Tuesday 1 May 2012

CAESAR: "DE BELLO GALLICO": BOOK III

Introduction.


Sabidius has previously translated two other books from Caesar's account of the Gallic Wars: his translation of Book V was published on this blog on 31st August 2010 and that of Book I on 1st January 2011. He has now turned to Book III, which recounts the events of 56 B.C., the third year of Caesar's campaigns in Gaul.. This book, in twenty-nine chapters only, is the shortest of the eight books, of which this great work is composed, and it is also unusual in that Caesar scarcely appears at all as an actor in the events described in it. Most of the victories are the work of his competent subordinates: Galba in the Alps in the autumn of 57 B.C., Decimus Brutus in the naval battle against the Veneti, Sabinus against the Venelli, and Publius Crassus against the tribes of Aquitaine. Caesar himself appears only as leading the land forces that were largely confined to watching Brutus' makeshift fleet triumphantly conquer the naval forces of the Veneti, and at the end of the book in the indecisive campaign against the Morini and Menapii. Nevertheless, it was Caesar who planned the successful strategy and allocation of forces that lay behind these campaigns , and back home in Rome he would still have been seen as responsible for the many successes  achieved, and thus meriting the fame and glory associated with them. 

What was particularly significant about all these campaigns was that the fiction that Caesar was fighting essentially only defensive actions could no longer be sustained. In no case were either the interests of Rome or those of any of its Gallic allies being significantly threatened by any of the tribes with whom Caesar engaged in these campaigns, and thus by this stage it had become clear to all of the Gauls that Caesar's intention was one of long-term conquest. While Caesar was subject to significant criticism for this in the Senate, where Cato the Younger and his 'Optimate' clique attacked him for engaging in unauthorised wars, for which there was no justification, by this point Caesar's record of glorious victories, and the amount of booty in treasure and slaves which he had accumulated thereby, had made him so popular in Rome that he no longer needed to maintain the pretence that his actions were defensive. However, now that their traditional independence was evidently under threat, Caesar was increasingly confronted with widespread resistance within Gaul, which was eventually to blaze into the nationwide rebellion led by Vercingetorix in 52 B.C. It is worthy of note that despite his clear intentions of conquest, Caesar seems to understand, if not, to sympathise with the Gauls' desire for freedom:  in Chapter 8 of this book he refers to the Veneti and their allies urging other tribes "to choose to remain in that freedom which they had received from their ancestors rather than to endure servitude under the Romans"; and in Chapter 10 he talks of Caesar's understanding that  "all men were eager for liberty and hate the condition of slavery". 

In terms of Caesar's grammatical style, the reader is referred to the section on this contained in the introduction to Sabidius' translation of Book V. See in particular the comments on Caesar's regular use of the grammatical construction  known as the "Ablative absolute". In Book III there are some 117 instances of the "Ablative absolute", a device which is highly economical in terms of the number of words employed and thus particularly appropriate to a literary genre involving notes or despatches from the front. The book also contains a number of examples of the use of the gerundive to express, inter alia, obligation or necessity, and of the impersonal passive, a construction which largely defies an exact literal translation. Both of these constructions are also favoured by Caesar. These three constructions are the subject of a systematic analysis at the end of this translation: instances of the ablative absolutes are to be found in a separate article on this blog dated 20th May 2012, and those of gerunds/gerundives and impersonal passives in the appendix below. Despite the occasional difficulty, Sabidius maintains in his rendering of Book III his practice of literal translation of the Latin text. This means undoubtedly that the English can seem at times somewhat laboured; on the other hand the very long sentences which are sometimes involved, despite their apparent clumsiness and the opaqueness of meaning to which such grammatical complexity can lead, also facilitates a build-up, or crescendo, of tension and excitement, only to be released by the main verb at the end of the sentence. One additional practice used in this translation is that all main verbs are shown in italics. Every sentence must of course contain at least one main verb, although compound sentences can contain two or more. Where, within a given piece of text, main verbs are relatively scarce, and thus sentences are lengthy, it is likely that this is an example of that build-up of excitement just referred to. One departure from Sabidius' usual practice of literal translation, however, is that in this translation the regular employment by Caesar of the "historic present" in narrative, i.e. where the past tense is replaced by the present tense for the purpose of vividness, has been ignored, and the present tense has been translated by an English verb in the past or aorist tense. This is because in Sabidius' view the constant repetition of the present tense in a narrative recording past events adds little to the meaning and can become monotonous.    

The text for this translation is taken from "Caesar, Gallic War 3", edited by H.E.Gould, M.A., and J.L. Whiteley, M.A., Ph.D., in "Modern School Classics" series, published by Macmillan, 1954. Attention has been paid to the notes attached both to this edition and to those accompanying the edition of "Caesar's Gallic War", edited by J.B.Greenhough et al., Ginn & Co., 1898.


ALPINE CAMPAIGN (Chapters 1-6)

Chapter 1.


When he was setting out for Italy, Caesar sent Servius (Sulpicius) Galba with the twelfth legion and a detachment of cavalry to (the territory of the Nantuates, Veragri and Seduni, which stretches from Lake Lemannus (i.e. Geneva) and from the river Rhone to the summits of the Alps. The reason for sending (him) was that he wished the route through the Alps, by which merchants were accustomed to go (but only) at great risk and with heavy tolls (being levied), to be opened up. He allowed him, if he thought it was necessary (lit. there was a need), to station the legion in these places for the sake of taking up winter quarters. Several successful engagements having been conducted and several of their forts having been stormed, deputies having been sent to him from all sides, and hostages having been given and peace having been made, he decided to station two cohorts in (the district of) the Nantuates, and to winter himself with the remaining cohorts of this legion in a village of the Veragri, which is called Octodurus; this village, with a small plain close by (lit. not a great plain having been added nearby), is shut in on all sides by very high mountains. Since it was divided into two parts by a river, he granted one part of this village to the Gauls, (and) he assigned the other part, having been evacuated (lit. left empty) by them, to his cohorts. He fortified this place with a rampart and a ditch.  

Chapter 2. 

When several days in winter quarters had passed and he had ordered corn to be conveyed thither, he was suddenly informed (lit. made more sure) through his scouts that everyone had withdrawn during the night from that part of the village which he had granted to the Gauls, and that the mountains, which were overhanging, were occupied by a very great multitude of Seduni and Veragri. It had happened for several reasons, that the Gauls had suddenly formed a plan for the war to be renewed and the legion to be overwhelmed: firstly, because they despised, on account of its small number, a legion, and that not at its  fullest, with two cohorts and several men individually, who had been sent for the sake of provisions, having been drawn off; then also because, on account of the disadvantageousness of its position, they supposed that, when they themselves charged down from the mountains into the valley and hurled their missiles, not even their first attack could be withstood. Besides (lit. It was added that) they were grieving that their children had been taken away from them in the name of hostages, and they were quite convinced (lit. they had [it] persuaded to themselves) that the Romans were attempting to seize the peaks of the Alps and to add those districts to their neighbouring province, not only for the sake of the routes but also (for the sake) of perpetual occupation. 

Chapter 3.

These messages having been received, since neither the construction (lit. work) of the winter-quarters, nor its fortifications had been fully completed, nor had sufficient provision been made (lit. had it been sufficiently provided for) with regard to the corn and the rest of the supplies, because, with the surrender having been made and hostages having been received, he had thought that nothing concerning warfare should (lit. was needing to) be feared, a council having been speedily summoned, Galba proceeded to elicit opinions. Since such a very serious (and) sudden danger had occurred, and by now almost all the higher ground was seen (to have been) packed (lit. filled) with a host of armed men, (and since) neither could anyone come (lit. it be arrived at) to reinforce them (lit. for a reinforcement) nor supplies be brought up, the routes having been blocked (lit. cut off), their safety having now been nearly despaired of, some (lit. not no) opinions of this kind were expressed in this council, (namely) that, the baggage having been abandoned and a sortie having been made, they should strive for safety by the same routes as they had arrived thither. However, it seemed good to the greater part, this plan having been reserved for the final (resort), meanwhile to await the outcome of the situation and to defend the camp.

Chapter 4.

A short interval having intervened, (so short) that time was scarcely given for those matters which they had decided to be arranged and carried out, the enemy, the signal having been given, charged down (and) hurled  stones and javelins against the rampart. At first, our men, their strength unimpaired, resisted bravely, nor did they discharge any missile in vain from their higher position, (and), as any part of the camp, having been stripped of defenders appeared to be hard pressed, thither they ran to meet (the danger) and brought help, but they were overcome in this (respect), that (when) the enemy (soldiers), exhausted by the length of the fighting, withdrew from the battle, others, with their strength unimpaired, took their place; none of these things could be done by our men on account of their small number, and not only was no opportunity given to an exhausted (man) of departing from the battle, but no chance (was given) even to a wounded man of that place where he had been stationed being relinquished and of himself being withdrawn.

Chapter 5.

When the battle had been now been raging (lit. it was being fought) for more than six hours continuously, and not only their strength but also their missiles were failing our men, and the enemy were pressing on more fiercely, our men (being) feebler, (and) were proceeding to pull down the rampart and fill in the ditches, and the situation had now been brought to a desperate plight, Publius Sextius Baculus, the senior centurion (lit. centurion of the first company), whom we have mentioned (as) having been weakened by several wounds in the battle with the Nervii, and also Gaius Volusenus, a military tribune (lit. a tribune of the soldiers), a man of great resourcefulness and courage, ran up to Galba and told (him) that there was (only) one hope of safety, (namely) if, a sally having been made, they were to risk the last resort. Accordingly, the centurions having been speedily called together, he instructed the soldiers to break off the battle for a short time and only to parry the missiles discharged (against them), and to refresh themselves from their labours, (and then) afterwards, the signal having been given, to burst out of their camp and to place all hope of safety in their courage.

Chapter 6.  

