for all its uses of both Gerunds and Gerundives in order to provide actual examples of these in relation to the possible types of use listed in the article dated 6 March 2010. Each example shown below is identified by the number of the relevant chapter and section where it may be found, and the actual Gerund or Gerundive, and the words used in English to translate it, are highlighted in italics. The English translations shown below are cast in a literal form, and, in the case of Gerundives, these translations reflect the fact that these are passive in voice. However, in his recent translation of Book XXX, Sabidius has rendered most of these Gerundives in an active voice, but with the more literal passive version, as shown below, indicated in brackets.  

A.  GERUNDS (Total 41):

1.  In the Accusative Case:  following the preposition 'ad' to express purpose (2):

12.6. non dari spatium ad cessandum: time is not given for loitering.

16.13.  ad consultandum: for deliberating.

2.  In the Genitive Case:  objective genitive following certain abstract nouns and adjectives (16):

1.5 (x2).  suadendi ac dissuadendi locus esset:  there was an opportunity for persuading and dissuading.

3.7. causa probabilis suis commeandi foret: there should be a plausible pretext for his (emissaries) for going to and fro.

3.10.  spem fecerant ... incendi:  had caused (him) hope of setting fire.

4.6.   omnia visendi ... tempus:  the time to inspect everything.

4.7.  neglegentia ... orta cavendi:  neglect to take precautions arose.

10.19.  transiliendi datum spatium propugnatoribus:  time given to the fighting men for jumping across.

17.6 (x3).  circumeundi salutandique deos agendique grates potestas fieret:  the opportunity should be available ... of going around and paying their respects to the gods and of giving their thanks.

22.5.  potestatem interrogandi ... legatos:  the opportunity of interrogating the ambassadors.

28.8.  nullum propinquum debellandi finem:  no end of the fighting approaching.

29.5.  colloquendi secum potestatem:  an opportunity of holding a conference with him.

33.8.  non causa militandi eadem esset:  no reason for military service was the same.

37.2.  populandique finem:  an end to devastation.

43.7  sibi quos vellent ... redimendi potestas fieret:  the opportunity might occur to them of ransoming (those) whom they wished.  

3.  In the Ablative Case:  instrumental ablative (N.B. in some cases it is possible to see these as  ablatives of manner, or modal ablatives) (22):

8.3 (x2).  succendo ad stationes hostium lacessendoque:  by coming up to the enemy's outposts and challenging (them).

12.8 (x2).  nec quae acta essent promendo ... nec suadendo: neither by revealing what had been done ... nor by persuasion.

13.2.  victoriam suam augendo:  by exaggerating their victory.

18.3.  praeter spem resistendo:  by resisting contrary to expectation.

20.2  vetando supplementum et pecuniam mitti:  by forbidding reinforcements and money being sent.

23.3 (x2).  caedendo exercitus, agros populandi:  by destroying their armies, and by ravaging their lands.

28.5.  senex vincendo factus:  having become elderly by conquest.

28.8.  has formidines agitando animis:  by pondering these apprehensions in their minds.

30.23 (x2).  non statuendo felicitati modum nec cohibendo efferentem se fortunam:  by setting no limit to his success and by not checking a good fortune (which was) carrying him away.

32.5 (x2).  admonendo atque hortando:  by admonition and exhortation.

34.5.  primos caedendo:  by cutting down the men in the front rank.

34.10.  vagam ante se cernendo aciem:  in perceiving the unsteady line in front of them.

42.14 (x2).  nunc purgando crimina, nunc quaedam fatendo:  at one moment by excusing the charges, (and) at another moment by admitting some (of them).

42.14.  nunc monendo etiam patres conscripti:  now by even admonishing the conscript fathers.

42.17 (x2).  plus paene parcendo victis quam vincendo:  almost more by sparing the vanquished than by crushing (them).

4.  In the Ablative Case: after a preposition which takes the ablative (1):

13.9.  eadem haec et Syphax animis in adloquendo victorem: these same (considerations) also gave Syphax courage in addressing the victor. (N.B. This usage of the gerund after a preposition taking the ablative is unusual in that it is followed by a direct object. In practice, a gerundive would normally be used in classical Latin, i.e. in victore adloquendo, in this case. See section B.4.j. below.)

B.  GERUNDIVES (Total 79):

1.  Predicative adjective (passive) used, in respect of a transitive verb, to denote necessity, obligation or propriety (19):

a.  In the Nominative Case (5):

1.5.  seu causa oranda:  whether a legal case a legal case (was) needing to be pleaded. 

4.5.  seu consulendus Hasdrubal et Carthaginienses essent:  or if Hasdrubal and the Carthaginians were needing to be consulted.

14.5.  tibi appetendus visus sim:  I may have seemed to you worthy to be approached.

30.22.  ea habenda fortuna erit, quam di dederint:  that fortune will be needing to be accepted which the gods will have granted.

40.10.  si deportandus exercitus victor ex Africa esset:  if the victorious army was due to be brought back from Africa.

b.  In the Accusative Case (14):

7.7 (x2).  reparandum exercitum Syphacemque hortandum:  that the army (was) needing to be reinforced and Syphax (was) needing to be encouraged.

9.7.  legatos ... ad Hannibalem mittendos:  that delegates (were) needing to be sent to Hannibal.

16.14.  nullas recusandas condiciones pacis:  that no terms of peace (were) right to be refused.

17.2.  regem in custodia Albam mittendum:  that the king was needing to be sent to prison at Alba.

17.2.  Laelium retinendum:  that Laelius was needing to be retained.

23.1.  consulem ... arcessendum:  that the consul ... (was) needing to be summoned.

23.4 (x2).  accipiendam abnuendamve pacem esse: peace was needing to be accepted or needing to be rejected.

23.5 (x2).  iubendosque Italia excedere et custodes cum iis ... mittendos:  and that they (were) needing to be ordered  from Italy, and that guards (were) needing to be sent with them.

26.4.  legatos ad regem ... mittendos: that ambassadors (were) needing to be sent to the king.

31.10.  habendamque eam fortuna quam dei dedissent: that that fortune (was) needing to be accepted that the gods had given.

36.3.  admovendam ... undique terror:  that terror (was) needing to be brought to bear from all sides.

2.  Predicative adjective (passive), used, in respect of an intransitive verb or a transitive verb being employed intransitively, to denote necessity, obligation or propriety. (N.B. This usage is a form of the impersonal passive construction. Some grammatical authorities have considered it to be a case of the gerund rather than the gerundive.) (6):

a.  In the Nominative Case (3):

12.16.  quid Carthaginiensi ab Romano ... timendum sit, vides:  you know what it is necessary to be feared by a Carthaginian from a Roman.

30.18.  maxime cuique fortunae minime credendum est:  it is necessary to be trusted least in respect of each (piece of)  good fortune.

31.3.  sic mihi laborandum est:  it is needing to be endeavoured by me.

b.  In the Accusative Case, as the subject of an indirect statement (3):

21.9.  deis grates agendas:  that thanks (were) needing to be given to the gods.

23.5.  Scipioni scribendum:  that it (was) needing to be written to Scipio.

31.10.  armis decernendum esse:  that it was needing to be decided by (force of) arms.

3.  Predicative adjective used in the sense of a present participle passive. (N.B. This is a survival from early Latin usage.) (1):

a.  In the Nominative Case (1):

16.4.  ex ea regione ex qua oriundi erant:  from that land from which they were sprung.

4.  Attributive adjective (passive) (53): 

a.  In the Nominative Case, with the force of necessity, obligation or propriety (2):

2.5.  Italiae ora ... tuenda:  the coast of Italy needing to be defended. 

45.5.  Polybius, haudquaquam spernendus auctor:  Polybius, an authority by no means suitable to be despised.

b.  In the Accusative Case, as the subject of indirect statement, with the force of necessity, obligation or propriety (2):

37.1.  deos et ius iurandum esse:  that the gods and an oath needing to be sworn (really) do exist.

37.12.  cetera quae abessent aestimanda Scipioni permitti:  that the other things needing to be assessed in value, which were missing, should be left to Scipio.

c.  In the Accusative Case, attached to a noun preceded by the preposition 'ad', and denoting purpose (28):

2.4.  ad tuendam Sardiniam oram:  for the purpose of the coast of Sardinia being defended.

3.3.  ad commeatus intercipiendos:  for the purpose of their supplies being intercepted.

4.6.  ad comparanda ea quae in rem erant: for the purpose of those things which were in his project to be arranged.

5.8.  ad restinguendum incendium: with the purpose of the fire being extinguished.

7.6.  ad tuendam ab exitiali bello patriam: with the purpose of his country being defended from a war of destruction.

9.1.  ad persequendos Syphacem atque Hasdrubalem:  with the purpose of Syphax and Hasdrubal being pursued.

9.5.  ad Hannibalem arcessendum:  for the purpose of Hannibal being summoned.

9.6  ad opprimendam stationem navium:  with the purpose of the squadron of ships being overwhelmed.

12.10.  ad regiam occupandam:  for the purpose of the palace being occupied.

13.3.  ad amicitiam eius petendam: for the purpose of his friendship being sought.

14.4.  ad iugendam mecum amicitiam: with the purpose of a friendship being joined with me.

16.3.  ad pacem petendam: for the purpose of peace being sought.

16.3.  ad ipsum senatum regendum: for the purpose of the senate itself being directed.

16.15.  ad pacem petendam: for the purpose of peace being sought.

18.2.  ad inferenda in hostes signa: with the purpose of charging (lit. their standards being carried  towards) the enemy.

18.12.  ad augendum pavorem ac tumultum:  with the purpose of the panic and confusion being increased.

21.3.  ad conducenda auxilia:  with the purpose of auxiliary troops being hired.

26.2.  ad res repetendas: with the purpose of these matters being redressed.

29.1.  ad reficiendum ex iactatione maritima militem:  for the purpose of his army being revived from the tossing of the sea.

30.3.  ad pacem petendam:  for the purpose of peace being sought.

30.14.  ad tutandam Italiam:  for the purpose of Italy being defended.

31.7.  ad pacem petendam: for the purpose of peace being solicited.

34.4.  ad pellendum hostem: for the purpose of the enemy being repelled.

36.6.  ad contemplandum Carthaginis situm:  with the purpose of the site of Carthage being surveyed.

36.10.  ad delendam Carthaginem: to the purpose of Carthage being destroyed.

37.7.  ad dissuadendam pacem: with the purpose of the peace being opposed.

43.9.  ad foedus feriendum: with the purpose of the treaty being sanctioned (lit. being struck).

45.2.  ad habendos honores: for the purpose of honour being done (to him).

d.  In the Genitive Case, qualifying a noun in the objective genitive (4):

1.10.  non temporis sed rei gerendae fine:  not with a limit of time but of a task being undertaken.

3.4.  Syphacis ... reconciliandi curam: his concern for Syphax being reconciled.

9.5.  rara mentio pacis, frequentior legatorum ... mittendorum:  seldom is there a mention of peace, more frequently (a mention) of delegates being sent.

12.20.  ne quid relinqueret integri ... ipsi Scipioni consulendi:  in order that he might not leave anything fresh to Scipio himself to be resolved.

e.  In the Genitive Case, qualifying a noun in the possessive genitive (1):

9.4.  quae diutinae obsidionis tolerandae sunt:  those things which belong to a lengthy siege being endured.

f.  In the Genitive Case, qualifying a noun preceding the preposition 'causa', and denoting purpose (2):

36.6 (x2).  non tam noscendi ... quam deprimendi hostis causa:  not so much for the sake of the enemy being reconnoitred as (for the sake of it) being humiliated.

g.  In the Dative Case, attached to a noun in the dative of purpose or action contemplated (5):

6.3.  quae restinguendo igni forent:  such things as might be suitable for a fire being extinguished.

8.1.  Uticae oppugnandae intentum:  intent upon Utica being invested.

12.18.  data dextra ... obligandae fidei:  his right-hand having been given for his faith to be pledged.

24.4 (x2).  circumeundis Italiae urbibus ... noscendisque singularum causis:  to the purpose of the cities of Italy being visited and the cases of each individual (city) being enquired into.

h.  In the Ablative Case, qualifying a noun in the instrumental ablative (1):

13.6.  hostis mactandis: by victims being sacrificed.

i.  In the Ablative Case, qualifying a noun preceded by the preposition 'cum' (1):  

7.10.  cum manu haudquaquam contemnenda: with a force by no means to be despised.

j.  In the Ablative Case, qualifying a noun preceded by the preposition 'in' (7):

18.15.  in restituenda pugna:  during the battle being restored.

21.1.  in retinendis iis:  with regard to them being held back.

30.22.  in pace iugenda:  in a peace being made.

34.1.  in re gerenda:  in respect of the battle being fought.

35.10.  in pace impetranda:  in respect of peace being obtained.

38.7 (x2).  in comparanda deducendaque classe:  with regard to his fleet being made ready and being launched.

Epilogue.

As can be readily seen from the catalogue of 41 gerunds and 79 gerundives listed above, Livy makes a thorough and widespread use of these grammatical usages, which are so intrinsic to Latin literature, in Book XXX of his History. In the case of Gerunds, this usage is mainly restricted to objective genitives and instrumental ablatives, which are the two applications where the Gerund can take an object in classical Latin. His one exception to this general rule is highlighted in section A. 4 above.

As is usually the case with Latin authors, Livy's employment of the Gerundive is more common; indeed, there are approximately twice as many Gerundives as Gerunds in Book XXX. There are 29 instances of a Gerundive being used to denote necessity, obligation or propriety (i.e. "must", "ought", or "should"), the quintessential use of the Gerundive, although his use of the impersonal construction, so frequently used by many authors is restricted to only 6 cases. He makes particular use of the formula "ad" + noun + Gerundive to express purpose, which he uses 28 times, and the phrase "ad pacem petendam", i.e. "for the purpose of peace being sought", actually appears four times. Indeed, he makes widespread use of the Gerundive as an attributive adjective, i.e. where it is attached directly to the noun as opposed to being used predicatively as part of the complement of the verb "esse", "to be". In total the Gerundive appears 53 times in Book XXX as an attributive adjective. It is in these instances that the phenomenon of "Gerundive attraction" occurs, i.e. where the Gerundive, and the noun which it qualifies, takes the case that the Gerund would have had, if it had been, or could have been, used instead. In most of the instances where Livy uses the Gerundive, it appears in the Oblique Cases, and thus has no, or very little force of necessity, obligation or propriety. In such cases, when one is undertaking a literal translation, it is easiest to translate a Gerundive as though it were a Present Participle Passive, which usage indeed it seems to have had in early Latin (see section B. 3 above).  

Saturday 31 December 2011

ST ANDREWS UNIVERSITY'S MOTTO

The motto of St Andrews University, "aien aristeuein", "Ever to excel!", is unusual because it is in Greek. It is taken from line 206 of Book VI of Homer's renowned epic poem, the "Iliad", probably first written down in the first half of the Eighth Century B.C. in the new Greek alphabetic script, very possibly designed specifically for this purpose. This quotation is contained in a speech made by Glaucus, the leader, together with Sarpedon, of the Lycian contingent, which came to the assistance of Troy against their Greek assailants. In this speech which he makes to the Greek hero, Diomedes, King of Argos, Glaucus tells of his illustrious ancestry, and, in particular, gives an account of the deeds of his famous grandfather, Bellerophon, the slayer of the dread Chimaera. The University's motto, αἴεν ἀριστεύειν", comes in the midst of the following extract (lines 206-211 of Book VI), which I now read, first in the original Greek verse, transliterated into Roman script, and then in English.

Greek: 

"Hippolochos d' em' etikte, // kai ek tou phaimi genesthai:
pempe de m'es Troiain, // kai moi mala poll' epetellen
aien aristeuein // kai hupeirochon emmenai allown,
maide genos paterown aischunemen, // hoi meg' aristoi
en t' Ephurai egenonto // kai en Lukiai eureiai.
tautais toi geneais te // kai haimatos euchomai einai." 

English:

"Hippolochus begat me, and I declare that I am his son; and he sent me to Troy, and he very often enjoined (upon me) that I should ever excel and be distinguished above others, and not disgrace the stock of my forebears, who were by far the noblest in Ephyra and in broad Lycia. I avow that I am truly of this family and of this blood."

Saturday 26 November 2011

LIVY: BOOK XXX: THE END OF THE SECOND PUNIC WAR

Introduction.


Livy (full name Titus Livius) was born in 59 B.C. and died in 17 A.D., and as such he was one of the foremost literary figures of the Augustan or Golden Age of Latin literature (40 B.C.-14 A.D.). But, whereas this age is renowned for the many famous poets which it produced - Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Propertius and Tibullus - Livy was almost its only prose writer of note. He was born in Patavia (Padua), but came to Rome in 30 B.C., where he seems to have remained for the rest of his long life. During this time he wrote the history of Rome from its legendary beginnings to the death of Augustus' step-son Drusus in 9 B.C. His works were published at intervals and comprised 142 books, of which only 35 books have survived. These include Books I-X, which cover the period from Rome's foundation in 753 B.C. down to the end of the Fourth Century B.C., and books XXI-XLV which cover the period of the Second Punic, or Hannibalic, War (218-201) and then continue Rome's history until the victorious end of the the Third Macedonian War in 168 B.C.  

