SUETONIUS: "THE TWELVE CAESARS": AUGUSTUS.

 SUETONIUS: "THE TWELVE CAESARS": 2. AUGUSTUS.

Introduction:

For background information on Suetonius and "The Twelve Caesars", readers are referred to the Introduction that Sabidius wrote as a preface to his translation of Suetonius' life of Julius Caesar (see the item published on this blog on 20th June 2024). Suetonius' second work, concerning the life of Julius Caesar's adopted son, Augustus, which Sabidius has translated below, is by some distance the longest of his biographies. A remarkable amount of historical work has survived concerning the life and times of the Emperor Augustus, for instance in the "Res Gestae Divi Augusti", and the writings of Plutarch and Appian. Suetonius' work concentrates on the personality, chacteristics and particular interests of Augustus as an individual, although it is perhaps surprisingly quiet about his relationships with close relatives, such as his wife Livia and his adopted son and successor Tiberius.   

1. (1) Many (circumstances) make it clear that the family of the Octavii has been distinguished in Velitrae for some time. For a street in the most frequented part of the town was then called the Octavian for a long period of time, and an altar was exhibited consecrated to an Octavius, who, (as) the general in a war with some neighbour, when he happened to be making a sacrificial offering to Mars, and an attack of the enemy was suddenly announced, snatched up the entrails (of the victim) from the fire and offered (them) for sacrifice when they were half-raw, and so he went off to battle and returned victorious.  

2. (1) This family, together with some minor families, (was) admitted into the senate by king Tarquinius Priscus (i.e. the king 616-578), (was) soon transferred to the rank of patricians by Servius Tullius (i.e. the king 578-534), (but) in the process of time it joined itself to the plebeian order, and, after a long interval, it returned to the patriciate once more at the instigation of the Divine Julius. Gaius Rufus was the first (person) from this (family) to take up a magistracy through the suffrage of the people. (2) He (was) a quaestor and begot Gnaeus and Gaius, from whom the two (branches of) the family of the Octavii were descended in different circumstances, since Gnaeus, and then all (those) descended from him, performed the highest functions; but Gaius and his descendants, whether through fortune or through choice, remained in the equestrian order right up until the father of Augustus. The great-grandfather of Augustus performed his military service in Sicily during the Second Punic War as a military tribune under the command of Aemilius Pappus. His grandfather (was) content with municipal offices, and grew old in the most tranquil circumstances with an abundant patrimony. (3) But different (authors say) these (things); Augustus himself tells (us) nothing more than that he (was) descended from an equestrian family, (which was) ancient and wealthy, and that his father was the first in this (family to be) a senator. Mark Antony (i.e. consul I in 44 B.C.) sneeringly states that his great-grandfather (was) a freedman, and a rope-maker from the district of Thurii (i.e. a town in Lucania on the Tarentine Gulf), and that his grandfather (was) a banker. I have found nothing further (than this) concerning the ancestors of Augustus on his father's side.      

3. (1) His father Gaius Octavius was from the beginning (a person) of both great wealth and distinction, so that I am truly surprised that he was said by several (people to have been) a money-lender and even (to have been) among those distributing bribes at elections on the Campus Martius; for, having been brought up in the affluence of a great estate, he both obtained honourable posts with ease, and discharged their duties with distinction. Having obtained by lot (the province of) Macedonia after his praetorship, on his journey (there) he destroyed some bandits, who were the remnants of the bands of Spartacus and Catiline, who had taken possession of the territory of Thurii, an extraordinary commission having been awarded to him in the senate. (2) He presided over the province with no less equity than courage; for, having defeated the Bessians and Thracians in a great battle, he treated his allies in such a manner, that letters from Marcus Cicero exist, in which he exhorts and admonishes his brother Quintus, who was administering the proconsulship of Asia with no favourable reputation, to imitate his neighbour Octavius in winning the favour of his allies. 