They did as they were ordered, and, a sortie having suddenly been made from all the gates, they left the enemy the opportunity neither of learning what was happening nor of themselves being rallied. So, fortune having changed, they surrounded on every side and slew those (lit. they slew those having been surrounded on every side) who had come in the hope of their camp being occupied, and out of more than thirty thousand men, which number of barbarians it was agreed to have come to the camp, more than a third part having been killed, they put (lit. threw) the terrified remnants to (lit. into) flight and did not permit (them) to take up their position even on the higher ground. Thus all the forces of the enemy having been routed and having been stripped of their arms, they withdrew (lit. betook themselves) into their camp and fortifications. This battle having been undertaken, because Galba was unwilling to tempt providence too often, and (because) he remembered that he had come into winter-quarters with one purpose (and) he saw that he had met with different circumstances, (and being) especially disturbed by the scarcity of corn and supplies, on the next day, all the buildings of that village having been burned, he hastened to return to the province, and with no enemy hindering (him) or delaying his march, he brought the legion unscathed into (the territory of) the Nantuates, (and) thence into (that of) the Allobroges, and wintered there.

NAVAL CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE VENETI (Chapters 7-16)

Chapter 7.

These things having been done, when Caesar thought that Gaul was pacified for all these reasons, the Belgae having been defeated, the Germans having been driven out, (and) the Seduni having been conquered in the Alps, and so had set out for Illyricum at the beginning of winter (lit. winter having been entered), because he wished to visit those tribes and to get to know their territories, a sudden war broke out (lit. arose) in Gaul. The cause of that war was this. The young man Publius (Licinius) Crassus had taken up winter-quarters with the seventh legion among the Andes, near the Oceanic sea (i.e. the Atlantic Ocean). Because there was a scarcity of corn in those places, he despatched (some) cavalry commanders and military tribunes to several of the neighbouring states for the sake of (procuring) corn; among this number Titus Terrasidius was sent to the Esubii, Marcus Trebius Gallus to the Curiosolites, (and) Quintus Velanius with Titus Silius to the Veneti.    

Chapter 8.

The authority of this state is by far the most considerable of all (the tribes) on the sea coast of those regions, because the Veneti have a very great number of ships in which they have been accustomed to sail to Britain and (thus) they surpass the rest in their knowledge and experience of nautical affairs, and in the great and exposed violence of the sea, with (only) a few harbours intervening (lit. placed between), which they themselves hold, they treat almost all (those) who have been accustomed to make use of that sea (as) their tributaries. A beginning (of their revolt) was made by them through (lit. of) Silus and Velanius being detained, because they thought that they should recover through them the hostages which they had given to Crassus. The neighbouring (peoples), having been induced by their influence, as the plans of the Gauls are sudden and hasty, detained Trebius and Terrasidius for the same reason, and, envoys having been speedily sent by means of their leading citizens, they swore an oath among themselves, (saying) that they would do nothing except by a common plan, and would bear the same outcome of fortune; they urged the remaining states to choose to remain in that freedom which they had received from their ancestors (rather) than to endure the servitude of the Romans. The whole maritime coast having been quickly brought round to their opinion, they sent a common embassy to Publius Crassus; (to say that) if he wanted to recover his men he should send their hostages back to them.

Chapter 9.

Caesar, having been informed (lit. made more sure) of these things by Crassus, because he was quite a long  distance away himself, ordered war-ships (lit. long ships) to be built in the meantime on the river Loire, which flows into the Ocean, rowers to be drafted from the province, (and) sailors and helmsmen to be acquired. These matters having been quickly organised, he himself, as soon as he could, considering (lit. by reason of) the time of the year, hastened to the army. The Veneti and the other states also, Caesar's arrival having been learned of, (and) at the same time because they understood how great a crime they had committed (lit. taken upon themselves), (in that) ambassadors, a title which had always been sacred and inviolate in the eyes of (lit. to) all nations, had been detained by themselves and thrown into chains, began to prepare for a war befitting (lit. in proportion to) the greatness of their danger, and especially to provide for those things which pertained to the employment of ships, with the greater hope for this (reason), that they had much confidence in the nature of their position. They knew that land routes were cut off by estuaries,(and) that our navigation (was) hampered on account of our ignorance of the locality and the scarcity of harbours, and they trusted that our armies would not be able to remain for long amongst them on account of the shortage of corn; and, although everything might now turn out contrary to their expectation, yet (they knew) that they were very powerful in ships (and) that the Romans had neither any supply of ships nor had knowledge of the shallows, harbours, (and) islands of those places where they were going to wage the war; and they understood that navigation in an enclosed sea (i.e. the Mediterranean) was very different from (navigation) in a very vast and very open ocean (i.e. the Atlantic). These plans having been adopted (lit. having been entered into), they fortified their towns, conveyed corn from the fields, (and) mustered as many ships as they could in Venetia, where it was agreed that Caesar would first wage the war. They joined to themselves (as) allies for that war the Osismi, the Lexovii, the Namnetes, the Ambiliates, the Morini, the Diablintes (and) the Menapii; (and) they summoned auxiliaries from Britain, which lies (lit. has been placed) opposite those regions.

Chapter 10.

There were these difficulties, which we have shown above, in the war being waged, but many things, nevertheless, urged Caesar to (undertake) that war: the wrongs of Roman knights having been detained, the renewal of hostilities after their surrender, the revolt after hostages had been given (lit. hostages having been given), the conspiracy of so many states, and, especially (lit. in the first place), (the fear) lest, this district having been disregarded, the other tribes might think that the same thing was permitted to them. Therefore, since he understood that almost all the Gauls were eager for revolution (lit. new things) and easily and quickly aroused towards war, while all men were, by nature, eager for liberty and hate the condition of slavery, he thought that his army ought (lit. was needing) to be divided and more widely distributed by him, before more states should join the revolt.

Chapter 11.

He therefore sent his legate Titus (Atius) Labienus with the cavalry to the Treviri who live (lit. are) nearest to the Rhine. He instructed him (to) visit the Remi and the other Belgae and keep (them) in their allegiance, and to hold back the Germans, who were said to have been summoned by the Belgae to their assistance, if they were to attempt to cross the river in force in their boats. He ordered Publius Crassus to set out for Aquitania with twelve legionary cohorts and a large number of cavalry, lest (any) auxiliaries should be sent into Gaul from these nations and such great tribes be united. He sent his legate Titus Titurius Sabinus with three legions to (the territories of) the Venelli, the Curiosolites and the Lexovii in order to see to it that the forces there were kept apart (from the rest). He appointed the young man Decimus (Junius) Brutus as commander of the fleet and those Gallic ships which he had ordered (him) to requisition from the Pictones and the Santoni and the other pacified regions, and he commanded (him) to proceed towards (the territory of) the Veneti as soon as he could. He himself hastened thither with the land forces.

Chapter 12.

The sites of their strongholds were generally of such a kind that, having been placed on the end of tongues (of land)  and on promontories, they had neither access by foot when the tide had rushed in (lit. urged itself on) from the deep (sea), (something) which always occurs twice in the space of twelve hours, neither by ships, because, with the tide ebbing again, the ships would be dashed upon the shoals. Thus by either circumstance the storming of their strongholds was impeded; and, if at any time, having by chance been overcome by the greatness of our siege-works, the sea having been excluded by a mound and moles, and with these having been brought level with the walls of the town, they began to despair of their fortunes, a great number of ships, of (which) thing they had a great supply, having been brought in to land, they used to carry away all their (possessions) and withdrew (lit. betook themselves) to the nearest towns: there they again defended themselves by the same advantages of location. They continued to do this the more easily for the great part of the summer because our ships were held back by the storms, and the difficulty of sailing, with the sea (being) vast and open, the tides (being) strong, (and) harbours (being) scattered and almost none at all, was very great.

Chapter 13.

For indeed their ships had been built and equipped in this manner: their keels (were) somewhat flatter than (those) of our ships, whereby they could the more easily cope with the shallows and the ebbing of the tide; their prows (were) raised very high (out of  the water), and likewise their sterns (were) adapted to the magnitude of the waves and storms; the ships (were built) entirely of oak with the purpose of whatever violence and damage being endured; the thwarts, (made of timber) beams a foot in breadth, (were) fastened with iron bolts with the thickness of a (man's) thumb; their anchors (were) secured by iron chains instead of rope-cables; in place of (canvas) sails (they had) skins and leather hides beaten thin, (and) these (were used) either on account of a want of flax and their ignorance of its application, or for this (reason), which is more like the truth, because they thought that such great storms and blasts of wind (could not) be withstood, and that such a great weight of ships could not be properly enough controlled by (canvas) sails. The encounter of our fleet with these ships was of such a kind that it was superior only in speed and in the propulsion of the oars, (while) everything else was more suitable and more fitting for them, considering the nature of the place, (and) considering the violence of the storms. For neither could our ships damage theirs with beaks (so great was the solidity within them), nor was a missile easily thrust (at them) on account of their height, and for the same reason they were less easily held fast by grapnels. Besides (lit. It was added that), whenever the wind began to rage and they ran before (lit. gave themselves to) the wind, they could both weather the storm more easily, and having been left (aground) by the tide they did not fear the rocks and the reefs at all; (but) the risk of all these things was much to be dreaded by our ships.

Chapter 14.

Several strongholds having been stormed, Caesar, when he realised that so much effort was being spent in vain, and that the flight of the enemy, their strongholds having been taken, could not be stopped, and that no harm could be done to them (lit. that it could not be harmed with regard to them), decided that the fleet should (lit. was needing to) be awaited. When it assembled, and was first seen by the enemy, about two hundred and twenty of their ships, fully prepared and very well equipped with every kind of weapon, having set sail from the harbour, came to anchor opposite our (ships); and it was not at all clear to Brutus, who was in command of the fleet, or to the military tribunes or the centurions, to whom the individual ships had been assigned, what they were to do, or what tactic for battle they should pursue. For they had realised that no damage could be done by their beaks; even with towers having been built (on their decks), yet the height of the sterns of the barbarian ships exceeded these, so that missiles could not be cast up from our lower position effectively enough, and (those) discharged by the Gauls fell more heavily (upon us). One thing provided by our men was of great service, sharp pointed hooks inserted in and bound to long poles, in shape not unlike the wall hooks (used in sieges). Whenever the ropes which fastened the yard-arms to the masts were caught and pulled by these, our vessels having been impelled by oars, they were snapped. These having been severed, the yard-arms fell on (to the deck), so that, since all the hope of the Gallic ships consisted in their sails and rigging, these having been removed, the entire management of the ships was taken away at one time. The rest of the contest depended upon courage, in which our soldiers were easily superior, and the more (so) because the engagement was carried out in the sight of Caesar and the whole army, so that no exploit, a little braver (than usual), could be unobserved; for all the hills and the higher ground, from which there was a close view down upon the sea, were occupied by the army.