As with other famous historians of Antiquity, Livy did not write scientific history, that is history which seeks to pursue the truth with impartial objectivity, and as a historian he has many weaknesses. He makes errors of chronology, for which he had little excuse in view of the wealth of state records available to him, and he confuses his sources. Although for his ten books on the Second Punic War (Books XXI-XXX), Livy relies heavily on the more objective Second Century B.C. Greek historian Polybius, he also makes use of much less reliable anecdotes from later Latin annalists, such as Valerius Antias, and Coelius Antipater. But, while his reliablility as a historian depends almost entirely upon the source he is following at each particular moment, he often fails to record whom he is following, and indeed he moves from one source to another without making this clear. Furthermore, his descriptions of battle scenes, despite the dramatic intensity which he evokes, are often hopelessly confused. But Livy's weaknesses as a historian are more than compensated for by his exceptional artistic skills as a writer and moralist. His purpose was both to entertain and to educate. As a Latin stylist, the  quality of his writing is almost unsurpassed, and he has been followed as an exemplar, both by Romans, and later by Europeans in general, as a Latin source in schools and universities. He brings history alive, almost in the way that a historical novelist of today might do. Indeed, there is a romantic quality to his writings, and he sees history as a conflict of personalities - in the case of Book XXX, between Scipio and Hannibal. Particularly remarkable are the rhetorical quality of the speeches which he puts into the mouths of the principal protagonists in his writings. Rhetoric was the basis of Greek and Roman education, and Livy's gifts here were astonishing. In their introduction to the text translated below, Butler and Scullard provide this ringing endorsement of Livy's qualities as a writer: "For he has every gift as a narrator. Other historians both ancient and modern have had a wider outlook, a more philosophical temperament, and a more scrupulously scientific intelligence. For richness and warmth of colour, for sheer eloquence and vividness of presentation, he has never been surpassed."

Apart from his ability to hold his readers spell-bound by the quality of his dramatic reconstructions, there is, however, a serious moral purpose behind his writings. He had a passionate belief in the qualities of the people of Rome, which he saw as the reason behind its phenomenal rise to imperial status. However, having lived his formative years during the chaotic period of the Civil Wars, he was also aware of how seriously the Romans of that time had departed from the much celebrated 'mos maiorum' (the customs of our ancestors), which, in his view, had underpinned the previous prosperity of the Roman people, and, indeed, had allowed them to triumph eventually in the war against Hannibal, despite their earlier overwhelming setbacks. He was strongly attached to the person of the Emperor Augustus, and fully supported his 'back to basics' programme of restoring ancient values. In his writings, therefore, he sought to embue in young Romans a strong sense of moral rectitude, and to inspire them with patriotic fervour by offering them stirring accounts of the Roman heroes of the past. In the preface to his first book, Livy writes as follows about Rome: "... no state was ever greater, none more righteous or richer in good examples; none ever where avarice and luxury came into the social order so late, or where humble means and and thrift were so highly esteemed and so long held in honour. Of late, riches have brought in avarice, and excessive pleasures have created the wantonness and licence to the point of ruin for oneself and destruction for the commonwealth." Livy's purposes, therefore, were moral and patriotic, and, when one takes this into account together with his artistic and stylistic skills as a writer, one can see why his writings provided such a rich seam for the Roman educationalist, and for others subsequently. 

Book XXX is an excellent example of Livy's writing at its best. It is dominated by the titanic characters of Scipio and Hannibal, and their supposed speeches before the battle of Zama (see Chapters XXX and XXXI below) are wonderful examples of the rhetorical brilliance of which Livy was capable. Another highlight, frequently utilised as a source for abridged extracts in Latin source materials, is the extraordinary and tragic love affair between the volatile Moorish prince Masinissa and the Carthaginian 'femme fatale' Sophonisba (see Chapters XII-XV). 

The text of this work translated below comes from the edition published under the Methuen Classical Texts series, edited by H.E. Butler and H.H. Scullard, 1939.


Chapters I-II. New commands and distribution of forces. Prodigies. 203 B.C.


Chapter I.


Gnaeus Servilus (Caepio) and Gaius Servilius (Geminus), the consuls - this year was the sixteenth of the Punic war - , when they brought to the Senate (questions) about the (state of the) republic, the (conduct of the) war and the (assignment of the) provinces, the senators (lit. fathers) decreed that that the consuls should  come to an agreement between themselves, or draw lots, (as to) who should have (as) his province the (land of the) Bruttii against Hannibal, (and) who Etruria and the (land of the) Ligurians; that (he) to whom the Bruttii should fall, should receive his army from Publius Sempronius (Tuditanus): Publius Sempronius - for his  command was also extended for a year (as) a proconsul  -  should succeed Publius Licinius (Crassus Dives); he was to return to Rome, having been highly rated in war also in addition to the other (fields), in which no (other) citizen was considered better equipped at that time. All the advantages of mankind having been heaped (upon him) by nature and by fortune, he was also of noble birth and wealthy; he excelled in appearance and in strength of body, he was considered most eloquent, whether a legal case was (lit. was  needing) to be pleaded, or whether there might be an opportunity of persuading or dissuading in the Senate and before the people; he was very knowledgeable in pontifical law; (and) on top of these things his consulship had made (him) the possessor of renown in war also. What (was decided) in respect of the province among the Bruttii, the same was decreed in respect of Etruria and the Ligurians: Marcus Cornelius (Cethegus), having been ordered to hand over his army to the new consul, himself gained the province of Gaul, with those legions which Lucius Scribonius (Libo) had held in the previous year. Then they cast lots for their provinces:  the Bruttii fell to Caepio, Etruria to Servilius Geminus. Then the provinces of the praetors were put to the lot: (Publius) Aelius Paetus secured by lot the urban jurisdiction, Publius (Cornelius) Lentulus Sardinia, Publius Villius (Tappulus) Sicily, (and) (Publius) Quinctilius Varus Ariminum (i.e. Cisalpine Gaul) with two legions - these had been under Spurius Lucretius. And Lucretius' command (was) extended, so that he could rebuild the town of Genoa destroyed by the Carthaginian Mago. Publius (Cornelius) Scipio's command was prolonged, not with a limit of time but of a task being undertaken, (that is) until there was an end to the war in Africa; and (it was) decreed that a supplication should be made, that, as he had crossed into his province of Africa, this event might prove (lit. be) salutary for the Roman people and for the general himself and his army.

Chapter II.


Three thousand soldiers were enlisted for Sicily, since the pick (of the troops) which that province had had, had been transported into Africa; and, since, before a fleet might cross over from Africa, it had been agreed that the maritime coast of Sicily should be guarded by forty ships, Villius took thirteen new ships with him to Sicily, and the rest (of the ships) in Sicily (were) old ones, having been repaired. Marcus Pomponius (Matho), praetor in the previous year, with his command having been extended, having been placed in command of this fleet, put into the ships fresh soldiers brought from Italy. The senators assigned an equal number of ships to Gnaeus Octavius, likewise praetor in the previous year (N.B. Livy is in error here: Octavius was praetor in 205, not 204), with an equal right of command, in order to defend the coast of Sardinia (lit. for the purpose of the coast of Sardinia being defended): the praetor Lentulus (was) ordered to furnish two thousand soldiers for these ships. And the duty of  defending the coast of Italy (lit. the coast of Italy needing to be protected), because it was uncertain whither the Carthaginians would send their fleet [yet they thought they would attack any (quarter) which was unguarded (lit. bare of protection)], was entrusted to Marcus Marcius (Ralla), praetor in the previous year, with the same number of ships. The consuls enrolled three thousand soldiers for this fleet in accordance with a decree of the senators, and two urban legions for the uncertainties of  war. The Spains were assigned to their former generals, Lucius (Cornelius) Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus with their armies and their authority. In that year the Roman war effort (lit. thing) (was) waged by twenty legions in all, and a hundred and sixty war (lit. long) ships.

The praetors (were) ordered to go to their provinces; orders were given (lit. it was ordered) to the consuls, before they set out for from the city, to celebrate the great games, which the dictator Titus Manlius Torquatus had vowed for the fifth year (after his command), if the republic should remain in the same condition. And prodigies, having been reported from several places, were exciting fresh religious fears in the minds of men. Crows (were) believed not only to have torn with their beaks (some) gold on the Capitol, but also to have eaten (it): at Antium mice gnawed a golden crown: at Capua a huge swarm of locusts filled the whole countryside, to such an extent that there was little agreement (as) to where they had come from: at Reate a foal (was) born with five feet: at Anagnia, first (there were) scattered fires in the sky, then a huge torch blazed: at Frusino a bow encircled the sun with a thin line; then a larger solar halo outside (it) shut in this circle itself: at Arpinum the earth on level ground sank into an immense hole: as one of the consuls was sacrificing (lit. with one of the consuls sacrificing) the first victim, the head of the liver was lacking. These prodigies were expiated by greater victims; the gods to whom sacrifices were made (lit. it was sacrificed) were published by the college of pontiffs.

Chapters III-VI. Operations in Africa. The attack on the camps of Syphax and Hasdrubal.


Chapter III. 


These matters having been completed, the consuls and the praetors set out for their provinces; for all. however, their concern is for Africa, as if having been allotted it (themselves), whether because they saw that the supreme (issue) of affairs and of the war was directed there, or in order to oblige Scipio, to whom the whole state had then turned. And so, not only from Sardinia, as has been mentioned before, but also from Sicily and Spain, clothing and corn, and from Sicily also arms and every kind of supplies were conveyed thither. Nor had Scipio at any time during the winter slackened in respect of the labours of war, many of which beset him simultaneously from all sides: he continued; to  besiege Utica; his camp was within sight of Hasdrubal; the Carthaginians had launched their ships; and they had a fleet prepared and equipped in order to intercept their supplies (lit. for the purpose of their supplies being intercepted). Among these (activitites), he had not even forgotten (lit. sent from his mind) his concern for Syphax to be reconciled, if by (any) chance, satiety of love for his wife had taken hold (of him) on account of much access. From Syphax terms of peace with the Carthaginians (were proposed), such that the Romans would evacuate Africa and the Carthaginians Italy, rather than any hope was proposed of (him) deserting (the Carthaginians), if the war were to continue.   For my own part I should rather prefer to believe that these (negotiations) (were) carried on through messengers - and a greater part of writers are of this view - than that Syphax himself came to the Roman camp for a conference, as Valerius Antias relates. At first the Roman general scarcely allowed these terms to be heard (lit. permitted these terms  to [people's] ears); (but) afterwards, in order that there should be a plausible pretext for his (emissaries) for  going to and from to the enemy's camp, he rejected these same (terms) in a more qualified manner, and  fostered the hope that the matter would be agreed by their constantly discussing (it) on this side and on that side.

The winter-quarters of the Carthaginians, having been constructed from material hastily collected from the countryside, were almost entirely (made) of wood. The Numidians, in particular, (were living) in huts built for the most part with pole-reed and straw, (placed) up and down in no order, (and) some, as in places occupied without orders, were even living outside the ditch and rampart. These (circumstances), having been reported to Scipio, had caused (him) hope of setting fire to the enemy's camp through a (favourable) opportunity.  


Chapter IV. 


With the envoys whom he sent to Syphax, he sent in humble dress (some) senior centurions of proven valour and ability in the position of servants, so that, while the envoys were in conference, they, (while) wandering about the camp, one (in one direction), others (in other directions), might observe all the approaches and outlets, the position and layout of the camp in general and of its parts, where the Carthaginians (and) where the Numidians had (their quarters), (and) how far was the distance between Hasdrubal's camp and that of the king, and, at the same time, that they might enquire into their practice of (placing) outposts and watches, (whether) they were more suitable for surprise attacking at night or by day, and, among the frequent conferences, more and more were sent on purpose, in order that everything might be known to more (people). When the matter, having been frequently discussed, gave both Syphax, and the Carthaginians through him, daily a more certain hope of peace, the Roman envoys declare that they have been forbidden to return to their general unless a definite answer was given: therefore, if his decision was already settled, he should disclose this decision, or, if Hasdrubal and the Carthaginians had (lit. were needing) to be consulted, he should consult (them): that it was time either for peace to be arranged or for the war to be vigorously waged. While Hasdrubal was consulted, and the Carthaginians (by him), the spies had the time for inspecting everything and Scipio (had the time) to arrange those things which were in his project (lit. for the purpose of those things which were in his project to be arranged). And due to the mention and expectation of peace, neglect to take precautions, in order that they should not suffer any hostile (action) in the meantime, arose among the Carthaginians and the Numidians, as (usually) happens. At length, an answer was returned, certain unreasonable conditions having been added through a (favourable) opportunity, since the Roman (general) seemed to desire peace too much, which opportunely provided a pretext to Scipio, (as he was) desiring (this), to lift the truce; and, when he had said that he would refer (the matter) to his council, he responded to the king's messenger the next day, (saying) that with him alone striving vainly for peace, it had seemed good to no one else: so he must report back to Syphax that there was no hope for peace, other than if they had abandoned the Carthaginians (lit. the Carthaginians having been abandoned). So he lifts the truce, so that he can execute his designs with a clear conscience; and, his ships having been launched - it was now the beginning of spring - , he placed his siege-engines and catapults on board, as though he was about to attack Utica; he also sends two thousand men for the purpose of the hill overlooking Utica, which he had occupied before, being taken, (and), at the same time, to divert the enemy's attention from what he was preparing with regard to his management of another project, (and), at the same time (also), lest at any (point) a sortie from the town or an attack on his camp, (which had been) left with a light garrison (only), might be made, when he himself had set out in the direction of Syphax and Hasdrubal.

 Chapter V.


These things having been prepared in advance, and a council having been summoned, and the spies and Masinissa, to whom everything about the enemy was known, having been ordered to speak (about) what discoveries they could report, lastly he himself put before (them) what he was preparing for the following night; he gives (orders) to the tribunes that, when, the council-of-war having been dismissed, the signal had been sounded, they were to lead the legions out of the camp. So, as he had instructed, the standards began to be carried out at around sunset. At about the first watch they formed their column-of-march; at mid-night - for there were seven miles to the journey - they arrived ( lit. it was arrived) at the enemy's camp at a moderate pace (lit. step). There Scipio assigns a part of his forces and Masinissa and his Numidians to (Gaius) Laelius, and orders (him) to attack the camp of Syphax and to throw flames (upon it). Then, each of them having been taken aside, he implores Laelius and Masinissa separately to make good, by their diligence and care, just that amount of foresight as the night deprived (them) of; (he said) that he would attack Hasdrubal and the Carthaginian camp; however, he would not begin before he had caught sight of the fire in the king's camp. This decision did not delay (him) for long: for, when the fire thrown upon the nearest huts took hold, immediately catching (lit. embracing) whichever ones (were) next (to them), and (then those) continuously (connected to them) in succession, it spread (lit. scattered) in all directions throughout the whole camp. The alarm, (that) arose due to the fire spreading so widely during the night, (was) indeed (as great) as would inevitably (have arisen): but, (as) they thought the fire (was) fortuitous, (and) not due to enemy action or connected to the war, having rushed out to extinguish the fire (lit. with the purpose of the fire being extinguished), they fell in with an armed enemy, especially the Numidians, (who had been) placed by Masinissa, due to their knowledge of the king's camp, in convenient locations at the exits to the passageways. The fire engulfed many half-asleep in their beds; many, rushing in headlong flight, some (tumbling) over others, were crushed in the narrow (spaces) of the gateways.

Chapter VI. 

First the watchmen of the Carthaginians, and then others, were aroused by the nocturnal tumult when they had caught sight of the reflecting fire, they themselves also believed, due to the same error, that the fire had arisen accidentally (lit. of its own accord); and the shout, raised amidst slaughter and wounds, (being) confused, took away their understanding of the truth (as to) whether it was (occasioned) from a nocturnal alarm. So each man on his own account rushed unarmed, as (men) by whom nothing hostile had been suspected,  from every gate, for each one from the one which was nearest (to him), carrying (with him) only such things as might be suitable for extinguishing fire (lit. for fire being extinguished), (and ran) into the Roman column. All of these men having been killed, not only due to that enemy's hatred but also lest anyone   might escape (as) a messenger, Scipio at once assailed the gates, (which were) unguarded, as (as to be expected) in such a commotion; and fires having been thrown on to the nearest huts, at first the flames, having spread, shone out, as if scattered in several places, then creeping through the connected (huts), suddenly engulfed everything in one fire. Men and beasts-of-burden, singed (by the flames) blocked the passages of the gateways by their frantic flight, then by the piles (of bodies): (those) whom the fire had not overwhelmed were cut down by the sword, and the two camps were destroyed in the one disaster. Both generals, however, and, out of so many thousands of soldiers, (only) two thousand foot-soldiers and five hundred cavalrymen escaped, half-armed, a large part (of them) wounded and scorched by the fire. Forty thousand men were slain or engulfed by the flames, over five thousand, (including) many of the Carthaginians' noblemen (and) eleven senators, were captured, (as well as) a hundred and seventy four military standards, over two thousand seven hundred Numidian horses; six elephants were captured, (and) eight were destroyed by sword and fire; a great quantity of weapons (was) taken: all of these, having been consecrated to Vulcan, the general burned.


Chapter VII. Panic at Carthage followed by a decision to fight on.