4. (1) After leaving Macedonia, before he could declare himself a candidate for the consulship, he met a sudden death, his surviving children (being) the elder Octavia, whom (he had obtained) from Ancharia, and the younger Octavia, as well as Augustus, whom he had obtained from Atia. Atia was born to Marcus Atius Balbus and Julia, the sister of Gaius Caesar. Balbus, of Arician stock (n.b. Aricia was a town on the Alban Way, about ten miles from Rome) on his father's side, and from a family (displaying) many senatorial portraits, was very closely related through his mother to Pompey the Great, and, after he had borne the honourable rank of praetor, (he was) among the twenty commissioners (appointed) to distribute the land in Campania to common people, under the Julian law. (2) But the same Antony, despising the descent of Augustus, even on his mother's side, revealed that his great-grandfather was of African descent, and, at one time, had kept a shop selling ointments, and, at another, a bakery in Aricia. Indeed, Cassius of Parma in one of his letters thus taunts Augustus with being the grandson not only of a baker, but also of a money-changer: "Your mother's meal came from a very rough bakery in Aricia: a money-changer from Nerulum fashioned this into shape with hands stained by the handling of money,"

5. (1) Augustus was born in the consulship of Marcus Tullius Cicero and Gaius Antonius (i.e. in 63 B.C.) on the ninth day before the Kalends of October (i.e. on the 23rd September) a little before sunrise at the Ox-Heads in the Palatine quarter, where he now has a shrine, built shortly after he died. For, as it is recorded in the proceedings of the senate, when Gaius Laetorius, a young man of a patrician family, in pleading to the senators for a less heavy punishment for adultery, alleged that, besides his youth and his position at birth, he was also the possessor, and, as it were, the custodian of the ground which the Divine Augustus first touched when he was born, and he begged to be pardoned for the sake of the one who was, in a sense, his own special god, it was decreed that that part of his house should be consecrated. 

6. (1) The location of his nursery is still displayed in a suburban (property) belonging to his family near Velitrae, very small (it is) and much like a pantry, and the view prevails in the neighbourhood that he was actually born there. (No one ventured) to enter this room, except through necessity and for purely religious  reasons, and a long-standing conviction was held that a certain horror and fear is cast upon (all those) entering (it) rashly as it were, but soon it was confirmed. For, when a new owner of the house had set up his bedroom there, by chance or for sake of trying (it) out, it happened that, after a very few hours of the night, (he was) then disturbed by a sudden and mysterious violence, (and) was found almost half-dead together with his bedclothes before the doors (of his bedchamber).  

7. (1) (When he was still) an infant, he was given the surname Thurinus in memory of the birthplace of his ancestors, or because (it was) in the district of Thurii, just after he had been born, that his father Octavius had waged war successfully against those runaway bandits. That he was given the surname Thurinus, I can record with the very definite proof that I obtained a little bronze image of him as a boy, inscribed with his name in iron letters, which are now almost obsolete, which (was) given by me as a gift to the emperor (i.e. Hadrian), (by whom) it is cherished among the Lares (i.e. the tutelary deities) of his bed-chamber.  But he (i.e. Augustus) is also often contemptuously called Thurinus by Mark Antony in his letters, and he himself replies in writing that nothing surprises him more than that his former name should be presented as a subject of reproach. (2) He afterwards assumed the name Gaius Caesar, and then that of Augustus, the former by the will of his great-uncle, and the latter on the motion of Munatius Plancus (i.e. consul 42 B.C.), (for,) when some expressed the opinion that he ought to be called Romulus, as if he himself were also a founder of the City, the view prevailed that he should rather be called Augustus, (as it was) not only a new name, but also a more distinguished (one), because sacred places, and (those) in which something is consecrated by augury, are also called august, from (the word) augmentation, or from the flight and feeding of birds, as Ennius also teaches us, when he writes: "When renowned Rome was founded by means of an august augury."    

8. (1) At the age of four he lost his father. In his twelfth year, while delivering (a funeral oration) for his dead grandmother Julia, he sang her praises before an assembly of people. Four years after assuming the robe of manhood, he was awarded military prizes at Caesar's African triumph, although he had taken no part in the war on account of his age. Then, when his uncle went to Spain to confront the sons of Gnaeus Pompey, he had scarcely recovered his strength after a serious illness, (yet) he followed (him) over roads infested with the enemy with very few companions, even after suffering a shipwreck, and he gave great satisfaction (to his uncle), who also came quickly to appreciate the quality of his character, over and above his energy when travelling. 

(2)  After Spain had been recovered, and Caesar was planning an expedition against the Dacins, and then against the Parthians, he was sent on before (him) to Apollonia, and devoted (himself) to his studies. And, as soon as he learned that he had been killed, and that he was his heir, he hesitated for some time as to whether he should call to his assistance the legions stationed nearby, but he abandoned that plan as reckless and premature. However, on returning to the City, he entered into his inheritance, despite the doubts of his mother (i.e. Atia), and, indeed, with his step-father Marcius Philippus (i.e. consul 56 B.C.) strongly seeking to dissuade (him). (3) And from this time, having levied armies, he held the state together, at first with Mark Antony and Marcus Lepidus (i.e. consul I 46 B.C.), and then with Antony alone for almost twelve years, and, finally, by himself for forty-four (years).