Chapter 15.

Their yard-arms having been dismantled, as we have said, although two and (in some cases) three of their ships had surrounded each one (of ours), the soldiers strove with the greatest energy to board the enemy's ships. After the barbarians observed this happening, several of their ships having been stormed, since no remedy at all was discovered, they hastened to seek safety in flight. And their ships having now been steered so as to run before the wind (lit. having now been turned to that quarter towards which the wind bore [them]), so great a calm and lull suddenly prevailed that they could not move themselves out of their position. This circumstance was indeed exceedingly opportune for the business being completed: for our men, having pursued (them), stormed (them) one by one, so that very few out of all their number, (and those) by the intervention of night, reached land, since the battle lasted (lit. it was fought) almost from the fourth hour right up to sunset (lit. the setting of the sun).

Chapter 16.

 With this battle the war against the Veneti and (the tribes of) the whole sea coast was finished. For not only all the men of military age (lit. young men), (and) all too of more serious age, in whom there was something of counsel or position, had mustered there, but also they had assembled what there had been of ships anywhere in that one place; these having been lost, the rest (of the men) had neither (any place) to which they could withdraw (lit. betake themselves) neither any means (lit. [any plan] how)  to defend their strongholds. So, they surrendered themselves and all their possessions to Caesar. Caesar decided that it was necessary that punishment be inflicted (lit. it was needing to be punished) upon them the more severely in order that the rights of ambassadors should be respected more carefully by the barbarians in the future (lit. for the remaining time). Accordingly, the entire senate having been executed, he sold the rest as slaves (lit. under the wreathe).

CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE VENELLI (Chapters 17-19)

Chapter 17.

While these things were being done in (the lands of) the Veneti, Quintus Titurius Sabinus, with those forces which he had received from Caesar, arrived at the territories of the Venelli. Viridovix held sway over these people, and held the supreme command (lit. the summit of power) over all those states which had revolted, (and) from which he had mustered an army and large levies; and in those few days the Aulerci, the Eburovices and the Lexovii, their senate having been slain, because they were unwilling to be promoters of the war, closed their gates (to us), and united themselves with Viridovix; and moreover there had assembled from all quarters of Gaul a great multitude of desperate men and brigands, whom the hope of plundering and eagerness for fighting were calling away from the cultivation of the fields and their daily labour. Sabinus kept himself within his camp, his position (being) suitable in all respects, although Viridovix had encamped over against him at a distance of two miles (lit. thousand [paces]), and, his forces having been led out daily, gave (him) an opportunity of fighting, so that Sabinus not only now came into contempt with regard to the enemy but was even censured considerably (lit. not in no way) by the taunts of our soldiers; and he gave so great an impression of cowardice that the enemy now dared to approach up to the (very) rampart of the camp. He did this for the following reason, because he did not think that it was right for a legate to fight (lit. that it was right to be fought by a legate) with so great a multitude of the enemy, especially with him who held the supreme command (lit. the summit of power) being absent, except on advantageous ground or with some (favourable) opportunity having been offered.

Chapter 18.

This impression of cowardice having been established, he chose a certain Gaul, a suitable and cunning man,  out of those whom he had with him as auxiliaries (lit. for the sake of help). He persuaded him by great rewards and promises (of more) to go over to the enemy, and he explained (to him) what he wanted to be done. He, when he came to them as a deserter, emphasised the fear of the Romans, (and) he told (them) with what difficulties Caesar was being harassed by the Veneti, and that it was not further off but that Sabinus would on the next night secretly lead his army out of their camp for the sake of help being brought to Caesar. When this was heard, they all cried out together that the opportunity of their enterprise being successfully conducted ought not to (lit. was not properly to) be lost, (and) that they ought to make a march (lit. it was right for it to be gone) to the camp. Many circumstances encouraged the Gauls to (adopt) this plan: the dithering of Sabinus in previous days, the corrobatory statement of the deserter, the want of provisions, for which thing provision had been made (lit. it had been provided) with insufficient care (lit. too little carefully) by them, the hope concerning the war of the Veneti, and because, in most cases, men freely believe what they wish. Induced by these things, they did not let Viridovix and the other leaders go from the council before it was agreed by them that they should take up arms and hasten to our camp. This permission (lit. thing) having been granted, rejoicing as if victory were (lit. having been) assured, (and) faggots and brushwood having been gathered, with which they could fill the Romans' trenches, they proceeded to the camp.

Chapter 19.

The position of the camp was on high ground (lit. raised) and sloping gently (lit. gradually) from its base for about a mile (lit. a thousand paces). Hither they hastened with great speed in order that the least possible space (of time) might be given to the Romans, and (so) they arrived out of breath. Having encouraged his men, Sabinus gave the signal to (them) desiring (it). The enemy having been encumbered on account of those burdens which they were carrying, he ordered a sally to be made suddenly from the gates. It happened, owing to the advantage of our position, the enemy's lack of skill and fatigue, the valour of our soldiers and their experience in former battles, that they could not withstand even one attack of our men, and they fled (lit. turned their backs) at once. Our soldiers pursuing them, hampered (as they were), with unimpaired vigour, slew a great number of them; the cavalry, pursuing the rest, left few (alive), (namely those) who had escaped from the rout. Thus at one (and the same) time Sabinus was informed (lit. made more sure) of the naval battle and Caesar of Sabinus' victory: and all the states immediately surrendered to Titurius. For as the temper of the Gauls is eager and ready for war to be undertaken, so their mind is weak and not at all (lit. very little) resisting at calamities being endured.

SOUTHERN GAUL (Chapters 20-27)

Chapter 20.

At about the same time, Publius Crassus, when he had arrived in Aquitania, a district which, as has been said before, by reason both of its width of territories and its great number of people, is reckoned to be a third part of Gaul, since he understood that he had to wage war (lit. that war was needing to be be waged by him) in those places, where a few years before the legate Lucius Valerius Praeconinus, his army having been routed, had been killed, and whence the proconsul Lucius Mallius, his baggage having been lost, had fled, realised that he ought to employ no ordinary care (lit. that no ordinary care was needing to be employed by him). Therefore, the corn supply having been provided, auxiliaries and cavalry having been procured, (and) also many brave men having been called up individually (lit. by name) from Tolosa, Carcaso and Narbo, cities of the province of Gaul which are bordering on these regions, he led his army into (the territory of) the Sontiates. His arrival having been learned of, the Sontiates, great forces and (much) cavalry, in which their strength mostly lay, having been assembled, having assailed our column (while) on the march, engaged first in a cavalry battle, then, their cavalry having been routed and with our men pursuing (them), suddenly displayed their infantry forces, which they had positioned in ambush in a valley. These, attacking our men, (while they were) dispersed (lit. disordered), renewed the battle.

Chapter 21.

The battle raged (lit. it was fought) for a long time and vigorously, since the Sontiates, relying on their previous victories, considered that the safety of the whole of Aquitania depended on their valour, but our men were wanting (it) to be seen what they could accomplish, their leader (being) a young man, without their commander-in-chief and without the rest of the legions: however, the enemy, worn out by their wounds, fled  (lit. turned their backs). A great number having been slain, Crassus began to attack the stronghold of the Sontiates (while) on the march. With them resisting bravely, he brought up mantlets and towers. At one time a sally having been tried, at another time mines having been employed up to our rampart and mantlets (at which work the Aquitani are by far the most skilful, on account of the fact that in many places among them there are copper mines and diggings), when they realised that nothing could be achieved by these operations due to the diligence of our men, they sent envoys to Crassus and besought (him) to accept their surrender (lit. them in surrender). This request having been obtained, having been ordered to give up their arms, they did (so).

Chapter 22. 

And, the attention of all our men having been concentrated upon this matter, in another part of the town, Adiatunnus, who held the supreme command (lit. the summit of power), with six hundred devoted followers, whom they call soldurii, whose compact (of association) is this, that they enjoy all the conveniences in life together with those to whose friendship they have committed themselves, (and), if anything violent (lit. through violence) happens to them, that they either endure the same fate or commit suicide (lit. inflict death upon themselves); nor yet in the memory of men has anyone been found of such a kind that, that man to whose friendship he had devoted himself, having been killed, he refused to die: Adiatunnus (as I said), endeavouring to make a sally with these men, when, a shout having been raised from that part of the fortification, our soldiers rushed together to arms, and a battle had been fought (lit. it had been fought) there fiercely, having been driven back into the town, yet he obtained from Crassus (an agreement) that he should enjoy the same conditions of surrender (as the other inhabitants).

Chapter 23.

Their arms and hostages having been received, Crassus set out for (the territories of) the Vocates and the Tarusates. Then indeed the barbarians, having been disturbed because they had learned that a town fortified both by the nature of its position and by the hand (of man) (had been) stormed in the few days within which their arrival thither had occurred (lit. it had come thither), began to send out envoys in every direction, to conspire together, to give hostages between themselves, (and) to equip troops. Ambassadors were also sent to those states which are in (lit. of) Hither Spain bordering upon Aquitania: auxiliaries and leaders are summoned thence. Upon their arrival they endeavoured to wage war with great confidence and with a great host of men. Indeed those who had been together with Quintus Sertorius for all those years and were thought to possess great knowledge of warfare (lit. the military business) were chosen (as) their leaders. These, according to the practice of the Roman people, proceed to take up (advantageous) positions, to fortify camps, (and) to cut off our men from supplies. When Crassus noticed this, (and also) that his forces, on account of their small number, (could) not readily be dispersed, that the enemy were roaming around and blocking the roads, and (yet) they had left a sufficient guard for their camp, that on account of this reason his corn and provisions could not readily be brought up, (while) the number of the enemy was increasing daily, he thought that he ought not (lit. that it was not right) to delay, but that he should decide the issue in battle. This plan having been put to a council-of-war, when he realised that everyone felt the same (as he did), he appointed the following day for the battle.