Hasdrubal, in his flight, had made for the nearest city of the Africans (together) with a few men, and thither all (those) who had survived, following (in) the footsteps of their general, betook themselves; (but) then, in fear lest he should be given up to Scipio, he left that city. Soon (afterwards), the gates having been opened, the Romans were received in the same place, nor was anything hostile committed, because they had yielded in respect of their dominion of their own accord. Subsequently, two cities (were) captured and destroyed: their booty and what had been rescued from the fire, the camps having been burned, was handed over to the soldiery. Syphax took up a position in a fortified place at a distance of about eight miles from there: Hasdrubal hastened to Carthage, lest any rather weak (policy) should be adopted through fear (arising) from the recent disaster. At first, such great alarm was induced by this that they believed that, Utica having been let go, Scipio would besiege Carthage forthwith. And so the sufetes convened the senate because among them their power was equivalent to that of the consuls. There there was a contest (lit. [it was] contested) between three (different) opinions: one was proposing (sending) envoys to Scipio concerning peace, the second was for recalling Hannibal in order to defend his country (lit. for the purpose of his country being defended) from a war of destruction, (and) the third was for Roman constancy in adversity: this proposed that the army should (lit. [was] needing to) be reinforced and that Syphax should (lit. [was] needing to) be encouraged, lest he withdrew from the war. This view prevailed, because Hasdrubal, being present, and all the Barcid party preferred war. Thereupon a levy began to be held in the city and the fields, (and) also envoys (were) sent to Syphax, (who was) himself renewing the war with the utmost effort, since his wife had prevailed (on him), no longer by blandishments, as before, but by prayers and by (an appeal to) his pity, imploring (him) not to betray her father and her native city, and to allow Carthage to be consumed by the same flames by which the camps had been set alight. The envoys also brought hope, offered at an opportune (moment), (with the news) that four thousand Celtiberians, fine young men, had met them near a city, Obba by name, having been hired by their own recruiting officers in Spain, and that Hasdrubal would shortly be there with a force by no means to be despised. So, he not only responded favourably to the envoys, but also showed (them) a large number of Numidian rustics to whom he had just (lit. during these same days) been giving arms and horses, and he affirms that he would call out all the young men from his kingdom; he was aware (he said) that the disaster had been experienced due to fire, not battle: (and) that he is the loser (lit. inferior) in war, who is defeated by (force of) arms. This was his response to the envoys, and, after a few days, Hasdrubal and Syphax again joined their forces. That whole army was about thirty thousand armed men.

Chapter VIII. Scipio defeats Hasdrubal and Syphax in a pitched battle at the Great Plains.

A report of warfare having been renewed diverted Scipio, intent upon Utica being invested, and already moving his siege-engines up to the walls, the war already having been brought to an end, as it were, inasmuch as it concerned Syphax and the Carthaginians, and sufficient forces having been left, merely for the appearance of a siege by land and sea, he himself, with the main body of his army, proceeds to go towards the enemy. At first he encamped upon a hill about four miles distant from the king's camp; on the next day, (together) with his cavalry, having moved down on to the Great Plains - they called (it) thus - at the foot of (lit. placed beneath) that hill, he spent the day in light engagements, by coming up to the enemy's outposts and challenging (them). And for the following two days, by disorderly sallies from one side and (then) from the other side, they accomplished nothing sufficiently worthy of mention: on the fourth day, they descended (lit. it was descended) on both sides into battle-line. The Roman (general) stationed his 'principes' behind the front ranks of 'hastati', (and) the 'triarii' in reserve; he placed the Italian cavalry on his right wing, and the Numidians and Masinissa on his left. Syphax and Hasdrubal, the Numidians having been placed opposite the Italian cavalry, and the Carthaginians facing Masinissa, admitted the Celtiberians into the middle of the battle-line confronting the maniples of the legions. Drawn up thus, they join battle (lit. run together). In the first onset, both wings, both the Numidians and the Carthaginians were driven (back): for neither could the Numidians, for the most part rustics, withstand the Roman cavalry, nor (could) the Carthaginians, themselves new recruits likewise, (withstand) Masinissa, rendered formidable, on top of other things, by his recent victory. Stripped of their wings on both sides, the battle-line of the Celtiberians stood firm, because neither was any safety indicated in flight, the ground being unfamiliar (to them), nor was there (any) hope of pardon by Scipio, whom, (despite) his deserving well of them and of their tribe, they had come to Africa, as mercenaries (lit. with hired arms), to attack. So, their enemies surrounding (them) on all sides, falling one on top of  another, they died defiantly; (and) with the whole of (the enemy) concentrated upon them, Syphax and Hasdrubal took advantage of (some) considerable time to escape. Night overtook the victors, exhausted by a slaughter (lasting) longer than the battle.

Chapter IX. Decision at Carthage to recall Hannibal and to attack the Roman fleet. 


On the following day, Scipio sends Laelius and Masinissa, with all the Roman and Numidian cavalry and with the lightly-armed soldiers, in order to pursue Syphax and Hasdrubal (lit. with the purpose of Syphax and Hasdrubal being pursued). He himself, with the main body of his army, takes possession of the towns roundabout, which were all under the sway of the Carthaginians, partly by (inspiring) hope, partly by (inspiring) fear, and partly by force. At Carthage there was indeed a huge panic, and they believed that Scipio, carrying around his arms, all their neighbours having been utterly subdued, would suddenly attack Carthage itself. And so, the walls were repaired and equipped with outworks, and each man, on his own account, carries in from the fields (those things) which belong to the enduring of a lengthy siege (lit. to a lengthy siege being endured). Seldom is there a mention of peace, and more frequently (they talk of) delegates being sent in order to summon Hannibal (lit. for the purpose of Hannibal being summoned); the majority (lit. the greatest part) urge that they should send the fleet, which had been made ready in order that supplies be intercepted, in order to overwhelm the squadron of ships lying off-guard at Utica (lit. with the purpose of the squadron of ships lying off-guard at Utica being overwhelmed): perhaps (it was said) they would overwhelm as well the naval camp (which had been) left with a light garrison. To this plan they were particularly inclined; yet, they vote that delegates should (lit. [were] needing to) be sent to Hannibal: (for they said) even supposing the matter is waged very fortunately by the fleet, the siege of Utica will (only) be relieved in some part: in order to defend Carthage itself, there remained no general other than Hannibal, no army other than Hannibal's. Therefore, ships (were) launched the next day, (and) at the same time delegates set out for Italy. And everything was done in haste, with misfortune stimulating (them), and each man thought (in respect of that [matter]) in which he had slackened that the safety of all was being betrayed by himself.

Scipio, slowly leading (lit. dragging) his army, now weighed down with the spoils of several towns, the captives and the rest of the plunder having been sent to the old camp near Utica, (being) intent now upon Carthage, occupies Tunis, (which had been) abandoned by the flight of its guards. This place is about fifteen miles (lit. thousand paces) distant from Carthage, secure both through its fortifications and its natural position (lit. nature), and (is a place) which can be seen from Carthage and (can) itself afford a view of the city against (the background of) the sea (that) has washed around (it).


Chapter X. The Carthaginian attack on the Roman fleet. 


Then, just at the moment when the Romans were throwing up a rampart, the enemy's fleet was sighted making for Utica from Carthage. Accordingly, the work having been abandoned, a march was ordered, and the standards began to be taken up hastily, lest the ships (which were) turned towards the land and the siege(-works) should be sunk. For how could ships both equipped with nautical gear and armed, carrying catapults and siege-engines, and converted either to employment as transports or brought up to the walls in such a way that they could provide (a means of) ascent in the place of a mound and (boarding-)bridges, withstand an easily manoeuvred fleet?

And so, Scipio, when he came to that place, contrary to what he was accustomed (to do) in naval engagements, the war-ships, which could have provided a protection for the others,  having been withdrawn into a rear line near the land, positioned a fourfold line as a bulwark against the enemy, and linked together these (ships) themselves, so that the lines could not be disrupted in the confusion of battle, their masts and yard-arms having been thrown across from ship to ship and having been lashed one to another (lit. between themselves) by stout ropes, as if by a single cable, and he laid down planks over (them), so that there was a gangway along the whole line of ships, and beneath these bridges themselves he created gaps where the scouting ships ran forward against the enemy and could be withdrawn in safety. These things having been  arranged speedily in proportion to the time (available), around a thousand picked fighting men were placed aboard the transports; a vast quantity of missile weapons are collected, in order that they might be sufficient for a battle, however long. Thus equipped and alert, they were awaiting the enemy's approach.

The Carthaginians, who, if they had made haste, could, in their first attack, have overwhelmed everything (which was) in a state of confusion owing to the disorder of the men hurrying around, having been discouraged by their disasters on land, and as a result not even being confident enough (in themselves) by sea, where they themselves were more powerful, the day having been spent in sailing slowly (around), put in with their fleet at around sunset into a harbour - the Africans call (it) Rusucmon. On the next day, at around sunrise, they draw up their ships in the open sea (lit. the deep), as if for the purpose of a regular naval battle, and as if with the Romans being about to come out against (them). When they had kept their position for a long time, and after they had seen that no movements had been made (lit. nothing had been moved) by the enemy, only (lit. not until) then did they attack the transports. This action was not not at all like a naval engagement, (but) very close to the appearance of ships attacking the walls (of a city).The transports were superior in height; from their war-ships the Carthaginians generally discharged their missiles in vain against a higher position, inasmuch as (they were doing so) with an upward cast; a hit from the transports above is heavier and more forcible from its very weight. Scouting ships and other light vessels, which kept darting through the gaps under the decks of the bridges, were themselves at first sunk by the sheer momentum and size of the war-ships; later, they were awkward for the fighting men as well, because, mingling with the enemy's ships, they often forced (them) to withhold their missiles, through fear lest, owing to their uncertain aim, they might fall upon their own men. Finally, poles fitted with an iron hook at the end - they are called grappling irons - began to be thrown from the Carthaginian ships on to the Roman (ones). Since they could cut neither these (poles) themselves nor the chains by which, having been suspended (from them), they were thrown, whenever a (lit. when each) war-ship, backing water (lit. having been backed astern), would tow a transport held fast by the hook, one might have seen the fastenings, by which one (ship) had been bound to another, broken up, (and) another row of several vessels being towed away together. In this way particularly all the bridges were indeed torn to pieces, and there was scarcely time given to the fighting men for jumping across to the second line of ships. About sixty transports were towed away by their sterns to Carthage. Their rejoicing (was) greater than (what was) in proportion to the facts, but (it was) all the more pleasing, because amongst continual disasters and sorrows one joy, such as it was, had shone upon (them) unexpectedly (lit. from an unexpected [source]), (together) with the fact that it appeared that the Roman fleet had not been far from destruction, (and would actually have been destroyed) if there had not been slackness (lit. if it had not been delayed) by the commanders of their own ships, and Scipio had (not) come to its assistance.

Chapter XI.  Syphax defeated by Laelius and Masinissa. 


During these same days, by chance, when Laelius and Masinissa had arrived in Numidia on about the fifteenth day, the Maesulians, the hereditary kingdom of Masinissa, joyfully submitted to the king, longed for (by them) for a long time. Syphax, his commanders and garrisons having been expelled from there, confined himself within his old kingdom, (but) by no means intending to remain inactive. Love-sick, his wife and father-in-law were stirring (him) on, and there was such an abundance in men and horses that the (military) strength of his kingdom which had flourished (lit. flourishing) for many years could infuse spirits in a mind even less barbarous and uncontrollable (than his). Therefore, all who were fit for war having been collected together (lit. into one [body]), he distributed horses, armour and weapons (among them); he divided his horsemen into squadrons, (and) his foot-soldiers into cohorts, as he had once learned from Roman centurions. With an army not less than what he had had before, but nearly all raw and indisciplined, he proceeds to go towards the enemy. And, his camp having been pitched in their neighbourhood, at first a few horsemen advanced from outposts, scouting from a safe (distance), then, driven off by javelins, they rushed back to their own men; thence, sallies occurred in turn, and, when indignation inflamed those (who had been) driven back, more men came to their help, (something) which is an incitement to cavalry engagements, when either hope in the case of those being victorious, or anger in the case of those having been repulsed, brings  forward  (others of) their own men.

So, on this occasion, the battle having been kindled by a few, in the end zest for combat launches into the fight (lit. pours forth) all the cavalry on both sides. And, while it was a pure cavalry battle, the great number of the Masaesulians, with Syphax sending out huge columns, could hardly be withstood: then, when the Roman infantry by a sudden intervention through their own (cavalry) squadrons, which made way (for them) (lit. giving way [to them]), made the battle-line stable, and frightened away the enemy charging (lit. carrying themselves) wildly at (them), the barbarians at first galloped (lit. let [loose] their horses) at a slower pace, then they halted, and, having been quickly confused by this novel kind of fighting, not only did they yield to the infantry but they did not even withstand the cavalry, (now) emboldened by the protection of infantry. (And) now the standards of the legions were approaching also.  Then, indeed, the Masaesulians could not bear, not only the first attack, but even the sight of their standards and armour: either the memory of previous disasters or their present alarm had so great an effect.


Chapters XII-XV.  Masinissa and Sophonisba.


Chapter XII.


Then, Syphax, while he is riding up to the (cavalry) squadrons of the enemy, (to see) if by shame, (or) if by his own danger, he could stem their flight, having been thrown from his gravely wounded horse, is overcome and captured, and, being likely to provide a welcome spectacle to Masinissa before all (others), is dragged alive before Laelius.

Cirta was the capital of the kingdom of Syphax, and thither a vast number of men betook themselves. The slaughter in that battle was less than (in proportion to) the victory, since it had been fought only as a cavalry battle. Not more (than) five thousand were slain, less than half of those men were captured in an attack made upon the camp, to which very many men, discouraged by their king having been lost, had betaken themselves. Masinissa said that nothing was indeed more pleasing to him at that present moment than to visit (as) victor the kingdom of his forefathers (which had been) recovered after so great an interval; but, as in unfavourable circumstances, so in successful (ones) time is not given for loitering: if Laelius were to allow him to go ahead with the cavalry, and with Syphax in chains, he would overcome everything (that would be) confused due to fear: Laelius (he said) could follow with the infantry in short marches. With Laelius agreeing (to this), (and) having gone ahead to Cirta, he orders the leading citizens of Cirta to be called out to a conference. But among those unaware of the king's misfortunes, he prevailed neither by revealing what had been done, nor by threats, nor by persuasion, before the king in chains has been placed into their sight. Then, a lamentation arose at so shocking a spectacle, and the walls were abandoned by some in panic, (and) the gates were opened by others on the sudden agreement of those seeking favour with the victor. And Masinissa, a guard having been sent around (all) the gates and suitable (locations) along the walls, lest a way of escape might be open to anyone, goes on a horse, (which was) driven at speed, in order to occupy the palace (lit. for the purpose of the palace being occupied).

Sophonisba (N.B. the correct spelling is actually Sophoniba), the wife of Syphax (and) daughter of Hasdrubal the Carthaginian, met him (as he was) entering the forecourt, on the very treshold; and, when she had caught sight of Masinissa in the midst of a column of armed men, conspicuous both by his armour and the rest of his dress, thinking that (he) was the king, a thing which was (the case), (and) clasping (lit. grovelling at) his knees, she said: "The gods and your valour and good fortune have granted that you might indeed have power over everything in our case (lit. in respect of us): but, if if it is permitted to a captive in the presence of the master of her life and death to raise the voice of a suppliant, if (it is permitted to her) to touch his knees, if (it is permitted to her to touch) his right-hand, I pray and beseech (you) by the royal majesty in which we also existed a little time previously, by the name of the race of the Numidians, which was common to you (together) with Syphax, by the gods of this palace here - (and) may they welcome you with better auspices than they sent Syphax hence - may you grant this favour to a suppliant, that, whatever your inclination leads (you to do), you yourself decide concerning your captive, and (that) you do not allow me to come under the haughty and cruel will of any Roman. If I had been nothing other than the wife of Syphax, still I should prefer to make trial of the word of a Numidian and of someone born in the same Africa (together) with myself (rather) than (that) of someone foreign-born and an outsider: you know what a Carthaginian, what the daughter of Hasdrubal, must (lit. what it is necessary for a Carthaginian, what [it is necessary] for the daughter of Hasdrubal to) fear from a Roman. If you can effect (this) by no other means, I beg and beseech that you will, by my death, save me from the will of the Romans." Her beauty was conspicuous and her youth (was) in full bloom: and so, while clasping now his knees, now his right-hand, she besought his promise to this, that she should not be handed over to any Roman, and (as) her speech was closer to blandishments than to prayers, the heart of the victor sunk not only into pity, but, as the race of the Numidians is susceptible to passion, the victor was captivated by love of the captive. His right-hand having been given (to her) as a pledge of his faith (lit. for his faith to be pledged) for that which she was seeking, he goes into the palace. Then, he himself began to ponder (lit. consider with himself) how he might make good the pledge of his promise. As he could not see his way to do this, he borrows from love a reckless and shameful plan: he suddenly orders a wedding to be made ready  for that very day, in order that he might not leave anything fresh either to Laelius or to Scipio himself to be resolved, as though in respect of (her as) a captive who was now married to Masinissa. The marriage having been celebrated, Laelius arrived, and he did not conceal that he disapproved of this act, to such an extent (in fact) that at first he tried to send her, having been dragged from the marriage bed, to Scipio (together) with Syphax and the other prisoners. Then, having been overcome by the entreaties of Masinissa, (who was) begging) that he should refer to Scipio the decision (as) to the fortune of which of the kings Sophonisba should be an addition, Syphax and the other captives having been sent (away), he subdues, with Masinissa helping (him), the remaining cities of Numidia which were held by the king's garrisons.

Chapter XIII.


When it had been announced that Syphax was being brought into the camp, the rank and file poured out, as if to the spectacle of a triumph. He himself in chains went first, and a company of Numidian nobles followed. Then, each man, by exaggerating their victory, added as much as he could to the greatness of Syphax and of his nation: (saying) that he was the king to whose majesty the two most powerful peoples in the world, the Roman and the Carthaginian, had paid such great tribute that Scipio, their own general, his province of Spain and his army having been left behind, sailed to Africa with two quinqueremes in order to seek his friendship (lit. for the purpose of his friendship being sought), (while) Hasdrubal, the general of the Carthaginians, not only came to him himself but also gave his daughter to him to marry. (They said) that he had, at the one time, two generals, the Carthaginian and the Roman, in his power. That, just as both sides had sought favour from the immortal gods by victims being sacrificed, so friendship had been sought from him by both sides equally. Moreover, he had such great power that he reduced Masinissa, (who had been) expelled from his kingdom, by so much, that his life was protected by the rumour of his death, and by the hiding-places of (someone) living in the woods on prey in the manner of wild beasts.