9. (1) Having set forth a summary of his life, as it were, I shall now examine its aspects one by one, not in accordance with time but by classes, in order that they can be distinctly explained and understood. 

He waged five civil wars: (namely those of) Modena, Philippi, Perugia, Sicily, (and) Actium; the first and the last of these (were) against Mark Antony, the second against Brutus and Cassius (i.e. Caesar's murderers), the third against Lucius Antonius, the triumvir's brother, (and) the fourth against Sextus Pompeius, the son of Gnaeus. 

10. (1) He took this as the beginning and the cause of all these wars: considering that nothing (was) more fitting than to avenge the murder of his uncle and to maintain his arrangements, so he returned from Apollonia immediately, and he resolved to surprise Brutus and Cassius by his use of force, and, because they foresaw danger and fled, to resort to the laws and to indict (them) as culprits for murder in their absence. (2) And so that he might also carry out his other (designs) with greater authority, he declared himself a candidate in place of a tribune of the plebs who happened to have died, although he was a patrician and not yet a senator. But, with the consul Mark Antony, whom he had hoped (would be) his principal assistant, opposing (him) in his endeavours, and he would not even transfer to him common justice on any matter, without the agreement of a very large bribe being presented (to him), he went over to the party of the aristocrats, by whom he knew he (was) hated, especially because (he was) besieging Decimus Brutus at Modena, and was trying to expel (him by force of) arms from the province given (him) by Caesar and confirmed (in his case) by the senate. (3) And so, at the instigation of certain people, he engaged some (ruffians) to murder him (i.e. Mark Antony), and, when the plot was discovered, fearing danger (to himself) in turn, he assembled veteran (soldiers), by distributing among them as much money as he could (collect), to assist both himself and the state; and, put in charge of the army, which he had provided, with the rank of praetor, and in conjunction with Hirtius and Pansa, who had accepted the consulship (i.e. for 43 B.C.), he brought help to Decimus Brutus, and he finished the war, (which had been) entrusted (to him) in three months by two battles. (4) In the former (of these), Antony writes that he took to flight, and he appeared at last after two days without his cloak and (without) his horse, and in (the battle that) followed it is well enough agreed that he performed the function not only of a general but also of a soldier, and that in the midst of the fighting, when the eagle-bearer of his legion was sorely wounded, he took the eagle on his shoulders and carried (it) for a long time. 

11. (1) In this war, when Hirtius perished in battle, and Pansa shortly afterwards of a wound, a rumour circulated that they had both been killed by his means, in order that, with Antony having fled and the republic having been robbed of its consuls, he should take possession of the victorious armies. Indeed, the death of Pansa was so suspicious, that Glyco the surgeon was placed in custody, on the basis that he put poison on to the wound. And to these (points) Aquilius Niger adds that Hirtius, the other (one) of the consuls (had been) killed in the confusion of battle by (he) himself (i.e. Augustus). 

12. (1) But. as it was understood that Antony, after his flight, (had been) received by Marcus Lepidus, and that the rest of the generals and armies were in accord with the senate, he abandoned the cause of the nobles without hesitation, alleging as a pretext for changing his will the sayings and doings of several (among them), for some (said) that he (was but) a boy, (and) others blurted out that he ought to be honoured and got rid of, lest they should have to make gracious repayments either to him or to his veterans. And, in order to show more regret for his former attachment, he fined the people of Nursia a large amount of money, and, when they were unable to pay it, (they were) punished by banishment from their town, because they had erected at public expense a monument to their citizens who had died on the battlefield of Modena, and had inscribed upon (it) that they fell for liberty.  

13. (1) Having entered into a league with Antony and Lepidus, he also finished the war of Philippi in two battles, although (he was) weak and ill, and, having been driven from his camp in the first (one) of these, he barely made his escape by fleeing to the camp (of the army commanded) by Antony. Nor did he keep his happiness at victory in moderation, but, having sent Brutus's head to Rome to be cast at the feet of Caesar's statue, he vented his spleen upon one of the most distinguished of his captives, not without words of insult; (2) indeed it is said that he answered one (of them) who was humbly begging for burial by saying that that (matter) will be in the hands of the birds; when some others, both father and son, (were) begging for their lives, (he is said) to have bidden (them) to cast lots or to play mora, in order to determine which one of them should be put to death, and he looked on while both of them died, since the father died, because he had offered himself up, while the son had also accepted his death on a voluntary basis. For this reason, the rest (of them), (and) amongst them Marcus Favonius, the one who imitated Cato, when they were led up in chains, after they had saluted the general Antony with great respect, reviled the other one (i.e. Augustus) publicly with the foulest abuse.  