Chapter 24.

All his forces having been led out at dawn (lit. first light), a double battle-line having been formed, (and) the auxiliaries having been grouped in the centre of the line, he waited (to see) what plan the enemy would adopt. Although, on account of their great number and their ancient reputation in war and the small number of  our men, they thought they would fight safely, yet they considered it to be safer, the roads having been blocked and supplies cut off (from our men), to gain a victory without any damage (lit. wound); and, if the Romans, on account of their lack of a corn supply, should begin to retreat (lit. withdraw themselves), they had it in mind to attack (them), encumbered (as they would be) in column-of-route and with a less resolute (lit. weaker) spirit under their packs. This plan having been approved by their leaders, (and) the Roman forces having been led out, they kept themselves in camp. This measure having been perceived, since by their own hesitation and (seeming) more nervous than their reputation the enemy had rendered our soldiers more eager for fighting, and the voices of all were heard (saying) that they ought not to wait (lit. that it was not right for it to be awaited) any longer but that they should advance against (lit. that it should be gone to) the camp, Crassus, having encouraged his men, (and) with all desiring (this), hastened  to the enemy's camp.

Chapter 25.

There, while some were filling up the ditches (and) others, many missiles having been hurled together, were driving the defenders from the rampart and the fortifications, and the auxiliaries, upon whom Crassus did not much rely in battle, by stones and missiles being supplied, and sods of turf being conveyed for the purpose of a mound (being built) a mound, presented the appearance and (gave) the impression of fighting men, while also the enemy were fighting (lit. it was being fought by the enemy) resolutely and bravely (lit. not timidly) and missiles, discharged from their higher position, were falling with good effect (lit. were not falling in vain), the cavalry, the enemy's camp having been ridden around, reported to Crassus that their camp had not been fortified with the same care on the side of the decuman (i.e. rear) gate, and that it offered an easy approach.

Chapter 26.

Having exhorted the commanders of the cavalry to arouse their men by great rewards and promises (of more), Crassus pointed out (to them) what he wanted to be done. They, as they (lit. it) had been ordered, those cohorts, which, having been left as a guard for the camp, were unwearied by exertion, having been led out, and having been led around by a longer route, so that they could not be seen from the enemy's camp, with the eyes and minds of all (being) intent upon the battle, quickly arrived at those fortifications of which we have spoken, and, these having been demolished, they got a footing in the enemy's camp before (they could) be clearly seen by them or what thing was being done could be realised. Then indeed, a shout from that quarter having been heard, our men, their strength having been renewed, (something) which is usually wont to occur in the expectation of victory, began to fight more vigorously. The enemy having been surrounded on all sides, (and) with all their affairs having been despaired of, endeavoured to cast themselves down (all) along the ramparts and to seek safety in flight. The cavalry, pursuing them over the very open plains, with scarcely a quarter (lit. a fourth part) out of the number of fifty thousand, which had gathered from Aquitania and (the lands of) the Cantabri, having been left (alive), returned (lit. betook themselves) late at night (lit. much of the night [having passed]) to the camp.

Chapter 27.

This battle having been heard of, the greatest part of Aquitania surrendered itself to Crassus and of its own accord sent hostages; among this number were the Tarbelli, the Bigerriones, the Ptianii, the Vocates, the Tarusates, the Elusates, the Gates, the Ausci, the Garumni, the Sibuzates (and) the Cocosates. A few very remote tribes, trusting in the time of year, because winter was at hand, neglected to do this.

CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MORINI AND MENAPII (Chapters 28-29)

Chapter 28.

About the same time, Caesar, although the summer was nearly spent, yet because, the whole of Gaul having been pacified, the Morini and the Menapii remained of such a kind that they were in arms, nor had they ever sent ambassadors to him concerning peace, thinking that that war could be speedily completed, led his army thither; they began to conduct the war by a far different method from the rest of the Gauls. For, because they understood that the greatest tribes which had engaged in the war had been routed and overcome, and (because) they possessed continuous (lit. far stretching) forests and marshes, they conveyed themselves and all their property thither. When Caesar arrived and began to fortify his camp, and no enemy had been seen in the meantime, our men having been dispersed on their duties, they suddenly swooped out of all parts of the forest and made an attack on our men. Our men quickly took up their arms and drove them back into the forests, and many (of the enemy) having been killed, they lost a few of their own men pursuing too far, the ground (being) rather difficult.

Chapter 29.

On the remaining successive days, Caesar began to cut down the forests, and so that any attack could not be made on the flank, our soldiers (being) unarmed and unprepared, he placed fronting the enemy all that timber which had been cut down, and piled (it) up as a rampart on each flank. A great space having been cleared  with incredible speed in a few days, when the cattle and the rear of their baggage were sized by our men, and they themselves sought the thicker (parts of the) forests, storms of such a kind ensued, that the work was of necessity interrupted, and, owing to the continuation of the rains, our soldiers could not keep any longer in their tents (lit. under skins). So, all their fields having been ravaged (and) their villages and buildings having been burned, Caesar led his army back and placed (it) in winter quarters among the Aulerci and the Lexovii, (and) likewise the other states which had made war (upon him) recently.



APPENDIX:  INSTANCES OF CERTAIN GRAMMATICAL CONSTRUCTIONS FAVOURED BY CAESAR:

A.  Ablative Absolutes: (117)

(See article entitled "Ablative Absolutes" on this blog, dated 20 May 2012.)

B.  Gerunds and Gerundives: (38)

(For a detailed analysis of the use of these in Latin literature, see the following articles on Sabidius blog: "Gerund and Gerundives", 6th March 2010; "Nunc est Bibendum", 17th January 2011; and "Gerunds and Gerundives: exemplification", 23rd January 2012.) In the list below each instance is shown first in Latin in italics, with the actual gerunds and gerundives underlined, and secondly in English. In the case of gerundives a more literal translation into English is followed by a colloquial  one which usually has the effect of transferring the voice of the action from passive to active, and, in the case of the gerundive denoting necessity, obligation or propriety, of introducing words such as 'should', 'ought' or 'must' into the translation.

Chapter 1: l.5:  causa (eius) mittendi :  1) lit. the reason for him being sent; 2) colloq. the reason for sending him. (Gerundive as attributive adjective qualifying a supplied pronoun in the objective genitive.) N.B. This can also be read as causa mittendi (eum) in which case mittendi would then be a gerund taking an object, an irregular but occasionally found construction (see Chapter 6 ll.2-3.)

Chapter 1: l.9:  hiemandi causa :  for the sake of taking up winter-quarters. (Gerund in the genitive case following causa to express purpose.)

Chapter 2:  ll.7-8:  belli renovandi legionisque opprimendae consilium :  1) lit. a plan for the war to be  renewed and the legion to be overwhelmed; 2) colloq. a plan for renewing the war and overwhelming the legion. (Two gerundives as attributive adjectives qualifying nouns in the objective genitive.)

Chapter 3:  l.5:  nihil de bello timendum (esse) existimaverat :  1) lit. he had thought that it was not in any way to be feared about warfare; 2) colloq. he had thought he ought to fear nothing about warfare. (Gerundive as predicative adjective used impersonally to express obligation.) N.B. This can also be read with timendum as an attributive adjective qualifying nihil.

Chapter 4:  l.2:  eis rebus quas constituissent collocandis atque administrandis :  1) lit. for those matters which they had decided to be arranged and carried out; 2) colloq. to arrange and carry out those matters which they had decided. (Two gerundives as attributive adjectives qualifying a noun in the dative.)

Chapter 4:  l.13:  (nulla facultas) ex pugna excedendi : no opportunity of departing from the battle. (Gerund as an objective genitive.)

Chapter 4:  l.14:  loci ubi constiterat relinquendi ac sui recipiendi (nulla) facultas: 1) lit. no opportunity of that place where he had been stationed being relinquished or of himself being withdrawn: 2) colloq. no opportunity of him leaving that place where he had been stationed or of withdrawing. (Two gerundives as attributive adjectives qualifying a noun and a pronoun respectively, both in the objective genitive.)

Chapter 6:  ll.2-3:  cognoscendi quid fieret ... (facultatem): the opportunity of learning what was happening. (Gerund as an objective genitive exceptionally taking a noun clause as object.)

Chapter 6:  ll.3:  neque sui colligendi ... facultatem: 1) lit. the opportunity of themselves being rallied; 2) colloq. the chance of rallying themselves. (Gerundive as an attributive adjective qualifying a pronoun in the objective genitive.)

Chapter 10:  l.1:  hae difficultates belli gerendi: 1) these difficulties in the war being waged; 2) colloq. these difficulties in the conduct of the war. (Gerundive as an attributive adjective qualifying a noun in the objective genitive.)

Chapter 10:  ll.11-12:  partiendum sibi ac latius distribuendum (esse) exercitum putavit:  1) lit. he thought that his army was needing to be divided and more widely distributed by him, 2) colloq. he thought that he ought to split up and disperse his army over a wider area. (Two gerundives as predicative adjectives expressing necessity.)

Chapter 11:  l.12:  qui eam manum distinendam curet:  1) lit. who was to cause that force to be kept apart (from the rest); 2) colloq. in order to see to it that the forces there were kept apart from the rest). (Gerundive of obligation as an attributive adjective used in the accusative case after certain verbs to express the purpose of an action.)

Chapter 13:  l.8:  ad quamvis vim et contumeliam perferendam: 1) lit. with the purpose of whatever violence and damage being endured; 2) colloq. so as to withstand any violence and damage that might occur. (Gerundive as an attributive adjective qualifying two nouns in the accusative following ad to express purpose.)

Chapter 13:  l.28:  quarum rerum omnium nostris navibus casus erat extimescendus: 1) lit. the risk of all these things was very greatly to be dreaded by our ships; 2) colloq. our ships had greatly to dread the risk of all these things. (Gerundive as a predicative adjective qualifying a noun in the nominative.)

Chapter 14:  l.4:  Caesar ... statuit classem exspectandam (esse): 1) Caesar decided that the fleet was needing to be awaited; 2) Caesar decided that he should wait for the fleet. (Gerundive as a predicative adjective expressing necessity.)