Honoured by these observations of the bystanders, the king was led to Scipio in his headquarters. Both the former good fortune of the man compared to his present circumstances, and the recollection of their guest-friendship and of his right-hand having been given, and of a compact joined in both a public and a private capacity moved Scipio also. These same (considerations) also gave Syphax courage in addressing the victor. For, when Scipio enquired of him why he had wished not only to have rejected a Roman alliance, but further to have waged war, then he confessed that he had indeed done wrong and had been mad, but not only at the time when he had taken up arms against the Roman people; that had been the culmination of his madness, not the beginning: (he says) that when he received the Carthaginian lady into his house, then he lost his reason, then all private guest-friendships and public compacts were banished from his mind. That his palace was set on fire by those nuptial torches, that that fury and pestilence diverted and alienated his mind by all  its blandishments, nor did she rest until she herself, with her own hands, clothed him with guilt-ridden armour against a guest and a friend. Yet, for himself, ruined and crushed (as he was), there was this (element) of consolation in his miseries, that he knows that the same pestilence and fury has transferred into the house and home of his most bitter personal enemy amongst all men. (He says) that Masinissa is neither wiser nor more steadfast than Syphax, (but is) even more rash due to his youth: certainly he has married her (lit. led her [into matrimony]) (even) more foolishly and intemperately than he (himself did).

Chapter XIV.


When he had spoken these (words), not only out of the hatred of an enemy but also out of the goads of love, seeing his beloved in the possession of his rival, he affected Scipio's mind with no slight anxiety. Also, the nuptials having been rushed, almost on the battle-field (lit. among weapons), with Laelius neither consulted nor awaited, conferred credibility on the charges (against Masinissa), and his haste (was) so precipitate, that on the (very) day on which he had seen his enemy captive, he received (her) joined in matrimony to himself, and performed the marital rite in the presence of his enemy's household gods. And these (actions) seemed to Scipio all the more heinous, because the beauty of a captive woman had in no way affected himself (as) a young man in Spain. With him pondering these things, Laelius and Masinissa arrived; when he had received them both in the same way and with a cheerful countenance, and had glorified (them) with the highest praises in a crowded assembly (of his officers), he addressed Masinissa, (who had been) taken aside into a private room, thus: "I suppose, Masinissa, that you, seeing some good in me, both, in the first place, came to Spain in order to join a friendship (lit. for the purpose of a friendship being joined) with me, and, afterwards, in Africa you entrusted yourself and all  your hopes to my protection. And yet, of those things, on account of which I may have seemed to you worthy to be approached, there is no virtue in which I have taken as much pride as in my temperance and in my control over my passions. I would wish you to add this also to your other remarkable virtues, Masinissa. There is no such great danger, (there is) not - believe me - (to men) of our age, (even) from among armed enemies, as from those pleasures surrounding (us) on all sides. (He) who has checked and tamed these things by his own moderation has acquired for himself a much greater distinction and a greater victory than we possess with Syphax having been defeated. I have both mentioned, and I remember with pleasure, what you have accomplished with energy and with courage: I prefer that you yourself should reflect inwardly (lit. with yourself) on those other (matters) rather than blush at me recounting (them). Syphax has been defeated and captured under the auspices of the Roman people. Therefore, he himself, his wife, his kingdom, territory and towns, the people who inhabit (them), in short, whatever has belonged to Syphax, is the booty of the Roman people; and it is proper that the king and his wife should be sent to Rome, even if she were not a Carthaginian citizen, (and) even if we did not see her father (as) our enemy's commander, and that the trial and judgment concerning her, who is said to have alienated an allied king and to have driven (him) headlong into war (lit. arms), should be (the prerogative) of the Senate and Roman people. Conquer your heart: (and) take care (lest) you mar your many good (qualities) by one vice, and spoil the credit for so many good services by a greater fault than is the cause of the fault."      


Chapter XV.


Not only did a blush suffuse (itself) over Masinissa, when he heard (lit. hearing) these things, but tears welled up also; and, when he had declared that he would indeed be under the authority of the general, and he had implored him, in so far as the circumstances allowed, to have regard for his rashly pledged promise - for he had promised that he would hand her over into no man's power  - he withdrew from the headquarters to his own tent in confusion. There, with (any) witnesses having been removed, when he had spent a considerable (amount) of time with frequent sighs and groans, which could easily be heard by those standing around the tent, he calls a trusted (man) out of his slaves, in whose custody was the poison, (kept) according to royal custom to (meet) the uncertainties of fortune, and he bids (him) to carry (it) mixed in a cup to Sophonisba; and, at the same time, to report that Masinissa would gladly have bestowed upon her the foremost promise which a husband owed to his wife: since (those) who have the power have taken away his capacity to perform it, he was bestowing the next (most important) promise, so that she should not come into the power of the Romans: mindful of her father, the general, and of her native-city, and of the two kings to whom she had been married, she should decide for herself. When the servant bearing this message together with the poison had come to Sophonisba, she said, "I accept this wedding gift, nor (is it) unwelcome, if my husband can bestow nothing better on his wife: yet, tell him this, that I should have died better, if I had not married at my funeral." She spoke no more boldly than (the way in which) she drained the cup, (which she had) received, with no sign of agitation. When this was reported to Scipio, him having been summoned at once, lest, sick at heart, the young man might impulsively decide upon something (yet) more desperate, now he consoles (him), now he chides  (him) gently, because he has atoned for (one) rash act by another rash act, and has made the circumstances more tragic than was (it was) necessary (to do). On the following day, in order to divert his mind from its present disturbed state, he mounted upon a platform and ordered that an assembly be summoned. There, Masinissa having been addressed for the first time (as) king and honoured with exceptional praises, he presents (him) with a golden crown, a gold bowl, a curule chair, and an ivory sceptre, and an embroidered toga and a tunic adorned with palm-leaves. He adds a tribute in these words: that (there was) not anything more magnificent among the Romans than a triumph, nor was there an array more splendid to those celebrating a triumph than this, to which the Roman people consider Masinissa, alone out of all foreigners, worthy. Then, he presents Laelius, having been praised also himself, with a gold wreath. Then other men (were) decorated, according as to whatever was the service (which had been) performed. The mind of the king (was) soothed by these honours, and was encouraged in respect of the imminent expectation that, with Syphax having been removed, the whole of Numidia (was) due to be possessed (by him).

Chapter XVI.  Scipio states his terms to the Carthaginians.  


Gaius Laelius, (together) with Syphax and the other captives, having been sent to Rome, while with these Masinissa's envoys set out also, Scipio himself moves his camp back to Tunis and finishes fortifying the defences which he had begun. The Carthaginians, having revelled in a joy not only short-lived but almost unfounded, on account of the fairly successful attack upon the fleet, (but) having been discouraged after the report of Syphax having been captured, (the man) in whom they had reposed almost more hope than in Hasdrubal and their own army, with no advocate of war any longer being listened to, send the thirty chief men among their elders (as) spokesmen in order to seek peace (lit. for the purpose of peace being sought); this was an especially venerable council among them, and a great influence in directing the senate itself (lit. for the purpose of the senate itself being directed). When they arrived at the Roman camp and headquarters, they fell prostrate (on the ground), according to the custom of courtiers - that ceremony having been derived, I suppose, from that land from which they originated (lit. were sprung) (i.e. Phoenicia). Their discourse was suited to such grovelling flattery, not of those excusing their fault, but of those transferring the origin of the fault to Hannibal and the supporters of his power. They craved pardon for a state overthrown twice by the temerity of its citizens, and about to be protected again by the benevolence of its enemy; (they say) that the Roman people seeks power from their conquered enemies rather than their utter destruction. Let him enjoin as he wishes upon those ready to serve (him) obediently.

Scipio says that he has come to Africa with this hope, that he would bring back home a victory, not a peace, and that his hope (has been) increased by a successful outcome of the war: nevertheless, although he has victory almost in his hands, he is not rejecting a peace, in order that all the nations might know that the Roman people both undertake and end wars justly. (He says) that he is announcing these terms of peace: they should restore (all) prisoners of war and deserters and runaway slaves; they should withdraw their armies from Italy and Gaul; they should have nothing to do with Spain; they should depart from all the islands  which are between Italy and Africa; they must hand over all their war-ships except twenty, five hundred (thousand pecks) of wheat, (and) three hundred thousand pecks of barley. There is little agreement (as to) how great a sum of money he imposed; I find in one source five thousand talents, in another source five thousand pounds (lit. in weight [of pounds]) of silver, and in yet another source double the pay required for his soldiers. "Whether peace seems good (to you) on these conditions," he says, "three days will be given (to you) for the sake of deliberation. If it does seem (lit. if it will have seemed) good, make a truce with me, (and) send ambassadors to the Senate in Rome." Having been thus dismissed, the Carthaginians, when they had decided that no terms of peace ought (lit. [were] right to) be refused, since they were seeking a delay in time, until Hannibal should cross over into Africa, sent some envoys to Scipio, in order to make a truce, and others to Rome in order to seek peace (lit. for the purpose of peace being sought), taking (with them) a few prisoners of war and deserters and runaway slaves for the sake of  appearances, so that peace might be more attainable.

Chapter XVII.  Laelius and Masinissa's envoys in Rome.  

Many days before, Laelius, (together) with Syphax and the captive noblemen of the Numidians, came to Rome, and he outlined to the senators (lit. fathers) all the things, one after another, which had been accomplished in Africa, amidst both the great rejoicing of people for the present and (high) hopes for the future. Thereupon, the senators, their advice having been requested, voted that the king ought (lit. was needing) to be sent to prison at Alba, and that Laelius ought (lit. was needing) to be retained until the Carthaginian ambassadors arrived. A thanksgiving for four days was decreed. Publius Aelius (Paetus), the praetor, the Senate having been broken up and an assembly thereupon having been summoned, climbed on to the rostrum with Gaius Laelius. There, hearing that the armies of the Carthaginians (had been) routed, a king with a famous name conquered and captured, (and) the whole of Numidia overrun through an exceptional victory, (the people) could not indeed contain their joy in silence, but displayed their unrestrained rejoicing by shouts and by other (actions) to which the multitude is accustomed. And so, the praetor immediately proclaimed that the temple-guardians should open the sacred shrines in the whole of the city, (and) that the opportunity should be available (lit. occur) to the people throughout the whole day of going around and of paying their respects to the gods and of giving thanks.

On the next day, he introduced Masinissa's envoys to the Senate. Firstly, they congratulated the Senate because Publius (Cornelius) Scipio had successfully conducted matters in Africa; then they gave thanks because he had not only addressed Masinissa (as) king, but he had (also) given effect (to this) by restoring (him) to his paternal kingdom, in which, after Syphax (had been) removed, he would, if it seemed good to the senators thus, rule without fear and strife, (and) then (because) he had decorated (him), (after he had been) highly praised before an assembly (of officers), with the most splendid gifts; in order that he should not be unworthy of these, Masinissa had both given service and would give (such service) further. They requested that the Senate would confirm by a decree the title of king and the other kindnesses and gifts of Scipio: and in addition to these things, if it were not (too) difficult, Masinissa also requested that they would send back the Numidian prisoners of war, who were in custody at Rome: this would be important (for his reputation) among his fellow-citizens. To these (requests) (there was) this response to the envoys: the congratulation of themselves was shared with the king; Scipio was thought to have acted rightly and with propriety in that he had called him king; and anything else he had done, this the senators approved and applauded, which was gratifying to (lit. was [lying] at the heart of) Masinissa. They also decreed what gifts the envoys should carry to the king, two purple cloaks with broaches for each one, and tunics with the broad band, two horses adorned with trappings, two equestrian suits of armour with breast-plates, and tents and military furniture, such as it was the custom for a consul to be provided with. The praetor was ordered to send these things to the king, for the envoys gifts of not less (than) five thousand (asses) for each one, for their attendants a thousand asses each, and two garments for the envoys, one each for their attendants and for the Numidians, who, having been released from custody, were to be restored to the king: in addition t in the fron o this, free lodgings, places (of honour) (and) public entertainments for the envoys (were) decreed.

Chapter XVIII.  Defeat of Mago in North Italy.

In the same summer, in which these (measures) were decreed at Rome and (these operations) carried out in Africa, the praetor Publius Quinctilius Varus and the proconsul Marcus Cornelius (Cethegus) fought a pitched battle (lit. with their standards gathered together) with Mago the Carthaginian. The praetor's legions were in the front of the battle-line: Cornelius kept his (legions) in reserve, having ridden (lit. having been carried on his horse) himself to the front line (lit. the foremost standards); near the two wings, the praetor and the proconsul exhorted the soldiers to charge the enemy (lit. with the purpose of their standards being carried towards the enemy) with the utmost force. After they had not moved the enemy in any way, Quinctilius then (said) to Cornelius: "As you perceive, the battle is happening too slowly, and the enemy's fear is hardened by resisting, contrary to expectation, and there is danger lest it should be converted into boldness. It is necessary that we summon up a cavalry charge, if we wish to shake (them) up and shift (them) from their ground. And so, either do you maintain the battle in the front rank (lit. at the foremost standards), (and) I shall lead the cavalry into battle, or I shall direct the action here in the front line, (and) do you launch the cavalry of the four legions against the enemy." With the proconsul accepting which of the two parts of duty he wished, the praetor, (together) with his son, a spirited young man, whose first name was Marcus, goes to the cavalry, and, (with them) having been ordered to mount upon their horses, he launches (thalling em) suddenly against the enemy. The shouting raised by the legions increased the confusion caused by the cavalry, and the enemy's battle-line would not have stood its ground, if Mago, at the first movement of the cavalry, had not immediately brought into the battle the elephants (which had been) made ready; the horses, terrified by their trumpeting, their smell and their appearance, rendered the assistance of the cavalry ineffective. And, as, mixed up in a crowd, when he could use his lance and his sword at close quarters, the Roman cavalryman was the more effective, so against the cavalry (when it had been) carried far away by frightened horses, the Numidians hurled their lances better at a distance. At the same time, the twelfth legion of infantry, a great part of them having been slain, held their ground through (a sense of) shame rather than though their strength; and it would not have held (it any) longer. if the thirteenth legion, brought up into the front line from the reserve, had not taken up the struggle. Mago also opposed Gauls (brought up) from his reserves against the fresh legion. These having been routed with no great effort, the 'hastati' (i.e. soldiers from the second rank) of the thirteenth legion massed themselves together and charged the elephants, (who were) also now disordering the line of the infantry. When they had thrown their javelins together at these (elephants who had been) densely crowded together, almost no (javelin) had been discharged in vain; four (of them) fell, overwhelmed by wounds. Then, for the first time, the battle-line of the enemy gave ground,  with all the cavalry having charged forward at the same time, when they saw the elephants turned around, in order to increase the panic and confusion (lit. with the purpose of the panic and confusion being increased). But, so long as Mago stood before the standards, (his men, while) gradually retreating (lit. retracing their steps), maintained their ranks and the steady course of the battle; when they saw (him) falling, his thigh having been pierced, and borne away from the battle(-field) almost lifeless, they all turned to flight at once. About five thousand of the enemy (were) killed on that day, and twenty-two military standards captured. Nor was it a bloodless victory for the Romans: two thousand three hundred (were) lost from the praetor's army, much the greatest part from the twelfth legion. From this also (were lost) two military tribunes, Marcus Cosconius and Marcus Maevius. Of the thirteenth legion too, which had been present in the last part of the battle, a military tribune,Gaius Helvius, fell while the battle(-line) was being reinvigorated (lit. during the battle being restored), and twenty-two upper class knights, having been trampled by the elephants, and some centurions perished. And the contest would have been longer, if victory had not been conceded (by the enemy) owing to the wound of their general.

Chapter XIX.  Death of Mago. Events in Italy. 

Mago, setting out during the silence of the following night, the marches along the road having been (as much) lengthened as he was able to endure by reason of his wound, arrived at the sea in the territory of the Ingaunian Ligurians. Here emissaries from Carthage, their ships having brought in to land a few days before in the Gallic bay (i.e. the Gulf of Genoa) came to him, ordering (him) to go across to Africa at the earliest opportunity: (they said) that his brother Hannibal would do this also - for emissaries, ordering the same thing had gone to him too; that the affairs of the Carthaginians were not in such a position, that they could hold Gaul and Italy by (force of) arms. Mago, not only influenced by the command of the senate, but also fearing lest his victorious enemy should be upon (him), if he were to delay (lit. delaying), and (lest) the Ligurians themselves, perceiving that Italy was being abandoned by the Carthaginians, should go over to those in whose power they would soon be, (and), at the same time, hoping that the jolting of his wound would be gentler during a sea-voyage than on the road and that everything would be more conducive to his treatment, (and), with his men having been put into the ships, having set sail, yet Sardinia having been scarcely passed, dies from his wound. Some also of the Carthaginians' ships, having been dispersed in the open sea (lit. the deep), are captured by the Roman fleet, which was around Sardinia. These things (were) transacted on land and sea in that part of Italy which lies near to the Alps.