(3) Dividing up the offices of state after this victory, while Antony sought to restore order in the East, he himself (i..e. Augustus) undertook to lead the veterans back to Italy, and he allocated them to lands belonging to the municipalities, but he gave pleasure neither to the veterans nor to the owners of the lands, with the latter complaining that they were being ejected, (and) the former that they were not being treated in accordance with their expectation of their deserts.   

14. (1) At this time, he forced Lucius Antonius, (who,) relying on the authority of the consulship, which he bore, and his brother's power, (was) attempting to bring about a revolution, to take refuge in Perusia, and compelled (him) to surrender due to famine, not however without great hazards of his own both before the war and during the war. For, when, at an exhibition of games, he had ordered that a common soldier who was sitting in the fourteen rows (i.e. the rows reserved for senators), should be thrown out by a public attendant, and the rumour was spread abroad by his detractors that he had been tortured and killed, he scarcely stayed alive and almost died at an angry gathering of a mob of soldiers. He found safety, because (the man) who had been lost, suddenly appeared unharmed and without injury. And again, (when he was) sacrificing around the walls of Perusia, he was almost cut off by a band of gladiators, who had burst forth from the town.  

15. (1) (After) Perusia (had been) captured, he punished very many (prisoners), responding to those who tried to beg for pardon or to excuse themselves with one voice: "You must die." Some (authors) wrote that three hundred of those who had surrendered, chosen from both orders, (were) sacrificed on the Ides of March like victims at the altar piled up in honour of the Divine Julius. (Some) stood forth who related that he went to war with the view that his secret adversaries and (those,) whom fear rather than affection kept together, might be exposed, (now that) the opportunity of (having) Lucius Antonius as their leader (had been) offered (to them), and, once they had been defeated and (their estates) had been confiscated, the promised rewards might be released to the veterans. 

16. (1) The Sicilian war (was) among the first he began, but it was protracted for a long time by frequent interruptions, at one time for the sake of repairing his fleet, which he had twice lost through shipwreck due to storms, even in summer, and, at another, by making peace at the demand of the people, because their supplies (had been) cut off, and (there was) a severe famine; while ships were built afresh and twenty thousand slaves were freed and given (to him) to (pull) oars, he formed the Julian harbour at Baiae by letting the sea into the Lucrine and Avernian lakes. Since he had exercised his forces in it during the whole of the winter, he defeated Pompey between Mylas and Naulochus, (although) just before the time of the battle (he was) suddenly overcome by a sleep so deep that he had to be awakened by his friends to give the signal. (2) From this, I think, the opportunity of a reproach was provided to Antony: he could not even look with straight eyes at (the fleet when it was) prepared for battle, but he lay stupidly on his back gazing up at the sky, nor did he get up and come within sight of his men, until the enemy's ships were put to flight by Marcus Agrippa. Others complain of a saying and action of his, for, when his fleets were lost in the storm, he is said to have exclaimed that he would win a victory even against the will of Neptune, and that on the next day of (the Games) in the Circus, he would have the statue of that god removed from the sacred procession. (3) Nor indeed did he take more or greater risks in any other war (than this one). Having transported an army to Sicily, when he was going back to the remaining part of his forces on the mainland, (he was) unexpectedly attacked by Pompey's admirals, Demochares and Apollophanes, (and) only escaped with great difficulty in a single ship. Again, when he was going to Regium past Locri on foot, and he saw (some of) Pompey's biremes coasting along the land, thinking they were his own, he went down to the beach and was almost captured. On this occasion, while he was making his escape by narrow byways, a slave of his companion Aemilius Paulus, aggrieved that his (master's) father Paulus has once been proscribed by him, and that the opportunity of revenge was being presented (to him), tried to slay (him). 

(4) After Pompey's flight, with Marcus Lepidus, another of his colleagues, whom he had summoned to his assistance from Africa, boasting with confidence in his twenty legions, and claiming the chief functions for himself, he deprived (him) of his army, and, while granting (him) his life as a suppliant, he banished him to Circeii for life. 