Chapter 15:  l.10:  ad negotium conficiendum: 1) lit. for the purpose of the business being completed; 2) colloq. for the completion of the business. (Gerundive as an attributive adjective qualifying a noun in the accusative following ad to express purpose.)

Chapter 16:  l.9:  eo gravius Caesar vindicandum (esse) statuit:  1) lit. Caesar decided that it was needing to be punished the more severely; 2) colloq. Caesar decided that punishment must be the more severe. (Gerundive as a predicative adjective used impersonally to express necessity.)

Chapter 17:  ll.11-12:  spes praedandi studiumque bellandi: the hope of plundering and eagerness for fighting. (Two gerunds as objective genitives.)

Chapter 17:  l.16:  pugnandi potestatem: an opportunity of fighting. (Gerund as an objective genitive.)

Chapter 17: ll.24-25:  dimicandum (esse) non existimabat:  1) lit. he did not think that it was right to be fought; 2) colloq. he did not think he should fight. (Gerundive as a predicative adjective used impersonally to express propriety.)

Chapter 18:  ll.11-12:  occasionem negoti bene gerendi:  1) lit. the opportunity of their enterprise being well conducted: 2) colloq. the chance to conduct their enterprise successfully. (Gerundive as an attributive adjective qualifying a noun in the objective genitive.)

Chapter 18:  ll.11-12:  occasionem ... amittendam non esse: 1) lit. that the opportunity was not properly to be lost; 2) colloq. that they ought not to lose the opportunity. (Gerundive as a predicative adjective to express propriety.)

Chapter 19:  ll. 3-4:  ad se colligendos armandosque: 1) lit. for the purpose of themselves being gathered and armed; 2) colloq. to assemble and arm themselves. (Two gerundives as attributive adjectives qualifying a pronoun in the accusative following ad to express purpose.)

Chapter 19:  l.18:  ad bella suspicienda: 1) lit. for the purpose of wars being undertaken; 2) colloq. to undertake wars. (Gerundive as an attributive adjective qualifying a noun in the accusative following ad to express purpose.)

Chapter 19:  l.20:  ad calamitates perferendas: 1) lit. for the purpose of disasters being endured; 2) colloq. to endure disasters. (Gerundive as an attributive adjective qualifying a noun in the accusative following ad to express purpose.)

Chapter 20:  ll 2-4:  quae pars ... ex tertia parte Galliae est aestimanda: 1) lit. which district is to be reckoned as a third part of Gaul; 2) colloq. a district which is considered as a third of the size of Gaul. (Gerundive as an attributive adjective qualifying a noun in the nominative.)

Chapter 20:  l.5:  sibi bellum gerendum (esse): 1) lit. that war was needing to be waged by him; 2) colloq. that he must conduct a war. (Gerundive as a predicative adjective to express necessity.)

Chapter 20:  ll.8-9:  non mediocrem sibi diligentiam adhibendam (esse): 1) lit. that no ordinary care was needing to be employed by him: 2) colloq. that he must employ special care. (Gerundive as a predicative adjective to express necessity.)

Chapter 23:  l.22:  non cunctandum (esse) existimavit:  1) lit. he thought it was not right to delay; 2) colloq. he thought he ought not to delay. (Gerundive as a predicative adjective used impersonally to express propriety.)

Chapter 24:  l.15:  alacrior ad pugnandum:  more eager to fight. (Gerund in the accusative following ad to express purpose.)

Chapter 25:  ll.4-5:  lapidibus telisque summinstrandis et ... caespitibus comportandis: 1) by stones and missiles being supplied and sods of turf being conveyed; 2) by supplying stones and by conveying sods of turf. (Two gerundives as attributive adjectives qualifying nouns in the instrumental ablative.)

C.  Impersonal passives: (12)

Each instance of the impersonal passive construction is shown first in Latin in italics, with the actual passive verb underlined, then in English firstly by a literal translation and secondly by either one or two colloquial ones. In practice, literal translations of impersonal passives involve the use of English which is almost impossibly convoluted.

Chapter 2:  l.20:  sibi persuasum habebant: 1) lit. they had (it) persuaded to themselves; 2) colloq. they were quite convinced.

Chapter 3:  l.10:  neque subsidio veniri (posset): 1) lit. neither could it be arrived at for a reinforcement; 2) colloq. neither could anyone come to reinforce (them).

Chapter 5:  l.1:  pugnaretur: 1) lit. it was being fought; 2a) colloq. there was fighting; 2b) colloq. the battle raged.

Chapter 15:  l.14:  pugnaretur: 1) lit. it was being fought; 2a) colloq. there was fighting; 2b) colloq. the battle lasted.

Chapter 18:  ll.12-13:  ad castra iri oportere: 1) lit. it was right for it to be gone to the camp; 2a) colloq. they ought to make a march on the camp; 2b) colloq. they should march on the camp.

Chapter 18: ll.15-16:  cui rei parum diligenter ab his erat provisum: 1) lit. for which thing it had too carefully been provided by them; 2a) colloq. for which thing provision had been made by them with insufficient care; 2b) colloq. for the provision of which they had not taken sufficient care.

Chapter 21:  l.1:  pugnatum est diu atque acriter: 1) lit. it was fought for a long time and fiercely; 2a) for a long time there was fierce fighting; 2b) colloq. the battle was long and fierce.

Chapter 22:  l.13:  vehementerque ibi pugnatum esset: 1) lit. and it had been fought there fiercely; 2a) colloq. and a fierce battle was fought there; 2b) colloq. and they fought a fierce battle there.

Chapter 23:  ll.4-5:  eo ventum erat:  1) lit. it had been arrived at thither; 2) their arrival there had occurred.

Chapter 24:  l.16:  exspectari diutius non oportere: 1) lit. that it was not right for it to be awaited any longer; 2) colloq. that they ought not to wait any longer.

Chapter 24:  l.17:  ad castra iretur: 1) lit. it should be gone to the camp; 2a) colloq. they should advance against the camp; 2b) colloq. a march should be made against the camp.

Chapter 25: l.7:  ab hostibus constanter non timide pugnaretur: 1) lit. it was being fought by the enemy resolutely and not timidly; 2) colloq. the enemy were fighting with resolve and courage.













Thursday 5 April 2012

HOMER: THE "ILIAD": BOOK VI: HECTOR RETURNS TO TROY

Introduction.

Sabidius published on this blog a translation of the First Book of Homer's Iliad on 12th March 2010, and the introduction to that is relevant here also with regard to its general comments about Homer. He now offers a translation of Book Six. This book is one of the most arresting of the twenty-two books, of which the "Iliad" is composed. It includes the meeting between Diomedes and Glaucus, which throws light on the ethics of warfare in the epic age, and line 208 contains the injunction "Ever to Excel", a concise statement of the heroic ideal, from which comes the motto of St Andrews University, on which subject the reader is referred to the item published on this blog on 31st December 2011. Book Six is especially renowned also for the touching scene of the Trojan hero Hector's final parting from his wife Andromache and his baby son Astyanax. Previously Hector appears only in his role as a war leader, but here we see him as a loving husband and father. The pathos of this scene, which is rightly regarded as one of the highlights of the whole poem, is rendered more poignant for the reader, because we know that Hector and Astyanax will die. It is an  outstanding example of Homer's ability to portray the intensity of the human predicament, when a man is confronted by competing loyalties. In this case, despite his love for his wife and son, and his knowledge that both he and Troy are doomed, Hector insists on returning to the fray because it is his duty to lead his men from the front of the battle-line.

Like much of Homer's verse, this book includes a number of formulaic expressions. These apply in particular to the attributions attached to the individual heroes and characters, which often reflect more the requirements of the metre than the circumstances of the passages in which they are to be found. Thus Hector is "glorious" and "of the shining helmet", Andromache is "white-armed", and Diomedes is "good at the war-cry". Formulaic expressions are also evident at the commencement and the end of set speeches, and on occasions whole passages are repeated.  Thus lines 90-97 and lines 271-278 are almost identical, and from these passages lines 93-95 and 274-276 reappear in lines 308-310. In the same way lines 378-380 are almost immediately repeated in lines 383-385. With regard to the introduction to passages of speech, line 253 reappears in lines 406 and 485. In the text below the translations of these lines are highlighted by italic script.

As is his wont, Sabidius' translation of this great book seeks to be as faithful as possible to the actual grammatical structure of Homer's words. Thus the subjects and objects of verbs are maintained and not reversed, and, wherever possible subordinate clauses and participial and prepositional phrases are translated in close alignment with the text. Sentences are retained in accordance with their grammatical structure and not broken up for the sake of convenience. Where for the sake of clarity, or to avoid a rendering into English that would sound excessively clumsy, a degree of flexibility is deemed appropriate (e.g. where a participle is replaced by a relative or adverbial clause) the more literal translation is shown in parenthesis simultaneously.  The purpose of this rigorous attempt to follow the structure of the original Greek text is to help any student translating the Greek him/herself to understand as quickly and as accurately as possible what the Greek words actually mean. The student can then judge for him/herself how far the use of more colloquial expressions in English may be appropriate, and at what point such freedom of expression departs from the true meaning of the original Greek.

The Ancient Greek text for this translation is taken from "Homer: Iliad VI", edited by R.H. Jordan & J.A. Harrison, published by the Bristol Classical Press, 1985. This translation also utilises the sections into which the editors have usefully divided the text and makes use of the short section headings which this edition has usefully provided. These are shown in italics in the translation below. Sabidius has also taken account of the notes to Allen Rogers Benners' "Selections from Homer's Iliad", Irvington Publishers Inc., New York, 1903.

Ll. 1-4.  The fighting continues without the involvement of the gods.

The dread strife of Trojans and Achaeans was left (to them) alone; indeed, the battle surged this way and that way many times over the plain, with (them) aiming their bronze-tipped spears at each other between the streams of the Simois and the Xanthus.  

Ll. 5-36.  Ajax and other Achaean chiefs slay various Trojans. 