The consul Gaius Servilius (Geminus), no memorable action having been undertaken in his province of Etruria, and in Gaul - for thither he had gone too - his father Gaius Servilus (Geminus) and Gaius Lutatius (Catulus), who had been taken prisoner by the Boii near the village of Tannetum, having been rescued from servitude after the sixteenth year, returned to Rome, his father flanking (him) on one (side) (and) Catulus on the other side, marked by private rather than by public honour. (A measure) was taken to the people that it should not be to Gaius Servilius (Geminus)'s prejudice that, with his father, who had occupied a curule chair, alive, although he was unaware of this, he had been tribune of the plebs and plebeian aedile against what was sanctified by the laws. This proposal having been passed, he returned to his province.

Consentia, Aufugum, Bergae, Besidiae, Oriculum, Lymphaeum, Argentanum, Clampetia and many humble communities, perceiving that the Carthaginian campaign was waning, went over to the consul Gnaeus Servilius (Caepio), who was among the Bruttians. The same consul fought a battle with Hannibal in the territory of Croton. The story of that battle is unclear. Valerius Antias says that five thousand of the enemy (were) slain; this is such a great event that it has either been shamelessly fabricated or passed over carelessly. Certainly nothing further (was) accomplished by Hannibal in Italy. For to him also came emissaries from Carthage, recalling (him) to Africa at the same time (lit. in those [same] days), by chance, as (lit. in which) they came to Mago.

Chapter XX.  Hannibal evacuates Italy. 

It is said that he heard the words of the emissaries (while) gnashing his teeth and groaning and scarcely holding back his tears. After they delivered their instructions, he says: "They are recalling (me) no longer indirectly but openly, (they) who, by forbidding reinforcements and money being sent, have been trying to drag (me) back for a long time now. So the Roman people, so often cut to pieces and put to flight, have not conquered Hannibal, but the Carthaginian senate by its carping and envy. Nor will Publius Scipio exult and glory (lit. raise himself up) so much as Hanno, who has crushed our house, since he could not (do it) by (any) other means than the ruin of Carthage."

Already, foreseeing this in his mind, he had prepared his ships in advance beforehand. Accordingly, the useless crowd among his soldiers having been distributed under the pretence of garrisons among the towns of the territory of Bruttium, a few of which were being held by fear rather than by loyalty, he transported what was the pick of (lit. among) his army to Africa, many men of the Italian race, since, saying that they would not follow (him) to Africa, they had withdrawn to the shrine of Juno Lacinia, undesecrated until that day, having been foully killed within the temple itself. They say that rarely has anyone else, leaving his native-land to go into (lit. for the sake of) exile, departed so sorrowfully as Hannibal, going away from his enemy's land; he looked back frequently at the shores of Italy, (and), accusing both gods and men, he called down curses upon himself also and upon his very own head, because he had not led his army, blood-stained from their victory at Cannae, to Rome; Scipio, who (as) consul, had not seen a Carthaginian enemy in Italy, (had) dared to go to (attack) Carthage: he, a hundred thousand armed men having been slain at Trasimene or Cannae, had become enfeebled around Casilinum, Cumae and Nola. Accusing (himself), and complaining, of these things, he was dragged away from his long occupation of Italy.
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Chapters XXI-XXIII.  The Carthaginian envoys in Rome.

Chapter XXI.

At Rome it was reported that both Mago and Hannibal had set sail. Both the fact that their generals seemed to have too little either of courage or of strength with regard to them being held back, since this had been ordered by the Senate, and the fact that they were anxious (as to) how the campaign would turn out, with the whole weight of the war depending on one army and (one) general, diminished the delight in this two-fold rejoicing. During these same days, envoys from Saguntum arrived, bringing (with them) (some) Carthaginians, who had crossed into Spain in order to hire auxiliary troops (lit. with the purpose of auxiliary troops being hired), (and who had been) seized together with their money. They deposited in the forecourt of the Senate House two hundred and fifty (pounds) of gold (and) eighty pounds (lit. in weight [of pounds]) of silver. The men having been received and confined in the prison, (and) the gold and silver having been returned, thanks (were) given to the envoys, and in addition presents (were) given (to them), as well as ships, by which they might be returned. Then mention was made by the older (members) that men recognised blessings more slowly than misfortunes; they recalled how great was the alarm and the panic in respect of Hannibal's passage into Italy; since then what disasters, what sorrows they had encountered! The enemy's camp had been visible from the walls of the city: what prayers there had been from individuals and from the whole community! How often in their deliberations had the voices of (men), stretching their hands to heaven, been heard (to say), oh, would that day ever come (lit. be) in which they should behold Italy clear of enemies, flourishing in a blessed peace! (They said) that the gods had at length granted that (favour), (but) not until the sixteenth year, nor was there (anyone) to propose that thanks should be given to the gods: to such an extent do men not welcome gratefully a blessing when it has come (lit. coming), not to mention the fact that they are (little) enough mindful of a past (blessing). Then the cry was raised (lit. it was shouted) from every part of the Senate House that Publius Aelius (Paetus), the praetor, should put the matter (to the House); and it was resolved that for five days thanks should be offered (lit. it should be supplicated) around all the festal couches, and that a hundred and twenty full-grown victims (lit. victims of the larger kind) should be sacrificed.

Laelius and the envoys of Masinissa having been dismissed, when it had been reported that that the ambassadors of the Carthaginians, coming to the Senate concerning peace, (had been) seen at Puteoli, (and) would be coming thence by land, it was agreed that Gaius Laelius should be recalled and that the discussions about peace should take place (lit. it should be discussed about peace) in his presence. Quintus Fulvius Gillo, a legate of Scipio, conducted the Carthaginians to Rome: to them, having been forbidden to enter the city, hospitality (was given) in the Villa Publica, and (a hearing) of the Senate was granted at the Temple of Bellona.

Chapter XXII.

They delivered almost the same speech as (they had) before Scipio, shifting all the blame for the war from public policy to Hannibal; (they declared) that he had crossed not only the Alps but also the Ebro without orders from their senate, and that he had waged war not only on the Romans but also on the Saguntines previously on his private initiative; that, if anyone were to view (the matter) properly, the treaty of the senate and people of Carthage with the Romans was unbroken up to that day. Accordingly they had been mandated (lit. it had been mandated to them) to seek nothing other than that it should be permitted (to them) to remain in that peace(-treaty) which had been made with the consul (Gaius) Lutatius (Catulus) (i.e. in 241 B.C.) When the praetor, in accordance with custom having been handed down, had given to the senators the opportunity of interrogating the ambassadors, if anyone wished (to ask) anything, and the older (members) who had been present at these treaties asked, some (one question), (others) another, and the ambassadors kept on saying that they did not remember on account of their age - and, as a matter of fact, they were almost all (of them) young men - the cry arose (lit. it was shouted) from every part of the Senate House that, due to Punic trickery, (men had been) chosen to seek a renewal of the old treaty, which they  did not remember themselves.

Chapter XXIII. 

Then, the ambassadors having been removed from the Senate House, opinions began to be asked. Marcus Livius (Salinator) moved that the consul Gaius Servilius (Geminus), who was the nearer, should (lit. was needing to) be summoned, so that the discussions about peace might take place (lit. it should be discussed about peace) in his presence; since consultation could not occur concerning a more important matter than  this was, it did not seem to him that this matter could be discussed sufficiently in accordance with the dignity of the Roman people with one or both of the consuls being absent. Quintus (Caecilius) Metellus, who had been consul three years previously, and dictator, (said): since Publius Scipio, by destroying their armies and by ravaging their land, had driven the enemy into such a necessitous state that they were seeking peace (as) suppliants, and (since) no one out of all the world (lit. everyone) could calculate more accurately with what intent that peace was being sought, than (he) who, at that very moment, was waging war before the gates of Carthage, peace should (lit. was needing to) be accepted or (lit. was needing to be) rejected on the advice of no one other than Scipio. Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who had twice been consul, sought to prove that they had come (as) spies not envoys, and that they should  (lit. were needing to) be ordered to depart from Italy and that guards should (lit. were needing to) be sent with them as far as the ships, and that written instructions should be sent (lit. it  [was] needing to be written) to Scipio that he should not let up on the war (effort). Laelius and Fulvius added that Scipio also had based his hope for peace having been put in place on the supposition that Hannibal and Mago would not be recalled from Italy; (he considered) that the Carthaginians would pretend all kinds of things, while they awaited (lit. awaiting) these generals and their armies; then, forgetful of (any) treaties, however recent, and all the gods, they would proceed with the war. (Accordingly there was) a division (all) the more in favour of Laevinus' motion. The ambassadors (were) dismissed, with peace unachieved and almost without an answer.

Chapter XIV.  Incidents in Italy. The Carthaginians break the truce.

During those days, the consul Gnaeus Servilius (Caepio), not doubting but that the glory of Italy having been pacified was his prerogative (lit. in the possession of himself), as if pursuing a Hannibal having been driven out by him, crossed (over) to Sicily, intending to cross to Africa also. When this was noised abroad in Rome, the senators had, at first, voted that the praetor should write to the consul that the Senate thought (it) proper that he should return to Italy; then, when the praetor declared that he would scorn his letter, Publius Sulpicius (Galba), having been appointed dictator for this very (purpose), recalled the consul to Italy by virtue of his superior authority. (Together) with Marcus Servilius (Geminus), his master of the horse, he devoted the rest of the year to the purpose of the cities of Italy, which had been estranged by the war, being visited, and the cases of each individual (city) being enquired into.

During the period of the truce also, a hundred transport ships with supplies, (sent) from Sardinia by the praetor Lentulus with an escort of twenty war-ships (lit. beaked [ships]), transferred to Africa, the sea (being) safe from the enemy and from storms. Gnaeus Octavius did not have (lit. there was not to Gnaeus Octavius) the same good fortune, as he crossed (lit. crossing) from Sicily with two hundred transport ships (and) thirty war (lit. long) ships. The wind at first failed (him), (after he had been) carried by a favourable  passage almost within sight of Africa, then, having shifted into a south-westerly, it disrupted and scattered his ships in all directions. He himself with the war-ships (lit. beaked [ships]), having struggled through adverse waves by the mighty efforts of his oarsmen, reached the promontory of Apollo: the greatest part of the transports were carried down to Aegimurus - this island shuts in from the open sea (lit. the deep) the bay in which Carthage is sited, (and is) about thirty miles from the city - , (and) the rest to the Hot Baths opposite the city. Everything was within the sight of Carthage. Accordingly, a crowd was assembled (lit. it was assembled) in the forum from every part of the city: the magistrates called the senate, (and) the people protested in the forecourt of the senate house lest such great booty should be lost from their sight (lit. eyes) and grasp (lit. hands). Although some put forward (in argument) the obligations of the peace having been solicited, (and) others (the obligations) of the truce - for the period had not yet expired - , it was agreed by an assembly of senate and people, almost (equally) mixed, that Hasdrubal (N.B. an admiral, and not the general and father of Sophonisba) should take a fleet of fifty ships to Aegimurus, (and) thence gather up the Roman ships scattered along the coast and its ports. First the transport ships from Aegimurus, then those from the Baths, having been abandoned by the flight of their sailors, were towed by their sterns to Carthage.

Chapter XXV.  Carthaginian attack on Roman ambassadors. Hannibal lands in Africa.

The ambassadors had not yet returned from Rome. Nor was it known what was the decision of the Roman Senate concerning war and peace, nor yet had the period of the truce expired: Scipio, thinking the outrage the more unworthy in that both the hope of peace and the sanctity of the truce had been violated by those who had sought peace and a truce, immediately sent Lucius Baebius, Marcus Sergius, (and) Lucius Fabius (as) ambassadors to Carthage. When they had been nearly injured by the jostling of a mob, and they did not perceive that their return would be (any) safer, they requested from those magistrates, by whose help violence had been prevented, that they should send ships to escort them. When the two triremes, (which had been) furnished, reached the river Bagradas, from where the Roman camp could be seen, they returned to Carthage. The Carthaginian fleet was holding its station neat Utica. From this (fleet) three quadriremes suddenly attacked, from the sea(ward side), a Roman quadrireme (as it was) rounding the promontory - whether owing to a message that this should be done having been sent secretly from Carthage, or with Hasdrubal, who was in command of the fleet, having ventured the enterprise without (any) public complicity. But they could neither ram (it) with their beaks, as it slipped away (lit. slipping away) (from them) by its speed, nor (could) the armed men jump across from the lower (vessels) on to a higher ship, and she was brilliantly defended as long as their missiles were in full supply. With these failing nothing could now have protected it other than the proximity of the land and the large number of men having poured out of the camp on to the shore. For when they had launched (it) against the land, having been driven on by the oars with the greatest impetus that they could (provide), only the ship having become a loss, they themselves escaped unharmed. Thus, when the truce had been without doubt broken by one crime on top of another, Laelius and Fulvius arrived from Rome (together) with the Carthaginian ambassadors. When Scipio had said to them that, although not only had the sanctity of the truce been violated, but also the law of nations in respect of the envoys, yet he would, in their case, do nothing unworthy either of the traditions of the Roman people or of his own character, the ambassadors having been dismissed, he prepared for war.

With Hannibal now approaching land, when one of the sailors, (who had been) ordered to climb up the mast  in order to make out what region they were coming to, had said that the prow was pointing towards a ruined tomb, he, deprecating an unfavourable omen, (and) the helmsman been having ordered to sail past, brought his fleet in at Leptis, and disembarked his troops there.

Chapter XXVI.  Other events of the year 203 B.C.

These things (were) done in this year in Africa: the following (events) overlap into that year in which Marcus Servilius (Geminus), who had, at that time, been master of the horse, and Tiberius Claudius Nero became consuls. But at the end of the previous year, when envoys of allied cities in Greece had complained that their lands (had been) ravaged by the king's forces, and that their envoys, having set out for Macedonia in order to demand satisfaction (lit. for the purpose of these matters being redressed), had not been admitted into the presence of King Philip, (and), at the same time, had brought word that four thousand soldiers, with Sopater (as) their commander, were said to have been taken across into Africa to serve as a reinforcement for the Carthaginians, and that a considerable amount of money (had been) sent together (with them), the Senate resolved that ambassadors should (lit. were needing to) be sent to the king to inform (him) that these acts were considered by the senators (to be) contrary to the treaty. Gaius Terentius Varro, Gaius Mamilius (Atellus) and Marcus Aurelius (Cotta) (were) sent. Three quinqueremes (were) assigned to them.

That year was (made) remarkable by a huge fire, by which the Publician hill was burnt to the ground, and by the size of the floods, but (also) by the cheapness of grain, not only because all of Italy had been opened up by the peace, (but) also because Marcus Valerius Falto and Marcus Fabius Buteo, the curule aediles, distributed to the people, street by street, at (the rate of) four asses a peck, a great quantity of corn (which had been) sent from Spain.

In the same year, Quintus Fabius Maximus (Verrucosus Cunctator) dies at an advanced old age (lit. at an age when his active life had been completed), if indeed it is true that he had been an augur for sixty-two years, as some assert (lit. as some are witnesses). He was a man, unquestionably worthy of that very grand surname, even if it began as a new (name) with him. He surpassed the honours of his father (N.B. actually his grandfather), (and) equalled (those) of his grandfather (N.B. actually his great-grandfather). His grandfather Rullus (was) distinguished by greater victories and battles: but (having) Hannibal (as) his sole antagonist can make everything equal. However, he (was) regarded more (as) a cautious man than an active one; and, just as you may doubt whether he was the delayer by disposition or because (that title) was particularly suited to the war which he was waging in such a way at that time, so nothing is more certain than that one man restored our state  by delaying, just as Ennius says. In his place (as) an augur his son (N.B. actually it was his grandson), Quintus Fabius Maximus, (was) installed; in the place of the same man (as) pontiff - for he held two priesthoods - Servius Sulpicius Galba (was installed).

The Roman Games were celebrated for one day, (and) the Plebeian (Games) (were celebrated) completely for three days by the aediles Marcus Sextius Sabinus and Gnaeus Tremellius Flaccus. Both these men were elected praetors, and with them Marcus Livius Salinator and Gaius Aurelius Cotta. Conflicting authorities bring it about that it is uncertain whether the consul Gaius Servilius (Geminus) held the elections (lit. the assembly [for the elections]) of that year, or Publius Sulpicius (Galba), having been nominated dictator by him, because (affairs) had detained him in Etruria, (as he was) holding enquiries, in accordance with a resolution of the Senate, concerning the conspiracies of the leading (inhabitants).

Chapter XXVII.  New commands and distribution of forces. 202 B.C.