Ajax, the son of Telamon, the bulwark of the Achaeans, first broke the Trojans' battle-line and brought the light (of deliverance) to his companions, striking the man who was the best among the Thracians, Eussorus' son, Acamas, both brave and tall. He first smote him on the crest of his horse-hair plumed helmet, and the bronze point stuck in his forehead, and so drove in through the bone within; and darkness covered his eyes.  

Then, Diomedes, good in respect of his war-cry, slew Teuthras' son, Axylus, who dwelt in well-built Arisbe, (a man) rich in substance, and (who) was popular with (all) men; for, living in a house by the road, he used to entertain everyone. But none of them then warded off baneful death from him, (by) going to meet (Diomedes) in front (of him), but he took away the life (of them) both, (the man) himself, and his squire Calesius, who was on that day the driver of his horses; and both of them went below the earth. Then, Euryalus slew Dresus and Opheltius, and went on after Aesepus and Pedasus, who at sometime the water-nymph Abarbarea bore to blameless Bucolion. Bucolion was the son of noble Laomedon, his eldest born, but his mother bore him in secret; (while) shepherding over his sheep, he joined in love-making and lay (with her), and she, having conceived, bore twin children. And the son of Mecisteus (i.e. Euryalus) undid their strength and shining limbs, and stripped the armour from their shoulders.

And Polypoetes, stauch in battle, slew Astyalus, and Odysseus slew Pidytes of Percote with his spear of bronze, and Teucer (slew) godlike Aretaon. And Antilochus, the son of Nestor, slew Ablerus with his shining spear, and the king of men, Agamemnon, (slew) Elatus; he dwelt in steep Pedasus by the banks of the swift-flowing Satnoeis. And the hero Leitus caught the fleeing Phylacus; and Eurypylus slew Melanthius.

Ll. 37-65.  Agamemnon persuades Menelaus not to take Adrestus alive. 

Then Menelaus, good in respect of his war-cry, took Adrestus alive; for his two horses, fleeing in terror over the plain, having become entangled in a tamarisk bough, and breaking the curved chariot at the top of the pole, themselves went on towards the city, to where indeed the rest were fleeing in terror, but he himself was thrown (lit. rolled) out of the chariot headlong upon his face in the dust beside a wheel. And Menelaus, the son of  Atreus, stood beside him, bearing a spear with a long shaft; then Adrestus, grasping his knees, implored (him thus): "Take (me) alive, son of Atreus, and you shall receive a worthy ransom. In (the house) of my wealthy father lies much treasure, bronze and gold and laboriously wrought iron: of these things my father would bestow upon you a ransom past counting, if he were to find out that I am alive by the ships of the Achaeans."

Thus he spake, and so he was beginning to persuade the heart in his (i.e. Menelaus') breast, and indeed he was just on the point of giving him to his squire to lead (him) back to the swift ships of the Achaeans; but Agamemnon came running to meet (him), and spoke these words (to him) in a loud voice (lit. shouting): "O Menelaus, my dear fellow, why do you care thus for these men? Have such very good things been done to you in your home by the Trojans? Let not anyone of them escape utter destruction at (lit. and) our hands, not even any who is (lit. being) a boy-child whom a mother may bear in her womb, let not even he escape, but let all of Ilium perish utterly together unmourned and unmarked.

Speaking thus, the hero won over the mind of his brother, persuading (him) rightly; he (i.e. Menelaus) pushed the hero Adrestus away from him with his hand. And the lord Agamemnon stabbed him in his flank; he fell backwards, and the son of Atreus, planting (lit. stepping with) his heel on his chest, drew forth his ash-wood spear.

Ll. 66-118.  Nestor urges on the Greeks. Helenus bids Aeneas and Hector rally the Trojans, and  Hector to go into Troy and bid the women pray to Athene.

Then Nestor urged on the Argives, shouting loudly: "O my friends, Danaan warriors, squires of Ares, let no one remain behind, throwing himself upon the spoils, (but) let us kill men; then later (you may strip) the (spoils) also (as) you strip the dead bodies (all) over the plain."  

Speaking thus, he aroused the strength and courage of each (man). Then would the Trojans, overcome by the Achaeans, have gone back again to Ilium due to their lack of spirit, if Helenus, the son of Priam, by far the best of augurs, standing beside Aeneas and Hector, had not said (to them): "(O) Aeneas and Hector, since the (war-)toil of the Trojans and Lycians rests upon you especially, because in every enterprise you are the best, both in battle and in counsel, make a stand here, and, going around everywhere, rally the army in front of the gates, before, in their flight, they fall into the arms (lit. hands) of their women once more, and become a source of joy to our enemies. But, whenever you have spurred on the battalions, we, remaining here, shall fight with the Danaans, although (we are) very tired; for necessity compels (us). But do you, Hector, go to the city, and speak then to your mother and mine. And she, gathering together the old women at the temple of bright-eyed Athene on the citadel (lit. highest point of the city), (and) opening the doors of the sacred house with the key, may she lay the robe, which seems to her to be the most beautiful and the most ample in her hall, and (which is) by far the most dear to herself, upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and may she vow to her that she will sacrifice in her temple twelve heifers, unbroken yearlings, in the hope that she may have compassion on the city and the Trojans' wives and infant children, and to see if she may keep away from sacred Ilium the son of Tydeus (i.e. Diomedes), that savage spearman, that mighty agent of panic-stricken flight, whom I declare to be the mightiest of the Achaeans. We did not even ever fear Achilles to such an extent, that leader of men, the very one whom they say is (born) of a goddess; but this man rages overmuch, nor can anyone match him in respect of his strength.

Thus he spake, and Hector did not disobey his brother at all. Forthwith he leapt from his chariot to the ground (together) with his armour, and brandishing his sharp spears he went throughout the host in every direction, and he kept rousing the dread din of battle. And they rallied and stood facing the Achaeans; and the Argives gave way and ceased from their slaughter, and they said (to themselves) that one of the immortals had come down from the starry heaven to help (lit. helping) the Trojans; thus they rallied. And Hector, shouting loudly, called out to the Trojans: "(O) high-spirited Trojans and far-famed allies, be men, my friends, and be mindful of impetuous valour, so that I may go to Ilium and tell the elders (who are) councillors and our wives to pray to the gods and to promise (them) hecatombs."

So speaking thus, Hector of the shining helmet departed; and the black hide, (which) ran (around) the outer rim of the embossed shield covering (lit. around) (him), kept tapping him on his ankles and on his neck.

Ll. 119-143.  Diomedes meets Glaucus and enquires about his lineage.  

Then Glaucus, the son of Hippolochus, and the son of Tydeus came together in the midst of both (armies), eager to do battle. And when, advancing against one another, they were close, Diomedes, good in respect of his war-cry, addressed the other first: "Who are you, (O) most valiant (one) among mortal men? For I have never seen you in battle that brings fame before this; but now you have surpassed all (others) in your courage, in that you have awaited my long-shafted spear. Only the children of wretched (men) oppose my strength. But, if in fact (as) one of the immortals you have come down from heaven, I shall not fight with the heavenly gods. Nay, for not even the mighty Lycurgus, the son of Dryas, survived for a long time, seeing that he strove with the heavenly gods, (he) who once chased the nurses of the raging Dionysus down over sacred Nysa; and they all let their wands fall to the ground together, having been struck by man-slaying Lycurgus' ox-goad; and Dionysus, fleeing in terror, plunged beneath the wave of the sea, and Thetis received (him) in her bosom in a terrified state; for a mighty trembling gripped (him) due to the man's shouting. Then, the gods, who live (lit. living) at their ease, were angry with him, and the son of Cronus (i.e. Jupiter) made him blind; nor did he survive long after that, since he was hateful to all the gods. And I do not wish to fight against the blessed gods. But, if you are one of those mortal men who eat of the fruit of the field, come nearer, so that you may come sooner to the end (which consists) of destruction."

Ll. 144-211.  Glaucus says he is son of Hippolochus, son of the famous Bellerophon, whose story he tells. 

Then the glorious son of Hippolochus addressed him in reply: "(O) great-souled son of Tydeus, why are you enquiring about my lineage? Just as (there is) a generation of leaves, so (there is one) of men also. The wind scatters some leaves on to the ground, but the forest as it flourishes (lit. flourishing) puts forth (others), as the season of spring comes on; so one generation of men flourishes and another passes away (lit. withers). But if you wish to learn this also, so that you may know my lineage well, and many men do know it, (I shall tell it now): "Ephyre is a city in the heart of horse-rearing Argos (i.e. the Peloponnese), and there dwelt Sisyphus, who was the craftiest of men, Sisyphus, the son of Aeolus; and he begat a son, Glaucus, and Glaucus begat peerless Bellerophon (lit. Bellerophontes). The gods bestowed beauty and a lovely manliness upon him; but Proetus plotted in his heart evil things against him, inasmuch as he drove (him) from the land of the Argives; for Zeus had subdued (the Argives) by his sceptre. Now the wife of Proetus, godlike Anteia, was (so) madly in love (with him) as to join (with him) in secret love-making; but she could not prevail upon him in any way, the wise Bellerophon being minded (only) of upright things. And she, telling lies, spoke to King Proetus (thus): "(O) Proetus, (either) you must die (yourself), or slay Bellerophon, who has been desiring to join in love-making (with me) against my will (lit. not being willing)." Thus she spoke, and wrath seized hold of the king, at hearing such a thing. He shrank from killing (him), for he dreaded this in his heart, but he sent him to Lycia and he gave (him) baneful tokens, engraving in a folded tablet many deadly (signs), and bade (him) show (these) to his father-in-law, so that he might slay (him). So he went to Lycia under the escort of the blameless gods. But when he arrived at Lycia and the flowing Xanthus, the king of broad Lycia readily honoured him; he entertained (him) for nine days, and sacrificed nine oxen (for him). But, when the tenth rosy-fingered Dawn appeared, then he questioned him and asked to see whatever token he was carrying from his son-in-law Proetus. But, when he had received the evil token of his son-in-law, he first bade him slay the raging Chimaera. She was of divine race and not (of the race) of men, a lion in front, and a serpent in her hind-quarters, and a goat in the middle, breathing forth the terrible might of blazing fire. And he slew her, obeying the signs of the gods; next he fought the renowned Solymi (i.e. the indigenous inhabitants of Lycia); he said that this (was) the mightiest battle between men he had (ever) plunged into. Thirdly, he once more slew the Amazons, (women who were) a match for men. And he (i.e. the king of Lycia) wove another cunning trick against him (as he was) returning; choosing the bravest men out of broad Lycia, he set an ambush; but they did not go home, any of them (lit. at all); for peerless Bellerophon slew (them) all. But, when he realised that he was the valiant offspring of a god, he kept him there, and gave him his own daughter (in marriage), and bestowed upon him a half of all his kingly honour; and the Lycians also cut out a demesne pre-eminent above (all) others, a fair (tract of land consisting) of a vineyard and ploughland, so that he could possess (it). And she bore three children to wise Bellerophon, Isander, and Hippolochus and Laodameia; Zeus the counsellor lay with Laodameia, and she bore godlike Sarpedon, the bronze-armoured (warrior). But when even he became hateful to all the gods, then indeed he wandered alone over the Aleian plain (i.e. a barren wasteland), devouring his own soul, and shunning the paths of men, and Ares, insatiable of war, slew his son Isander, (as he was) fighting the renowned Solymi, and, Artemis of the golden reins, in her wrath, slew Laodameia. But Hippolochus begat me, and I declare that I am his son (lit. [born] of him); and he sent me to Troy, and he enjoined upon me very many times that I should ever excel and be distinguished above (all) others, and not disgrace the stock of my forebears, who were by far the noblest (men) both in Ephyre and in broad Lycia. I avow that I am truly of this family and blood.

Ll. 212-236.  Diomedes will not fight with Glaucus. The two swear friendship.

Thus he spake, and Diomedes, good in respect of his war-cry, rejoiced. He planted his spear in the bounteous earth, and with gentle (words) he spoke to the shepherd of the host: "Truly now you are a guest-friend to me from the old days of my father's time; for godlike Oeneus once entertained peerless Bellerophon in his palace, keeping (him there) for twenty days. And they also gave to each other fair gifts of friendship; on the one hand, Oeneus gave a belt shining with crimson, and, on the other hand, Bellerophon (gave) a golden cup with two handles, and I left it behind in my hall (when) going (away). But I do not remember Tydeus, since he left me (when) I was still a young (child), (on the occasion) when the army of the Achaeans was destroyed at Thebes. Therefore, I am now a dear guest-friend to you in the middle of Argos, and you to me in Lycia, whenever I may come to their land. So let us avoid one another's spears, even amid the throng (of battle); for there are many Trojans and renowned allies for me to kill, whomsoever a god may grant my feet to overtake, and there are many Achaeans for you to slay in turn, whomsoever you can. And let us exchange our armour with each other, so that these men too may know that we avow that we are now guest-friends from our fathers' time."

When the two of them had thus spoken, they both leapt down from their chariots (lit. horses), and clasped each other's hands and pledged their faith. And there did Zeus, the son of Cronus, then take away his wits from Glaucus, inasmuch as he exchanged his armour with the son of Tydeus, golden for bronze, a hundred oxen's worth for nine oxen's worth.

Ll. 237-262.  Hector comes to Troy where he find Hecuba. She gives him wine. 

But, when Hector came to the Scaean gate and the oak-tree, the wives and daughters of the Trojans came running (all) around him, enquiring about their their sons and brothers and kinsmen and husbands; but he bade (them) offer prayers to the gods, all (of them) in turn; but sorrows were in store for (lit. attached to) many (of them).

But, when he came to the very beautiful palace of Priam, built with polished porticoes, - and in it there were fifty bed-chambers of polished stone, built close by each other; and therein the sons of Priam used to sleep beside their wedded wives; and for his daughters, facing (them) on the opposite side within the courtyard there were twelve roofed bed-chambers of polished stone, built close by each other; therein the sons-in-law of Priam used to sleep beside their chaste wives - there his generous mother came to meet him, leading Laodice, the best of her daughters in appearance; and she (i.e. Hecuba) clasped him by the (lit. clung fast to his) hand, and she spoke words to him and called him by name: "My child, why ever have you, having left the spirited battle, come (here)? Certainly the hateful sons of the Achaeans, fighting right up to (lit. around) the city, are indeed pressing (us) sorely (lit. very much), but your heart has sent you, coming  here, to hold up your hands to Zeus from the citadel (lit. the highest point of the city). But stay, until I can bring you honey-sweet wine, so that you can pour a libation to father Zeus and to the other immortals, and then you may refresh yourself too, whenever you drink (it). For in the case of a weary man, even as you are exhausted defending your compatriots, wine greatly increases his strength."

Ll. 263-285.  Hector will not drink. He tells his mother to pray to Athene. 

Then mighty Hector of the shining helmet answered her (thus): "Do not bring me honey-sweet wine, queenly mother, lest you deprive me of my strength, and I forget my valour; and I am ashamed to pour a libation of sparkling wine to Zeus with unwashed hands; nor is it in any way possible (for anyone) to offer prayers to the son of Cronus (i.e. Zeus), (who is) shrouded in black clouds, (when he is) defiled with blood and gore. But do you go to the temple of Athene, driver of the spoil, with burnt-offerings, having gathered together the aged women; and whichever robe is to you the most beautiful and the most ample in your hall and by far the most dear to yourself, lay that one upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and vow to her to sacrifice in her temple twelve heifers, unbroken yearlings, in the hope that she may have compassion upon the city and the wives and infant children of the Trojans, (and) to see if she may keep away from sacred Troy the son of Tydeus, that savage spearman, that mighty agent of panic-stricken flight. But do you go the to the temple of Athene, driver of the spoil, and I shall go after Paris in order to summon (him), in the hope that he may be disposed to hearken to (me) speaking; I wish that the earth would straightway open up for him; for the Olympian (i.e. Zeus) has reared him (as) a great bane to the Trojans and to great-hearted Priam and his sons. If I were to see him going down into (the house) of Hades, I would say that my heart had forgotten its distress.

Ll. 286-311.  Hecabe prays to Athene in the temple of the Goddess.  

Thus he spake, and she, going to the hall, called her handmaidens; and they gathered together the aged women throughout the city. But she herself went down into the fragrant (store-)room, where were her robes, richly embroidered, the work of Sidonian women, whom godlike Alexander (i.e. Paris) had himself brought from Sidon, (when) sailing over the wide sea, on the very journey on which he brought back high-born Helen. Lifting up one of these, Hecuba bore (it as) a gift for Athene, (the one) which was the fairest in its gay-coloured patterns, and the amplest, and it shone like a star; and it lay underneath (all) the others (lit. lowest of all). And she went on her way (lit. to go), and the many old women hurried after (her).

Now when they reached the temple of Athene on the citadel (lit. the highest point of the city), fair-cheeked Theano, the daughter of Cisseus (and) the wife of Antenor, tamer of horses, opened the doors for them; for the Trojans had made her the priestess of Athene. Then, with a loud cry, they all raised their hands to Athene; and the fair-cheeked Theano, lifting up the robe, laid (it) upon the knees of fair-haired Athene, and, with vows, prayed (thus) to the daughter of great Zeus: "Lady Athene, protector of our city, glorious among goddesses, break now the spear of Diomedes, and grant also that he may fall headlong in front of the Scaean gates, so that we may now straightway sacrifice to you in your temple twelve heifers, unbroken yearlings, in the hope that you may have compassion upon the city, and the wives and infant children of the Trojans."  Thus she spake in prayer, but Pallas Athene nodded upwards (in dissent).

Ll. 312-341.  Hector reproaches Paris for avoiding the battle. Paris says he will go at once.

But Hector had gone to the beautiful palace of Alexander, which he had himself built with men who were at that time the best craftsmen in fertile Troy; they had made him a bed-chamber and hall and courtyard near to (those) of Priam and Hector on the citadel (lit. the highest point of the city). There entered Hector, dear to Zeus, and in his hand he held a spear eleven cubits long; and the bronze point at the end of his spear was gleaming , and around (it) ran a golden ring. He found him in his bed-chamber, busy with (lit.attending to) his very beautiful arms, his shield and his breast-plate, and handling his curved bow; and Argive Helen sat among her attendant women and supervised her handmaidens' wondrous work. And seeing him, Hector reproached him with these shaming words: "My dear fellow, (it is) not good that you have stored up this anger in your heart. The people are perishing, fighting around the city and its steep wall; but this war-cry and this war blazes around this city on account of you; and you would quarrel with (any) other (man) too. whomsoever you might, perchance, see shrinking from the hateful battle. But, up (you get), lest the city soon be burned by consuming fire."

And godlike Alexander addressed him (thus) in reply: "Hector, since you are chiding me rightly (lit. according to my deserts) and not unfairly (lit. beyond my deserts), therefore I shall speak to you; but do you take heed and hearken unto me. Not so much due to anger or indignation at the Trojans did I in fact sit in my chamber, but I was disposed to give way to anguish (i.e. because he had been defeated in battle by Menelaus). Even now my wife, seeking to persuade me with gentle words, has urged (me) to the battle; and thus it seems to me myself also that it would be better; victory comes to men in turn (lit. alternates between men). But, come now, wait awhile, let me don the armour of war; or go (ahead), and I shall come after (you), and I think that I shall catch (you) up."

Ll. 342-368.  Helen bemoans her ruinous life and speaks slightingly of Paris. Hector will not stay to talk with her. 

Thus he spake, and Hector of the shining helmet did not speak to him at all; but Helen addressed him (thus) with gentle words: "(O) my brother-in-law, mischievous (and) horrid bitch (that I am), would that, on that day when my mother first bore me, a dreadful blast of wind had borne (lit. had gone bearing) me onward to (some) mountain or to a wave of the loud-resounding sea, where that billow could have swept me away before these deeds had come to pass. But, since the gods decreed these evils thus, then would that I had been the wife of a better man, who could be aware of the indignation and the repeated (lit. many) reproaches of his (fellow-)men. But this man will have (lit. to this man there will be) no senses, either now or in the future; therefore I deem that he will reap the fruits (of his folly). But, come now, enter, my brother-in-law, and sit on this chair, since trouble has especially encompassed you in your heart, on account of myself, bitch (that I am), and on account of the madness of Alexander, upon whom Zeus has placed an evil fate, so that hereafter we may become renowned in song to men yet to be."