At the beginning of the following year, Marcus Servilius (Geminus) and Tiberius Cladius (Nero), the Senate having been summoned to the Capitol, brought (to it the question) about (the assignment of) the provinces. They wanted Italy and Africa in the lots to be cast, both desiring Africa; but with Quintus (Caecilius) Metellus making especial efforts, Africa was neither withheld nor (yet) allocated. The consuls (were) instructed to arrange with the tribunes of the plebs that, if it seemed good to them, they should ask the people whom they wished to conduct the war in Africa. All the tribes appointed Publius (Cornelius) Scipio (to conduct the war). Nevertheless, the consuls put to the lot the province of Africa - for so the Senate had decreed. Africa fell to the lot of Tiberius Claudius (Nero), with the instructions that he should take across to Africa a fleet of fifty ships, all (of them) quinqueremes, and that he should be a commander with authority equal to (lit. with) Publius (Cornelius) Scipio. Marcus Servilius (Geminus) received Etruria by lot. In the same province also command (was) extended in the case of Gaius Servilius (Geminus), in case it were agreed by the Senate that the consul should remain near the city. In respect of the praetors, Marcus Sextius (Sabinus) received Gaul by lot, with instructions that Publius Quinctilius Varus should hand over to him his two legions; Gaius Livius (Salinator) (received the land) of the Bruttians with the two legions which Publius Sempronius (Tuditanus) had commanded (as) proconsul of the previous year; Gnaeus Tremellius (Flaccus) (was allotted) Sicily, so that he received the province and its two legions from Publius Villius Tappulus, the praetor of the previous year; Villius (as) propraetor was to defend the coast of Sicily with twenty war (lit. long) ships (and) a thousand soldiers. Marcus Pomponius (Matho) with the remaining twenty ships was to transport five hundred soldiers back to Rome; the urban (jurisdiction) fell to Gaius Aurelius (Cotta). With regard to the rest (of the praetors) their commands (were) extended according as each was holding their (respective) provinces and armies. The empire was defended by no more than sixteen legions that year, And, so that they might begin everything and carry (it) on with the gods having been placated, inasmuch as, with Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Titus Quinctius (Crispinus) (being) consuls (i.e. in 208 B.C.), the dictator Titus Manlius (Torquatus) (had vowed) games, and inasmuch as he had vowed victims of the larger kind, if the republic should have been in the same condition for a period of five years, (it was ordered) that the consuls should celebrate those games before setting out to war. The games were celebrated in the Circus for five days, and the victims were sacrificed to the gods to whom they (had been) vowed.

Chapter XXVIII.  Hopes and fears at Rome.

Meanwhile (lit. among these things) both hope and anxiety were growing daily; nor could it be agreed with enough certainty in (men's) minds whether it was a fit (subject) for rejoicing that Hannibal, departing from Italy after the sixteenth year, had left its possession free to the Roman people, or, because he had crossed into Africa with his army intact, (it was) more (a matter) to be feared; assuredly (they thought) the place (had) changed, (but) not the danger; Quintus Fabius (Maximus Verrucosus Cunctator), the prophet of this very great struggle, who had recently died, was wont to predict, not without reason, that Hannibal would be an (even) more formidable foe in his own country than in a foreign (one). Nor would Scipio have to deal (lit. would there be business for Scipio) either with Syphax, a king, whose armies that camp-follower Statorius was accustomed to lead, or with Hasdrubal, a general all too ready to flee, or with hastily raised armies, suddenly gathered from a semi-armed mob of rustics, but with Hannibal, born almost in the headquarters of his father, the bravest of generals, reared and brought up amidst arms, at one time a boy soldier, a general (when) scarcely a youth, who, having become elderly by conquest, had filled Spain, Gaul (and) Italy from the Alps to the Straits (of Messina) with the monuments of his great deeds. He was leading an army contemporary with his own campaigns (lit. payments), hardened by the endurance of every kind of hardship, such as there can scarcely be a belief that men could have endured, steeped a thousand times in Roman blood, (and) bearing the spoils not only of soldiers but also of generals. (There were) many men about to encounter Scipio on the battle-line, who had, with their own hands, slain Roman praetors, generals and consuls, (who had been) decorated with crowns for scaling walls and ramparts, (and who had) wandered through captured camps and captured cities of the Romans. The magistrates of the Roman people did not have (lit. There were not to the magistrates of the Roman people) today so many fasces as Hannibal could carry before (him), captured through the slaughter of generals.

By brooding (lit. pondering in their minds) on these apprehensions, they themselves increased their anxieties and fears, even (more) because, while they had been accustomed, for many years, to the waging of war before their eyes in one part of Italy and (then) in another, with faint hope, (and) with no end of the fighting approaching, Scipio and Hannibal had excited the minds of all, as generals prepared for the ultimate contest. Even those, whose faith in Scipio, and hope of victory, was huge, the more they were intent in their minds upon its imminence, the more intense were their anxieties. Nor was there a dissimilar state of mind among the Carthaginians, to whom, at one moment, (when) contemplating Hannibal and the magnitude of the things achieved by him, it was a source of regret that they had sought peace, (and) at another moment, when they considered that they had twice been defeated on the field of battle, that Syphax (had been) captured, that they had been driven from Spain, (and) driven from Italy, and all these things (had been) accomplished on account of the valour and strategy of Scipio alone, they looked upon him with dread as if (he were) a commander marked out by fate (and) born for their destruction.

Chapter XXIX.  The advance to the battlefield. 

Hannibal had by this time arrived at Hadrumetum, from where, a few days having been spent in order to revive his soldiers (lit. for the purpose of his soldiers being revived) from the tossing of the sea, (and) aroused by alarming messages of (men) reporting that all places around Carthage were being held by armed troops, he hastened to Zama by forced (lit. great) marches. Zama is a march of five days distant from Carthage. When scouts having been sent forward from there, (and) having been intercepted, were led by their Roman guards before Scipio, he ordered that they, having been handed over to the military tribunes and having been told to view everything without fear (lit. with fear having been abandoned), should be conducted through the camp as they wished; and, having questioned (them) as to whether they had sufficiently explored everything at their convenience, he sent (them) back to Hannibal, with (men) having been provided to escort (them). Hannibal, indeed, heard nothing of the (circumstances) which were reported (to him) with a joyous mind - for they brought word that Masinissa with six thousand infantry and four (thousand) cavalry had arrived as well on that very day, (but he was) especially shocked by the confidence of the enemy, which was certainly not conceived without good reason (lit. from nothing). Accordingly, although he was himself both the instigator (lit. the cause) of the war, and had, by his arrival, upset both the truce (which had been) struck and the hope of treaties, yet, thinking that more favourable (terms) could be obtained if he sought peace (with his strength still) unimpaired, he sent a messenger to Scipio in order to create an opportunity of holding a conference with him. Whether he did this of his own accord or through public policy, I have no grounds (as to) why I should affirm either. Valerius Antias relates that he, having been defeated by Scipio in a first engagement, in which twelve thousand armed men were slain in battle, (and) one thousand and seven hundred captured, came (as) an envoy with ten other envoys to Scipio in his camp. Be that as it may, when Scipio had not refused a conference, both generals by agreement (lit. in accordance with a plan) moved his camp forward so that they could meet from a nearby (location). Scipio encamped not far from the city of Naraggara in a place both suitable in other respects and (where) there was a watering place within range (lit. the throw) of a javelin. Hannibal occupied a hill at a distance of four miles from there, safe and convenient in other respects, except that there was a somewhat distant watering place. There in between both camps (lit. in the middle [space]) a place (was) chosen, visible from all sides, so that there might not be any ambush.

Chapter XXX.  The speech of Hannibal.

Their armed men having been withdrawn by an equal distance, they met with one interpreter each, (being) not only the greatest leaders of their own age but equal to any of the kings and commanders of all nations in all history before them. For a short time, within sight of one another, they were silent, almost dumbfounded by mutual admiration. Then Hannibal (spoke) first (thus): "If it was ordained thus by fate (from the beginning) that I who began the war (lit. who [was] the first to make war) upon the Roman people, and who have had the victory so often in my grasp (lit. hands), should, (as) that man, come voluntarily in order to seek peace (lit. for the purpose of peace being sought), I rejoice that you have been especially granted to me by lot (as the man) from whom I should seek (it). Moreover, amongst your many brilliant (achievements) it will not (be found to) have been amongst the least of your distinctions that Hannibal to whom the gods had granted victory over so many Roman generals, should have yielded to you, and that you should have put an end to this war, (which has been) remarkable for your disasters rather than for ours. Moreover, fortune will (be found to) have brought forth this freak of chance, that, whereas I took up arms with your father (as) consul, (and) I first joined battle (lit. gathered my standards together) with the same general, I should come, unarmed, to his son for the sake of peace being sought. It would, indeed, have been far better for such a disposition to have been granted to our forefathers that you (would have been content with power) over Italy and we should have been content with power over Africa: for not even to you are Sicily and Sardinia a sufficiently fit price in proportion to so many fleets, so many armies, (and) so many (and) such distinguished generals having been lost. But past (events) can more (easily) be censured than set aright. We have (both) sought to appropriate other men's possessions  with the result that we have had to fight for our own (possessions), and not only have you had a war in Italy and we in Africa (lit. and not only has there been a war to you in Italy and to us in Africa), but you have beheld the standards and arms of your enemy almost in your gates and (on) your walls, and we have distinctly heard the din of a Roman camp from (the walls of) Carthage. What therefore we should especially deprecate but you should wish for before everything, there is a discussion (lit. it is being discussed) about peace at a time when your fortune (is) better. We (who) are discussing (it are) those who, whatever we have discussed our states will ratify (lit. will keep the decision). We only need (lit. there is only a need for us) to have a disposition not shrinking from peaceful counsels.

As far as it pertains to me, now returning (as) an old man too my native-land whence I set out (as) a boy, now favourable (circumstances), now adverse (circumstances) have so schooled (me) that I prefer to follow reason (rather) than fortune: (but) I fear both your youth and your constant good fortune, both of which things are more impetuous than quiet counsels need (lit. than there is a need for in respect of quiet counsels). Hardly ever (lit. not easily) does he, whom fortune has never deceived, reflect upon the uncertainties of chance. What I was at Trasimene (and) at Cannae, you (are) that today. Your command having been received (when) scarcely yet at the age of military service, fortune has nowhere deceived (you when) undertaking everything with great boldness. Having avenged the death of your father and your uncle, you have snatched from the disaster of your house the distinguished honour of outstanding valour and piety; you have recovered the lost Spanish (provinces), four Carthaginian armies having been driven thence; having been elected consul, when the rest had (lit. there was to the rest) too little courage to defend Italy (lit. for the purpose of Italy being defended), having crossed into Africa, two armies having been destroyed here, two camps at the same time having been captured and burned at the same hour, Syphax, a most powerful king having been captured, (and) so many towns of his kingdom and of our dominion having been seized, you have dragged me away, clinging to the possession of Italy now for the sixteenth year. The mind can prefer victory (rather) than peace. I know that aspiration (which is) great rather than useful: on me too such a fortune once shone. But, if in favourable circumstances the gods can grant (us) sound judgment also, we should reflect upon not only those things which have happened, but also (upon) those things which can happen. Although you may forget everyone else, I am a sufficient proof in respect of all misfortunes, (I), whom you had seen not long ago, my camp pitched between the Anio and your city, my standards advancing and now almost scaling the walls of Rome, (but), at this point, having been deprived of two brothers, the bravest of men and the most eminent of generals, you see before the walls of my native-city, (already) almost besieged, deprecating those things on behalf of my own (city) by which I terrified your city.

It is necessary for each (piece) of the greatest good fortune to be trusted least (lit. It is necessary to be trusted least in respect of each [piece of] good fortune) : amidst your favourable affairs and our doubtful (ones), peace to you granting (it) is splendid and handsome, (but) to us soliciting (it) it is more necessary than honourable. A certain peace is better and safer than an expected victory; the former is in your hands, the latter in the gods'. Do not expose the good fortune of many years to the hazard of a single hour; when you (consider) your strength, then put before your mind the power of chance and the shared uncertainty of war. On both sides there will be arms, on both sides there will be human bodies: nowhere less than in war do events correspond to (men's) expectations. If you were to be victorious in battle, you will not add not so much to that renown which you can have already, peace having been granted, as you would take from (it), if anything adverse were to happen. The chance of a single hour can overturn simultaneously the honours (which you have) acquired and (those which you have) anticipated. Everything is in your power in a peace being made, Publius Cornelius: otherwise, that fortune must (lit. will be needing to) be accepted, which the gods will have granted. Among the few good examples of good fortune and virtue would have been Marcus Atilius (Regulus) years ago in this same land, if, (when) victorious, he had granted peace to our fathers (who were) seeking (it): by setting no limit to his success and by not checking a good fortune which was carrying him away, the more highly he had been raised up, the more horribly he fell.

It is, indeed, for him who gives (it), not for him who seeks (it), to name the terms of peace: but perhaps we are not unworthy to propose of our own accord a penalty upon ourselves. We do not refuse that everything, on account of which we went (lit. it was gone) to war, should be yours, Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, (and) every island which lies (lit. is contained) in all the sea between Africa and Italy: let us Carthaginians, confined by the coasts of Africa, behold you ruling by your authority even foreign (countries) by land and sea. I would not deny that, on account of the peace having recently been sought by us or awaited not too honestly, Punic faith is suspect to you. For the security of peace being kept much depends, Scipio, upon (those) who have sought (it) [your senators also have refused peace, as I hear (it), to some extent even on account of this, because there was too little seniority of status in the embassy]: I, Hannibal, am seeking peace, (I), who should not be seeking (it) unless I thought (it) advantageous, and I shall uphold (it) because of the same advantage on account of which I sought it. And, just as (lit. in the same manner as) I, because the war was started by me, guaranteed that no one should regret it, until the gods themselves came to envy this, so I shall strive that no one may regret the peace obtained through me."

Chapter XXXI.  The reply of Scipio.

In response to these (words) the Roman general replied almost to this effect: "It has not escaped my notice, Hannibal, that the Carthaginians, in the hope of your arrival, upset both the present obligations of the truce and the hope for peace: nor, indeed, do you conceal this, since you exclude from the former terms everything except those things which have been in our power for a long time now. But, just as it is of concern  to you that your citizens appreciate from what great a burden they are relieved by you, so it is necessary for me to endeavour (lit. it is needing to be endeavoured by me) that they may not win (as) the rewards of their perfidy what they formerly stipulated, (these things) having now (lit. today) been removed from the terms of peace. (Although) you are unworthy to receive the terms then available (lit. Unworthy to whom the same terms should be open), you are even asking  that your dishonesty should benefit you. Neither did our fathers first make war with regard to Sicily, nor (did) we with regard to Spain: both, in the former case, the danger to our allies the Mamertines, and, in the present case, the destruction of Saguntum girded upon us pious and just armour. That you provoked (these matters) both you yourself confess and the gods are witness, (gods), who both gave for that war, and are giving and will give for this (one), an outcome in accordance with justice and right. Inasmuch as it concerns me, I am both mindful of human weakness and I reflect upon the power of fortune, and I know that   all things whatsoever (that) we do are subject to a thousand chances: but, just as (lit. in the same manner as) I should admit that I were acting arrogantly and with violence, if, before I had crossed over to Africa, I were to scorn you, (if you were) withdrawing from Italy of your own (free) will, and, (if) with your army having been embarked into ships, (you were) coming (to me) of your own accord in order to solicit peace (lit. for the purpose of peace being solicited); so now, when I have dragged (you) to Africa, resisting and shifting (your ground), almost (engaging) in close combat (lit. with  hands entwined), I am under no obligation to show you respect (lit. I am in no way bound by respect for you). Therefore, if something, in addition to those (terms) upon which peace then seemed likely to be agreed, is added - which might be compensation for those ships (together) with their supplies (which were) attacked during the truce, and my envoys (who were) harassed - there is something which I can bring before the council: but, if that also seems too severe, prepare for war, since you are not able to endure peace."

So, peace, having been undone, when they had betaken themselves from the conference to their own (men), they reported that words (had been) exchanged in vain: that the issue had (lit. that it was needing) to be decided by (force of) arms, and that that fortune had (lit. was needing) to be accepted which the gods had given.

Chapter XXXII.  Prelude to the battle of Zama.

When they (lit. it was) arrived at their camps, they both announced that their armies should get their arms, and the soldiers their spirits, ready for the final contest, (to be) victorious, if success were at hand, not for one day, but forever: (whether) Rome or Carthage would give laws to the nations, they would know before the next day's night; for not Africa or Italy but the whole world would be the reward of victory: (there was)  a danger equal to this reward (to those) for whom the fortune of battle should have been adverse. For no means of escape was open at all to the Romans in a foreign and unknown land, and for Carthage, its last resources having been expended, immediate destruction seemed to be at hand.

To this hazard on the next day, the two generals, by far the most distinguished (of all), (and) the two bravest armies of the two wealthiest peoples go  forth, either destined to crown on that day the many honours (which they had) acquired before, or to be overthrown. Accordingly, wavering hopes and fears mingled in their minds; and, as they contemplated (lit. [themselves] contemplating) now their own battle-line (and) now (that) of the enemy, they weighed their (respective) strengths with their eyes rather than by calculation, (and) joyous and sad (reflections) were presented to their minds together at the same time; (those circumstances) which did not occur to (the troops) themselves of their accord their generals suggested (to them) by admonition and exhortation. The Carthaginian (i.e. Hannibal) recounted the things (which had been) achieved  (by him) in sixteen years in the land of Italy, so many Roman generals, so many armies having been annihilated (lit. slain in a massacre), and to each man his own famous deeds, when he came (lit. had come) to a soldier famous in the record of some battle. Scipio (referred to) Spain and the recent battles in Africa and the enemy's confession of weakness, since they had neither been able not to seek peace on account of their fear, nor to keep it by reason of the perfidy ingrained in their minds. In addition, he made use of (lit. turned as he wished) his conference with Hannibal, (which had been) held in private, and (so) open to his fabrication (lit. free to [him] inventing); he presages that the gods have portended such omens to the (enemy), as they went out (lit. going out) into their battle-line, (as those) with which their fathers once fought at the Aegates islands. (He said) that the end of the war and of their labours was at hand, (and) that the spoils of Carthage were in their grasp (lit. in their hands) (as well as) their return home to their country, to their parents, their children, their wives and their household-gods. He said these (words) with head held high (lit. lofty of body), and with a countenance so joyful that you would have supposed that he had conquered already.  

He then drew up the 'hastati' in the front line, the 'principes' after them, (and) he closed the rear of his battle-line with the 'triarii'.

Chapter XXXIII.  The battle formations and the elephant charge. 