Then, mighty Hector of the shining helmet answered her (thus): "Do not bid me to sit down, Helen, even if you love (me); nor will you persuade me; for already my heart is eager to bring help to the Trojans, who have a great longing for me in my absence. But do you rouse this man, and let him hasten also himself, so that he may catch up with me (while) I am (lit. being) (yet) within the city. For I shall go to my home also, so that I may behold its inmates, both my dear wife and my infant son; for I know not whether I shall return home again (lit. I shall come again returning home) to them once more, or whether even now the gods will overcome me through the hands of the Achaeans."

Ll. 369-389.  Hector looks for his wife Andromache in their house, but she has gone to the town wall with her child.

So speaking, Hector of the shining helmet departed. And then he came speedily to his well-appointed house, but he did not find white-armed Andromache in his palace, but in fact she, (together) with her child, had taken her stand on the tower, weeping and wailing. So Hector, when he did not find his peerless wife within, going to the threshold (of the women's quarters), stood (there) and spoke (thus) to the serving-women: "Come now, maids, (and) tell me the truth; in which direction has white-armed Andromache gone from our hall? Which way is she going, either to (the house) of one of her sisters-in-law or to (the house) of one of the well-dressed wives of my brothers, or to (the temple) of Athene, where indeed the rest of the fair-tressed Trojan women are seeking to appease the dread goddess?"  

Then his busy house-keeper spoke these words to him in reply: "Hector, since you have bade (us) tell you the very truth, she is not going at all to (the house) of one of her sisters-in-law, or to (the house) of one of the well-dressed wives of your brothers, or to (the temple) of Athene, where indeed the rest of the fair-tressed Trojan women are seeking to appease the dread goddess, but she has gone to the great tower of Ilium, because she has heard that the Trojans are sorely pressed, and that there is great strength among the Achaeans. So she is gone to the wall in haste like one distraught; and together (with her) the nurse is carrying the child.

Ll. 390-465.  Hector meets Andromache. She begs him to stay away from the battle, lest she be made a widow and the baby an orphan. 

So spoke the house-keeping woman, and he, Hector, sped away from his palace through the well-built streets along the same road again. When, passing through the great city, he reached the Scaean gate, (the way) by which he would go forth to the plain, there his well-dowered wife came to meet (him), Andromache, the daughter of great-hearted Eetion, Eetion, who dwelt by wooded Placus, in Thebe under Placus, ruling over the men of Cilicia; it was he indeed whose daughter was married to (lit. was had [to wife] by) bronze-armoured Hector. Then she met him, and, together with herself, a maidservant, bearing at her bosom the tender child, an infant only, the beloved son of Hector, like to a fair star, whom Hector used to call Scamandrius, but other (men) Astyanax (i.e. Lord of the City); for Hector alone defended Ilium. And Andromache stood close by him shedding tears. And she clasped him by the (lit. clung fast to his) hand, and spoke words (to him) and called him by name: "My dear husband, this might of yours will destroy you, nor do you have any pity on your infant child and my hapless self, who will soon be your widow; for soon will the Achaeans, all rushing upon (you), slay you; but it would be better for me, if I were to lose (lit. losing) you, to go down to the grave (lit. to go under the ground); for there will not be any other comfort yet left (for me), when you have met your fate, but (only) woes; nor do I have (lit. nor is there to me) a father and a queenly mother. For verily godlike Achilles slew my father, and utterly destroyed the well-populated city of the Cilicians, Thebe of the lofty gates, and he slew Eetion, but he did not strip him, for he dreaded (to do) that in his heart, but he burned him (together) with his richly-wrought armour, and he heaped up a funeral mound thereon; and the mountain nymphs, the daughters of aegis-bearing Zeus, planted elm-trees all around. And the seven brothers, whom I had (lit. who were to me) in our house, went into (the house) of Hades on one (and the same) day; for swift-footed godlike Achilles slew (them) all, while tending (lit. in charge of) their cattle with a shambling gait and their white(-fleeced) sheep. And my mother, who was queen beneath wooded Placus, when he (i.e. Achilles) had brought her here, together with the rest of the enslaved captives (lit. her possessions), he freed her again, (after) taking a ransom past counting, but Artemis, the shooter of arrows, struck (her down) in her father's palace. But, Hector, you are my father and my queenly mother and my brother, and you (are) my stalwart husband; but come now, have pity (on us), and remain on the tower, lest you make your child an orphan and your wife a widow; and position your army by the fig-tree, where the city is most easy to scale and the wall has become most vulnerable; for three times at this point have their bravest (men) approaching made an attempt (at assault), led by (lit. [gathered] around) the two Aiantes and glorious Idomeneus and led by (lit. [gathered] around) the sons of Atreus and the valiant son of Tydeus; either someone, doubtless with a good knowledge of oracles, told them, or their own spirit then urged them on and bade (them to make the attempt)."

Then mighty Hector of the shining helmet spoke to her in reply: "All these things are indeed of concern to me also, (O) wife; but I should feel very greatly ashamed before the Trojans and the wives of the Trojans, with their trailing robes, if I were to skulk like a coward far from the battle; nor would my heart urge me (to do this), since I have learned always to be valiant, and to fight with the foremost Trojans, winning great glory both for my father and my own (glory) for (me), myself. For I know this well in my heart: the day will come (lit. there will be a day) when sacred Ilium, and Priam, and the people of Priam of the ashen-spear, shall be destroyed. But no sorrow for Trojans in the future, neither for Hecuba herself, nor for king Priam nor for my brothers, who (though) many and brave, will fall in the dust beneath their foemen, concerns me so much as (my sorrow) for you (concerns me), when some (man) amongst the bronze-clad Achaeans shall lead you away in tears, taking away your freedom (lit. day of freedom). Then, when you are (lit. being) in Argos, you shall ply the loom at the orders of another (woman), and you shall carry water from (the spring) of Messeis or of Hypereia, much against your will; and some day some (man), beholding (you) shedding tears, may say: 'Behold (lit. and [this is]) the wife of Hector, who was always the best at fighting amongst the horse-taming Trojans, (in the days) when they fought around Ilium.' So shall someone someday say, and you will have (lit. there will be to you) fresh grief once more, because of your lack of a man such (as me) to ward off your bondage (lit. day of bondage). But let heaped up earth cover me after I have (lit. having) died, before I have any knowledge of your cries and of you being carried off."

Ll. 466-493.  Hector kisses his son and prays to Zeus to make him a valiant warrior. He sends Andromache back to her house. 

Thus speaking, glorious Hector reached out for his son; but the child shrank back, crying, into the breast of his well-girdled nurse, frightened at the sight of his own father, being scared at the bronze and his plume of horse-hair, perceiving (it) nodding grimly from the very top of his helmet. Then, both his father and his queenly mother laughed aloud. (And) straightway glorious Hector took the helmet from off his head and laid it all-gleaming on the ground, but then he kissed his beloved son and held (him) in his arms  (lit. hands), and said in prayer to Zeus and the other gods: "((O) Zeus and (you) other gods, grant that this child of mine may become pre-eminent among the Trojans, even indeed as I (am), and thus notable for his strength, and that he may rule over Ilium in might; and some day may men (lit. some man) say of (him) as he returns (lit. returning) from war, 'This (man) is far better than his father'; and, having slain his foeman, may he bear the blood-stained spoils, and may his mother rejoice in her heart."

Speaking thus, he placed his child in the arms (lit. hands) of his dear wife; and she took him in her fragrant bosom, smiling through her tears; and her husband was moved to pity, seeing (her), and he caressed her with  his hand, and spoke words to her and called her by name: "My dear wife, do not in any way grieve in your heart too much on my account; for no man can send me down to Hades before my time (lit. beyond my doom); and I declare that no one exists among men who has escaped (lit. having escaped) his fate, not a coward or a brave (man), when once (lit. from the first [moment]) he is born. But, going to your house, attend to your own tasks, both the loom and the distaff, and bid your handmaidens attend to their work; but war shall be of concern to all those men who have been born in Ilium, and especially to me."

Ll. 494-502.  Andromache and her women mourn for Hector as one already dead.

Speaking thus, glorious Hector took up his helmet with its horse-hair plume; and his dear wife walked homewards, looking backwards, (and) shedding big tears. And then she soon came to the well-inhabited house of man-slaying Hector and found therein her many maidservants, and among them all she aroused lamentation. They wept for Hector in his own house, (even though he was) still living; for they deemed that he should not come returning home from the battle, having escaped from the might and the hands of the Achaeans.

Ll. 502-529.  Paris overtakes Hector and the two leave the town together.

Nor did Paris tarry in his lofty house, but when he had donned his glorious armour, skilfully wrought in bronze, then he rushed through the city, trusting in his swift feet. Just as when some stalled horse, well-fed at the manger, having broken his halter, gallops stamping over the plain, being accustomed to bathe (in the waters) of a fair-flowing stream, (and) exulting (as he goes); he holds his head up high and his flowing mane streams about his shoulders; and he confident in his own splendour, his knees lightly bear him in search of the haunts and pasture of mares; so Paris, the son of Priam, strode down from the heights of Pergamus (i.e. the citadel of Troy), all gleaming in his armour like the sun, laughing (as he came), and his swift feet bore him. Soon then he overtook godlike Hector, his brother, when he was about to turn from the place where he had conversed with his wife. Godlike Alexander addressed him first: "My brother, (by) my tarrying am I not surely much delaying you in your haste, nor did I come at the right time, as you bade (me)?"

Then in answer to him spake Hector of the shining helmet: "My dear brother, no man, who is in his right mind, would belittle your work in battle, since you are valiant; but you are willingly slack and you have not the will (to act); and my heart in its breast is grieved at this, when I hear reproaches concerning you from the Trojans, who have much trouble on account of you. But let us go our way; we shall make good these things in the future, if ever Zeus shall grant that we shall set up in our palaces the mixing-bowl (in honour) of freedom, when we have (lit. having) driven the well-greaved Achaeans out of Troy."