However, he did not draw up the cohorts in close order, each one in advance of its own standards, but (rather) maniples at some distance from each other, so that there should be a gap through which the enemy's elephants, having been driven, might not throw their ranks into confusion. Laelius, whom he previously employed (as) a legate, (but) in that year (as) a quaestor outside the lot in accordance with a decree of thea Senate, he placed opposite (the enemy) with the Italian cavalry on the left wing, (and) Masinissa and the Numidians on the right. He filled the open passages between the maniples of the front-line soldiers with 'velites', this was the light-armed (force) of their day - the order having been given that, upon the charge of the elephants, they should either flee behind the ranks drawn up in line, or, attaching themselves to the front-line soldiers, by a run to the right and to the left they should give the beasts a passage through which they might rush in between missiles from both sides.

Hannibal, in order to (create) terror, drew up his elephants in front - moreover there were eighty (of them). a number which he had never had before in his battle-line - then the auxiliaries of the Ligurians and of the Gauls, with Balearic and Mauretanian (soldiers) mixed in (with them); in his second line Carthaginians and Africans and the Macedonian legion; then, a reasonable space having been left, he drew up a battle-line of reserves of Italian soldiers - the majority were Bruttians,  more having followed (him), (as he was) departing from Italy, through compulsion and by necessity than of their own (free) will. Also he placed his cavalry on the wings, the Carthaginians held the right and the Numidians the left. In an army among so many men, of such a kind that no language, no custom, no law, no armour, no clothing and general appearance, no reason for military service were the same, (the means of) exhortation were varied. To the auxiliaries pay was offered, both (as) ready cash  and  having been multiplied (by a share) of the booty; the Gauls are inflamed by their own and their inbred hatred towards the Romans, to the Ligurians, in the expectation of victory the rich plains of Italy are proffered, once they have come down (lit. having come down) from their rugged mountains; he scares the Numidians and the Mauretanians with the prospect of the (lit. the future) tyranny of the savage Masinissa; to the different peoples different hopes and fears are mentioned. The Carthaginians are reminded of (lit. To the Carthaginians are shown) the walls of their native-city, their household gods, the tombs of their ancestors, their children (together) with their parents and their panic-stricken wives, either destruction and servitude or the empire of the world, (and) nothing in between either in respect of fear or in respect of hope.

At the very moment when the general was discussing these things among the Carthaginians, (and) the leaders of his national contingents among their countrymen, mainly through interpreters among (men) intermingled with foreigners, trumpets and horns sounded from the Romans, and such a great clamour arose that the elephants, especially (those) on the left wing, turned (around) upon their own men, the Mauretanians and the Numidians. Masinissa easily added panic to the dispirited (men), and stripped the battle-line on that side of its cavalry support. But a few fearless (animals) among the beasts, having been driven into the enemy, wreaked great havoc among the ranks of the 'velites', (although) with many wounds to themselves. For the 'velites', springing back to the maniples, when they had made way for the elephants, lest they be trampled down, hurled their spears from both sides at (the beasts) doubly exposed to blows. Nor did the javelins from the men in the front line slacken, until these (elephants), having been driven out of the Roman line by the missiles falling upon (them) from all sides, turned the Carthaginians' very own cavalry on their right wing to flight also. When Laelius saw the enemy in confusion, he added panic to the dispirited (men)

Chapter XXXIV.  The battle. 

On both sides, the Carthaginian battle-line had been stripped of its cavalry, when the infantry, equal (to the Romans) neither in hope nor in strength, joined battle (lit. clashed together). In addition to this, (there were) factors, small things to mention, but at the same time important in respect of the battle being fought: the war-cry from the Romans was in unison, and for that reason louder and more terrible, (but) from the other side (there were) discordant voices, as (was natural) among many nations with different tongues; the Romans' (method of) fighting (was) stationary, with the weight both of themselves and of their arms of (the men) pressing forward upon the enemy, (while) on the other side (there was) more skirmishing and rapid movement than force. Accordingly, with their first charge the Romans at once dislodged the enemy's line from its position. Then, pushing (them) with their shoulders and the bosses of their shields, (and) pressing forward (lit. with steps having been carried forward) against (those) having been forced back, they advanced a considerable distance, as though with no one resisting (them), (and) with those in the rear also urging on those in the front rank, whenever they perceived their line giving way; this (circumstance) itself added great force in repelling the enemy (lit. for the purpose of the enemy being repelled). Among the enemy, the second line, the Africans and the Carthaginians, did not support the auxiliaries (as they were) giving way, such that, on the contrary, they even fell back (lit. took their feet back), lest the enemy, by cutting down (any) men in the front rank resisting obstinately, should reach themselves. Accordingly, the auxiliaries suddenly retreat (lit. offer their backs), and, turning towards their own men, some found refuge in the second line, (while) others slashed at those not receiving (them), on the grounds both that they (had) not (been) helped a short time before and now that they (had been) excluded. And now there were almost two battles intermingled, since the Carthaginians were forced to engage in close combat (lit. to entwine their hands) both with the enemy and, at the same time, with their own men. Yet they did not admit (those men) thus dispirited and angered into their line, but, their ranks having been closed up, they forced (them) out on to the wings and the empty space around the plain outside the battle-field, lest they should embroil their line, (still) whole and intact, with soldiers alarmed by flight and their wounds.

But so great a pile of men and arms had filled the place in which the auxiliaries had stood shortly before that the passage across (them) was almost more difficult than it had been through the densely packed enemy. And so, the 'hastati', who were in the front rank, pursuing the enemy, wherever each could (do so), through the heaps of bodies and arms and the pools (lit. melting) of blood, threw both their maniples (lit. standards) and their ranks into disorder. The maniples (lit. standards) of the 'principes' also began to waver (lit. to be tossed) through perceiving the unsteady line in front of them. When Scipio saw this, he ordered (them) to sound the retreat at once in the case of the 'hastati'; and, the wounded having been taken to the rear of the battle-line, he leads the 'principes' and the 'triarii' to the wings, in order that the centre of the line of the 'hastati' might be more secure and stronger. Thus a new battle was begun afresh: for they had (lit. it had been) arrived at the real enemy, equal (to them) both in the quality of their arms and their experience of military service, and in their experience of military service and the renown of the things (which they had) done, and in the magnitude of their hopes and of their danger. But the Roman was superior, both in number and in spirit, because he had routed their cavalry at one point and their elephants at another, (and) he was already fighting against their second (line), their first line having been repulsed.

Chapter XXXV.  Victory.

Laelius and Masinissa, returning at the (critical) time, having pursued the enemy's cavalry for a considerable distance, charged into the rear of the enemy's battle-line. That charge of the cavalry finally overcame the enemy. Many, having been surrounded, (were) slain in the battle-line; many, having been scattered in flight over the open plain (all) around, with the cavalry occupying everything, perished all over the place. Of the Carthaginians and their allies, above twenty thousand (were) slain on that day, (and) almost an equal number (was) captured, (together) with a hundred and thirty-two military standards and eleven elephants. About (one) thousand five hundred (of) the victors fell.

Hannibal, escaping with a few horsemen in the midst of the confusion, fled to Hadrumetum, having tried every (expedient) both during the engagement and before the battle, before he withdrew from the fray, and, even by the admission of Scipio and all experts in military matters, having acquired this distinction, that he had drawn up his battle-line on that day with singular skill; (he had placed) his elephants right in front, so that their haphazard charge and irresistible force might prevent the Romans from following their standards and maintaining their ranks, upon which (tactic) they placed most of their hopes; then, the auxiliaries, in front of the line of Carthaginians, so that men mixed (together) from the dregs of all the nations, whom not loyalty but pay held (in place), might have no withdrawal for the purpose of flight open (to them), and, at the same time, (that), intercepting the first ardour and onset of the enemy, they might exhaust (them), and, if (they could do) nothing else, (that) they might blunt the enemy's swords with their own wounds; then, where all his hope was, the Carthaginian and African soldiers, so that (being) equal in everything else, they might have the advantage (lit. might be superior) for the reason that they would be fighting (while) fresh with exhausted and wounded (men); the Italians, (of whom it was) uncertain (whether) they were allies or foes, he removed into the final line. When Hannibal, this (formation) having been produced as though it were his last work of valour, had fled to Hadrumetum, and, having been summoned thence, to Carthage, he had returned (thither) in the thirty-sixth year after he had set out from there (as) a boy, acknowledged in the senate-house that he had not only been defeated in the battle but in the war, and that there was no hope of safety otherwise than in peace being obtained.

Chapter XXXVI.  Carthage sues for peace. 

Scipio, the enemy's camp having ben stormed and plundered immediately after the battle, returned to the sea and to his ships with immense booty, the news having been reported that Publius (Cornelius) Lentulus with fifty war-ships (lit. beaked [ships]) (and) a hundred transport (ships) (together) with every kind of supplies had arrived near Utica. Thinking, therefore, that terror ought (lit. was needing) to be brought (to bear) from all sides against disheartened Carthage, Laelius having been sent to Rome with news of the victory, he orders (Gnaeus) Octavius to lead the legions to Carthage by a land march: he himself, setting out from Utica, makes for  the harbour of Carthage with the fresh fleet of Lentulus having been joined to his former (one). He was not far away when a ship of the Carthaginians, hung with (woollen) fillets and olive branches, met (him). There were ten envoys, leading citizens, sent, with Hannibal (as) their authority, for the sake of peace being solicited. When they had come to the stern of the flag-ship, stretching out the symbols of suppliants, begging and imploring the protection and compassion of Scipio, no other answer (was) given to them than that they should come to Tunis. He himself, having sailed out in order to survey the site of Carthage (lit. with the purpose of the site of Carthage being surveyed), not so much for the sake of the enemy being reconnoitred for any present (purpose) as (for the sake of) their being humiliated, returned to Utica, Octavius having been recalled to the same (place) as well.

Proceeding thence to Tunis, the news (was) brought that Vermina, the son of Sypahax, with more cavalry than infantry, was coming to the assistance of the Carthaginians.Part of the infantry with all the cavalry, having attacked the column of the Numidians [on the first day of the Saturnalia], routed (it) in a short engagement. With every way of escape having been blocked by the cavalry (which had been) placed around (them) from every side, fifteen thousand men (were) slain, (and one) thousand two hundred were captured alive, with (lit. and) one thousand five hundred Numidian horses and seventy-two military standards. The prince himself fled with a few (men) during the confusion. The camp (was) then pitched at Tunis in the same place as before, and thirty ambassadors came to Scipio from Carthage.

And, indeed, they acted much more piteously than before, inasmuch as fortune was the more compelling, but, as a result of the more recent memory of their treachery, they were heard with considerably less compassion. In the council, although righteous indignation spurred (them) all on towards Carthage being destroyed (lit. to the purpose of Carthage being destroyed), yet, when they reflected both upon how great that undertaking would be and (upon) how long a time the siege of a city so (well) fortified and so strong (would take), and the expectation of a successor, likely to come for the glory of a war having been finished (and) the enjoyment of a victory procured by the labours and risks of another, disturbed Scipio, the minds of all were inclined towards peace.

Chapter XXXVII.  The terms of peace.

On the next day, the ambassadors having been recalled, and, with much criticism of their perfidy, having been advised that, taught at last by so many disasters, they should believe that the gods and the sanctity of an oath (lit. an oath needing to be sworn) (really) existed, the terms of peace (were) stated (to them), that they should live (as) free (men) under their own laws; they were to continue to hold those cities and those territories, with the (same) boundaries (as) they had held before the war, and the Roman would make an end to devastation: they were to restore to the Romans all deserters, runaway slaves and prisoners-of-war, and surrender their war-ships (lit. beaked [ships]), except ten triremes, and the tamed elephants which they had, and they were not to tame (any) others. they were to wage war neither in Africa nor outside Africa without the permission of the Roman people: they were to make restitution (lit. to repay things) to Masinissa, and to make a treaty with him: they were to furnish corn and pay to the auxiliaries, until their envoys should return from Rome: they were to pay ten thousand talents of silver divided in equal payments over fifty years: they were to give a hundred hostages, at Scipio's choosing, not less than fourteen years (of age) nor more than thirty. So, (he said) that he would grant a truce, provided that the transport ships captured during the previous truce, and what had been in those ships, were restored: otherwise, there would be no truce nor any hope of a peace.

When the ambassadors, having been ordered to bear these terms back home, reported (them) in an assembly, and Gisgo had come forward to oppose the peace (lit. with the purpose of the peace being opposed), and was being heard by the multitude, (which was) restless and at the same (time) unwarlike, Hannibal, indignant that such things should be said and heard at such a (critical) time, dragged Gisgo, (whom he had) seized, down from his platform (lit. higher position) with his own hand. When this manifestation, unusual in a free state, had caused the protests of the people, the military man, confounded by this urban freedom, said, "Setting out from you from you at nine years (of age), I have returned after the thirty-sixth year. I seem to know well the military arts, which circumstances, at one moment personal,(and) at another moment public, have taught me from boyhood: the rights, the laws, the customs of the city and of the forum, you ought (lit. it behoves you) to teach me." His indiscretion having been apologised for, he discoursed in many words concerning the peace, (and) how (it was) not unfair and (how) it was necessary. The most difficult thing of all (the terms imposed) was this, that out of the ships captured during the truce, nothing except the ships themselves was visible; nor was the investigation easy, (those) who were accused being opposed to the peace. It was decided that the ships should be returned and that the men should be searched for especially; that the other things which were   missing  should be left to Scipio to be estimated in value (lit. that the other things needing to be assessed in value should be left to Scipio), and that the Carthaginians should atone accordingly in money. There are (those) who relate that Hannibal went from the battle-field to the sea, whence, a ship having been prepared (for him) in advance, he set out immediately (to go) to King Antiochus; and with Scipio demanding, above everything, that Hannibal be handed over to him, the reply was that Hannibal was not in Africa.

Chapter XXXVIII.  The truce and the events in Italy.

After his envoys had returned to Scipio, the quaestors were ordered to declare, from the public accounts, an inventory (lit. the things [which had been] written down) (of) what public (property) had been on those ships, (while) the owners (were ordered to declare) what private (property had been there): in place of that total sum of money, twenty-five thousand pounds (lit. in weight of pounds) of silver (was) exacted at once; and a truce for three months (was) granted to the Carthaginians. (It was) added that they were not to send envoys during the period of the truce to anywhere other than to Rome, and that, whichever envoys should come to Carthage, they were not to let them go before they they informed the Roman general who (they were) and for what purpose (lit. seeking what) they had come. With the Carthaginian envoys, Lucius Veturius Philo and Marcus Marcius Ralla and Lucius (Cornelius) Scipio, the general's brother, (were) sent to Rome. During that time (lit. those days), supplies from Sicily and Sardinia effected such a great cheapness of grain, that the merchant left his corn to the sailors in lieu of freight-money.

At Rome, at the first news of the Carthaginians' renewal of hostilities, there had been a state of alarm, and Tiberius Claudius (Nero) had been ordered to take his fleet promptly to Sicily, and thence to take (it) across into Africa, and the other consul, Marcus Servilius (Geminus) (had been ordered) to stay near the city, until it were known in what state affairs in Africa were. Everything with regard to his fleet being made ready and being launched had been done slowly by the consul Tiberius Claudius (Nero), because the senators had voted concerning the peace that the authority as to on which terms it should be granted should be (a matter) for Scipio rather than (a matter) for the consul. Moreover, prodigies, having been reported at the very (time of) the report of the renewal of hostilities, had brought alarm: at Cumae, vision of the circle of the sun was diminished and it rained with huge stones, and in the district of Velitrae the ground subsided in huge cavities, and trees (were) swallowed up into the depths; at Aricia the forum and the shops around (it) (and) at Frusino the walls at a number of places and a gate (were) struck by lightning (lit. from the sky); and on the Palatine (Hill) it rained with stones. That prodigy was atoned for by a rite lasting for nine days according to ancestral custom, and the rest by victims of the larger kind. Among these things, the unusual height (lit. size) of the rivers (lit. waters) was also turned into a portent: for the Tiber overflowed to such an extent that, with the Circus under water, the Apollinarian Games were prepared near the temple of Venus of Eryx outside the Colline Gtae. But on the very day of the games, sudden bright weather having arisen, the procession having begun to be conducted to the Colline Gate, was recalled and diverted into the Circus, when it had been reported that the water had receded from there: and its proper scene having been restored to the solemn spectacle increased the people's joy and the crowd at the games.

Chapter XXXIX.  The adventures of Claudius and events in Rome. 

A terrible force, having assailed with storms the consul Claudius, (who had) at last set out from the city, between the ports of Cosa and Loreta, induced (him) into (a state of) great alarm. Then, when he had reached Populonium and had dropped anchor there, until the remainder of the storm should abate, he crossed to the island of Ilva (i.e. Elba) and from Ilva to Corsica, (and) from Corsica to Sardinia. There, as he passed (lit. passing) the Mad Mountains, a storm, both much more savage and assailing (him) in a more dangerous situation, scattered his fleet. Many ships (were) damaged and despoiled of their rigging, (and) some (were) wrecked; his fleet, thus battered and mangled, reached Carales (i.e. Cagliari). When winter overcame (him), while the ships, (which had been) beached, were being repaired, the time of year having come around, and with no one having extended his command, Tiberius Claudius (Nero) led his fleet back to Rome (as) a private (citizen). Marcus Servilius (Geminus), with Gaius Servilius Geminus having been named (by him as) dictator, in order that he should not be recalled to Rome for the sake of (holding) elections, set out for his province; the dictator named Publius Aelius Paetus master of the horse. Storms prevented the frequently announced elections (from) being held, and so, since the former magistrates had left (office) on the day before the Ides of March, and new (men) had not been appointed, the state was without curule magistrates.

The pontiff Titus Manlius Torquatus died that year: Gaius Sulpicius Galba (was) appointed in his place. The Roman Games were repeated entirely three times by Lucius Licinius Lucullus and Quintus Fulvius, the curule aediles. (Some) clerks and messengers of the aediles were condemned, through an informer, for secretly conveying money out of the treasury, not without the disgrace of the aedile Lucullus. The plebeian aediles, Publius Aelius Tubero and Lucius Laetorius, abdicated (lit. detached themselves from) their office, when they had celebrated the games, and the banquet in connection with the games, of Jupiter, and (when) they had deposited on the Capitol three statues made out of silver resulting from fines. The dictator and the master of the horse celebrated games in honour of Ceres by decree of the Senate.

Chapter XL.  The elections for 201 B.C. 

When the Roman and the Carthaginian ambassadors had arrived together at Rome from Africa, the Senate was being held at the Temple of Bellona.  There, when Lucius Veturius Philo had announced, to the great joy of the senators, that the battle (lit. it) (had been) fought with Hannibal as the last fight for the Carthaginians, and that an end (had) at last (been) put to that woeful war, he added, what was a small addition to this success (lit. this matter having been well accomplished), that Vermina, the son of Syphax, had also been vanquished. (He was) ordered to go forth to a (public) assembly and impart this joyful (news) to the people. Then, all the temples in the city were thrown open for the purpose of thanksgiving, and supplications for three days (were) decreed. With the ambassadors of the Carthaginians and of King Philip - for they also had arrived - seeking that (an audience) of the Senate should be granted to them, the answer was given by the dictator that, by order of the senators, the new consuls would grant (an audience of) the Senate to them. Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus (and) Publius Aelius Paetus (were) elected consuls; the praetors (elected were) Marcus Junius Pennus, to whom the lot of the urban (jurisdiction) fell, (and) Marcus Valerius Falto was allotted the (territory of the) Bruttians, Marcus Fabius Buteo Sardinia, and Publius Tubero Sicily. It seemed good (to the senators) that nothing should be done about the provinces of the consuls, before the ambassadors of King Philip and of the Carthaginians had been heard: for they foresaw in their minds the end of one war (and) the beginning of another.

The consul, Gnaeus (Cornelius) Lentulus burned with desire for the province of Africa, whether there would be an easy victory, if there were (still) war, or, if it were finished already, seeking the glory of so great a war having been ended with himself (as) consul. And so he refused to allow anything to be discussed until Africa had been decreed (as) his province, his colleague conceding (his claim to it), for he saw a contest with Scipio for that honour would not only be unjust but also unequal. Quintus Minucius Thermus and Manius Acilius Glabrio, tribunes of the plebs, said that Gnaeus Cornelius (Lentulus) was trying the thing (which had been) attempted in vain by the consul Tiberius Claudius (Nero): that, by the authority of the Senate, (the decision as to) whose power they wished to be in Africa (had been) brought to the people: that all thirty-five tribes had decreed this power to  Publius (Cornelius) Scipio. With many disputes, both in the Senate and before the people, the matter to be decided was ultimately left in such (a manner) that they (i.e. the two tribunes) entrusted (it) to the Senate.The senators therefore, under oath - for so it had been agreed - , resolved that, with regard to their provinces, the consuls should settle between themselves or determine by lot which of the two of them should have Italy (and) which a fleet of fifty ships; that (he), to whom the fleet should fall, should sail to Sicily; that, if peace could not be constructed with the Carthaginians, he should cross over to Africa; that the consul should conduct operations by sea, (and) Scipio by land with the same right of command as before; that, if they should agree on the terms of peace, the tribunes of the plebs should ask the people whether they should order the consul or Publius (Cornelius) Scipio to grant the peace, and, if the victorious army was due to be brought back from Africa, who was to bring (it) back. If they should order that the peace should be granted through Publius (Cornelius) Scipio, and that the army should be brought back by the same (man), that the consul should not cross from Sicily to Africa. The other consul. to whom Italy should have fallen, should receive two legions from the praetor Marcus Sextius (Sabinus).

Chapter XLI.  The commands for 201 B.C.

Publius (Cornelius) Scipio's command in the province of Africa (was) extended with the armies which he had. To the praetor Marcus Valerius Falto two legions (were) assigned, which Gaius Livius (Salinator) had commanded in the previous year. Publius Aelius (Paetus) was to receive two legions in Sicily from Gnaeus Tremelius (Flaccus). One legion is assigned to Marcus Fabius (Buteo) in Sardinia, which Publius (Cornelius) Lentulus had held (as) propraetor. For Marcus Servilius (Geminus), consul in the previous year, his command in Etruria was extended, likewise with his two legions. But, as it pertained to Spain, (they said) that Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus had been there already for some years; that the consuls should discuss with the tribunes, if it seemed good to them, that they should ask the people who should have (lit. to whom there should be) the power in Spain; (that) that man should enlist, from the two armies, Roman soldiers into one legion and allies of the Latin name into fifteen cohorts, by which he should hold the province; (and that) Lucius Cornelius (Lentulus) and Lucius Manlius (Acidinus) should take the veteran soldiers back to Italy. A fleet of fifty ships (was) assigned to the consul, (made up) out of two fleets, (that) of Gnaeus Octavius, which had been in Africa, and (that) of Publius Villius (Tappulus), which was guarding the coast of Sicily, with the proviso that he might choose the ships which he wanted. Publius (Cornelius) Scipio was to have the forty war-ships (lit. long ships) which he had had (before); if he wished Gnaeus Octavius to be in command of these, just as he had been in command, Octavius would have authority (lit. authority would be to Octavius) (as) propraetor for that year: if he were to put Laelius in command, Octavius was to depart for Rome, and was to bring back the ships for which the consul had no need (lit. for which there was no need to the consul).

Chapter XLII.  Macedonian and Carthaginian envoys in Rome. 

Then there was a discussion (lit. it was deliberated) about the ambassadors of Philip and of the Carthaginians. It was agreed that the Macedonians should be brought in first; the address of these men was diverse (in content), (made up) in part of (those) excusing what the envoys sent to the king from Rome had been complaining of concerning the ravaging of allies' territory, in part of (those) making, on their own account, actual accusations against the allies of the Roman people, but much more aggressively (against) Marcus Aurelius (Cotta), whom (as one) of the three envoys sent to them, a levy having been held (among the allies of the Roman people), had remained and had provoked them to war contrary to the treaty, and had repeatedly fought with their commanders in pitched battle (lit. the standards having been brought together), (and) in part (again) of (those) demanding that the Macedonians and their general Sopater, who had fought by the side of Hannibal as a mercenary (lit. for pay), (and who) were at that time captives in chains, should be restored to them. In response to these (charges), Marcus Furius, having been sent by Aurelius from Macedonia for that very (purpose), stated that Aurelius (had been) left behind in order that the allies of the Roman people, exhausted by rapine, should not go over to the king owing to the violence and injustice (to which they were being subjected), (and) that he had not gone beyond the boundaries of the allies; (but) that he had made an effort (to ensure) that raiders should not cross over into their lands with impunity. (He said) that Sopater was (one) of those entitled to wear purple and a relative of the king: that he had recently been sent to Africa with four thousand Macedonians and (some) money to (provide) help to Hannibal and the Carthaginians. When the Macedonians, having been interrogated on these (points), proceeded to respond evasively, they did not, themselves, receive a gentle reply: (they were told) that the king was seeking war, and that, if he persisted, he would shortly find (it), that the treaty (had been) doubled violated by him, both because he was causing harm to allies of the Roman people and was provoking (them) with warfare and arms, and because he was assisting their enemies with auxiliaries and money. (They were told also) both that Publius (Cornelius) Scipio was deemed to have acted, and to be acting, rightly and properly, inasmuch as he was keeping in chains in the capacity of enemies those who were captured (while) bearing arms against the Roman people, and that Marcus Aurelius (Cotta) was acting in accordance with the public interest, and the fact that he was protecting by arms the allies of the Roman people was pleasing to the Senate, since he could not (do so) through the obligations of the treaty.

The Macedonians having been dismissed with this very stern answer, the Carthaginian ambassadors (were then) called: the age and high status of these men having been observed - for they were by far the chief (men) of the state - then each (senator), on his own account, said that they were truly discussing about peace. Hasdrubal, however - his countrymen called (him) by the surname Haedus (i.e. the Kid) -, was conspicuous amongst the rest, (as he was) invariably a proponent of peace, and opposed to the Barcid faction. On this (account) there was then more weight (lit. authority) (accorded) to him, since he sought to transfer (lit. transferring) the blame for the war from the state (as a whole) to the greed of a few. When he had employed various strands in his (lit. employed a varied) speech, at one moment by excusing the charges (against them), at another moment by admitting some (of them), lest pardon might be more difficult (to obtain) by shamelessly denying known facts, (and) now by even admonishing the conscript fathers to make a modest and moderate use of favourable circumstances, (he said) that, if the Carthaginians had listened to him and Hanno and had been disposed to make use of a favourable opportunity, they would been granted the terms of peace which they were, at that time, seeking. That good fortune and good judgment were rarely given to men at the same time: that the Roman people were invincible for this (reason), that in favourable circumstances they remembered to be wise and to take counsel; and, indeed (lit. by Hercules), it would have been worthy of surprise if they were to act otherwise; (those) for whom good fortune is new, being uncontrollable on account of its unfamiliarity, behave like madmen: that for the Roman people the joys of victory were commonplace and now almost obsolete, and that they had increased their empire almost more by sparing the vanquished than by crushing (them). The speech of the others was more full of pathos, recording from what great wealth to what (depths) the circumstances of the Carthaginians had  fallen; that nothing except the walls of Carthage was left to those who but lately held the (whole) world by (force of) arms; that, enclosed within these, they did not see anything, either on the land or on the sea, belonging to their jurisdiction; that even the city itself and their household gods they would only hold, if the Roman people were not disposed to vent their fury on these (possessions) as well, (a fate) than which there could be nothing worse. When it appeared that the senators were moved by compassion, they say that one senator, incensed at the perfidy of the Carthaginians, enquired with a shout through which gods they would sanction (lit. strike) the treaty, when they had broken faith with those through whom they had sanctioned (it) before: "Through the same (ones)," said Hasdrubal, "since they are so hostile to (those) violating treaties."    

Chapter XLIII.  The coming of peace.

The minds of all having been inclined to peace, the consul Gnaeus (Cornelius) Lentulus, whose province was the fleet, vetoed a decree of the Senate. Then, the tribunes of the plebs, Manius Acilius (Glabrio) and Quintus Minucius (Thermus), brought before the people (the questions) whether they willed and ordered the Senate to decree that peace should be made with the Carthaginians and whom they ordered to conduct the army out of Africa. All the tribes ordered concerning the peace as they had been asked; that Publius (Cornelius) Scipio should grant the peace, (and) that the same (man) should bring back the armies. In accordance with this proposal the Senate decreed that Publius (Cornelius) Scipio, on the advice of ten deputies, should make peace with the Carthaginian people on those terms on which it should seem good to him (to do so). The Carthaginians then gave thanks to the senators, and requested that it might be permitted to them to enter into the city and converse with their fellow-citizens who were captives in the custody of the state: (they said) that among these, some were their relatives and friends, men of noble birth, (and) others (were those) for whom they had messages from their relatives. These (requests) having been agreed on, when they again requested (that) the opportunity might occur to them of ransoming from amongst them (those) whom they wished, they were told to give their names: and, when they had given in about two hundred, the Senate made a decree that the Roman deputies should take to Publius Cornelius (Scipio) in Africa two hundred of the captives as the Carthaginians wanted, and should report to him that, if peace were agreed, he was to restore them to the Carthaginians without a ransom. When the fetial (priests) were instructed to go to Africa to sanction the treaty (lit. with the purpose of the treaty being struck), at their own request (lit. with themselves demanding [it]) a decree of the Senate was made in these words, that they should each take with them a flint-stone knife and (some) sacred herbs; in order that, (when) the Roman general (i.e. Scipio) ordered (them) to sanction the treaty, they could demand the sacred herb from the general. It is customary that this kind of herb, gathered from the citadel (i.e. the Capitol) should be given to the fetials.

When the Carthaginians, having thus been dismissed from Rome, had come to Scipio in Africa, they made peace on those terms on which it has been stated before, they handed over their war-ships, their elephants, deserters, runaway slaves, and four thousand prisoners-of-war, among whom was the senator Quintus Terentius Culleo. He (i.e. Scipio) ordered the ships, having been sailed out into the open sea (lit. the deep), to be burnt; some say that there were five hundred (vessels) of every kind, which were worked by oars; the sudden sight of these burning was as woeful to the Carthaginians as if Carthage herself were burning. Severer measures were taken (lit. [it was] treated more severely) against the deserters than against the runaway slaves: (those) who were of a Latin name (were) beheaded (lit. struck with an axe), Romans (were) crucified (lit. raised on a cross).

Chapter XLIV.  Hannibal rebukes the Carthaginian senate.

Forty years previously, Quintus Lutatius (Catulus) (and) Aulus Manlius (Torquatus) (being) consuls (i.e. in 241 B.C.), peace had last been made with the Carthaginians. The war, having been started twenty-three years later, Publius Cornelius (Scipio) (and) Tiberius Sempronius (Longus) (being) consuls (i.e. 218 B.C.), was brought to an end in the seventeenth year, Gnaeus Cornelius (Lentulus) (and) Publius Aelius Paetus (being) consuls (i.e. 201 B.C.). They say that Scipio often said afterwards that the desire (for fame), firstly, of Tiberius Claudius (Nero), and, then, of Gnaeus Cornelius (Lentulus) had prevented (him) from finishing (lit. had been in respect of the hindrance whereby he had not finished) the war with the destruction of Carthage.

At Carthage, when the first instalment of money seemed difficult to (men whose resources had been) exhausted by the lengthy war, and there was lamentation and weeping in the senate-house, they say that Hannibal (was) observed laughing. When Hasdrubal Haedus rebuked (him for) his laughter amidst the public tears, when he himself was the cause of those tears, he said, "If the mind within (us) could also thus be seen, just as the expression of our faces is seen by our eyes, it would readily be seen by you that this laughter which you criticise is not (that) of a joyful heart but of (one) almost frantic with misfortunes; (and) yet it is by no means so untimely as those senseless and misplaced tears of yours. It would have been right for you to have wept at the time when our arms were taken away from us, our ships burnt, and we were forbidden (lit. it was forbidden [to us]) (to engage) in foreign wars: for, by that wound, we have fallen. It is necessary (that) you believe (that) measures have been taken (lit. [that it has been] decided) against you by the Romans due to your animosity. No great state can be peaceful. If it has no enemy abroad, it finds (one) at home, just as too powerful bodies may seem secure from any external causes, but are themselves encumbered by their own strength. Assuredly, we feel, in accordance with public calamities, only as much as it pertains to private affairs; nor, with regard to these (calamities), does anything sting more keenly than the loss of money. And so, when the spoils of victory were being torn away from Carthage, at the very moment when you beheld (her) unarmed and defenceless, amidst so many armed nations of Africa, no one sighed: now, because tribute must (lit. is needing to) be collected from private (property), you lament as though at the funeral of the commonwealth. How I fear that you may shortly feel that you have shed tears today at the lightest of your misfortunes!" Hannibal (spoke) these (words) amongst the Carthaginians.

An assembly having been summoned, Scipio presented Masinissa, in addition to his father's kingdom, with the town of Cirta, and with the rest of the cities and territories from the kingdom of Syphax, which had passed into the sway of the Roman people, having been added. He ordered Gnaeus Octavius to hand over to the consul Gnaeus Cornelius (Lentulus) the fleet (which he had) conducted to Sicily, (and) the ambassadors of the Carthaginians to set out for Rome, in order that those (actions) which had been taken by him, in accordance with the advice of the ten deputies, might be confirmed by the authority of the senators and the command of the people.

Chapter XLV.  Scipio's triumph.

Peace having been obtained on land and sea, (and) his army having been embarked on ships, he crossed over to Lilybaeum in Sicily. Thence, a large part of his soldiers having been sent by the ships, he himself (making his way) through Italy (which was) exulting in the peace no less than in his victory, with not only the (people of the) cities pouring out in order to show (him) honour (lit. for the purpose of honour being done [to him]), but also with crowds of rustics blocking the roads, he arrived at Rome, and rode into the city in the most distinguished triumph of (them) all. He brought into the treasury a hundred and twenty-three thousand (pounds) in weight of silver. To his soldiers he distributed four hundred bronze (asses) apiece out of the booty. By his death, Syphax, having thus died not long (lit. much) before at Tibur, whither he had been transferred from Alba, took away more from the spectacle of the people than from the glory of the triumphing (general). His death, however, attracted public attention (lit. was looked at [with interest]), because he was borne (to the grave) in a public funeral. Polybius, by no means an authority to be despised, asserts that this king (was) led in the triumph. Quintus Terentius Culleo followed Scipio as he triumphed (lit. triumphing), a liberty cap having been placed on his head; and then for all (the rest of) his life he honoured (him as) the author of his freedom. I do not know for certain (lit. I have too little knowledge) (whether) the favour of his soldiery or the breezes of popular (favour) first made the surname Africanus renowned, or whether, like Felix in the case of Sulla, or Magnus in the case of Pompey, in the memory of our fathers, it was initiated by the flattery of his friends. He (was) undoubtedly the first commander to be distinguished by the name of the nation conquered by him. Then, due to his example, (some) by no means his equals in victory, effected splendid inscriptions for their masks and glorious names for their families.