17. (1) At last, he broke off his alliance with Mark Antony, (which was) always doubtful and uncertain, (and) kept alive with difficulty by various renewals, and, in order to prove how far he had degenerated from the conduct of a citizen, he arranged for his will, which he had left in Rome, even naming his children by Cleopatra (i.e. the Ptolemaic Queen of Egypt) among his heirs, to be opened and read out before an assembly of the people. (2) Yet, upon him being declared an enemy, he sent (to him) all his relations and friends, and, among others, Gaius Sosius and Titus Domitius, (who were) still consuls at that time (i.e. in 32 B.C.). He also publicly excused the citizens of Bononia from swearing an oath together with the whole of Italy on behalf of his faction, because, since antiquity, they were in the patronage of the Antonii. Not long afterwards, he won the naval battle at Actium (i.e. in 31 B.C.), where the contest went on to such a late hour that the victor spent the night on board his ship. (3) When, after Actium, he had gone into winter quarters at Samos, (he was) disturbed by the news of a mutiny (of those) from every division, whom he had sent on to Brundisium after the victory (had been) achieved, (and,) on returning to Italy, (he was) twice afflicted by a storm at sea, firstly between the headlands of the Peloponnese and Aetolia, and again around the Ceraunian mountains, and in both of these a section of his galleys (were) sunk, and at the same time the rigging of the ship, in which he was being conveyed, (was) brought down and its rudder broken in pieces; he lingered at Brundisium for no more than twenty-seven days, until the desires of his soldiers were settled, and, in a circuitous route through Asia and Syria, he went to Egypt, and, besieging Alexandria, in which Antony had sought refuge with Cleopatra, he took possession (of it) in a short time. (4) After he had belatedly tried to make peace terms, he compelled Antony to commit suicide, and took a look at his corpse. He even brought up the Psylli (i.e. a people of Africa celebrated for sucking the poison from wounds inflicted by snake-bites.) to Cleopatra, whom he greatly desired to keep for his triumph, to suck the poisonous juice from (her veins), because she was thought to have perished from the bite of an asp. He gave both of them the honour of burial in a shared tomb, and he ordered that the mausoleum, which had been begun by both of them, should be completed. (5) The young Antonius, the elder of Fulvia's two sons, he dragged away from the statue of the Divine Julius, to which he had fled after many vain entreaties, and slew (him). The remaining children, shared by Antony and the queen, he joined to himself not just from necessity, and he preserved (them) and then brought up and cherished (them), as if (they were) his own kin.   

18. (1) At about this time, when the sarcophagus and the body of Alexander the Great (were) brought forth from his shrine and subjected to (the sight of) his eyes, he venerated (it) by placing a golden crown upon (it), and strewing (it) with flowers, and, when asked whether he also wished to inspect the tomb of the Ptolemies, he said that he wanted to see a king, not corpses. (2) Egypt having been reduced to the form of a province, in order to make (it) more fertile and more adaptable (to the production) of corn for the city, he set his soldiers the task of cleaning up all the canals, into which the Nile overflows, (which had been) covered with mud for a long period of time. In order that the memory of his victory at Actium should be more renowned, and that (it should be celebrated) in the future, he founded the city of Nicopolis neat Actium, and arranged for games (to be held) there every five years, and, having enlarged the ancient temple of Apollo, and, having adorned with naval trophies (i.e. the prows of ships) the site of the camp which he had used, he consecrated (it) to Neptune and Mars.     

19. (1) He afterwards (i.e. in 32 B.C.) quashed tumults and attempts at revolution, and several conspiracies, which he detected in evidence before they became strong, and others subsequently: (these were those) of young Lepidus, then of Varro Murena and Fannius Caepio, then (that) of Marcus Egnatius, and, thereafter, of Plautus Rufus and Lucius Paulus, the husband of his granddaughter, and, besides these, (that) of Lucius Audasius, (who had been) accused of false documentation, and (who was) unimpaired neither in age nor in body, (and) also (that) of Asinius Epicadus, a half-breed from the tribe of the Parthini, (and) lastly (that) of Telephus, who served as a name-caller of women. For he was not even free of the conspiracies and dangers posed by the lowest kind of men. (2) Andasius and Epicadus had resolved to carry off to the armies his daughter Julia and his grandson Agrippa from the islands, on which they were confined, and Telephus (was intending) to fall upon both himself and the senate. Yet once also, a certain camp-follower belonging to the army in Illyricum, having escaped the notice of the door-keepers, was observed during the night armed with a hunting-knife; whether (he was) mentally disordered or (was) pretending to be mad is uncertain; for nothing could be wrung from (him) by torture.  

20. (1) In all he conducted two foreign wars in person, the Dalmatian, (while he was) still a youth, and the Cantabrian after Antony (had been) defeated. In one battle in Dalmatia, he also sustained a wound, being struck on the right knee by a stone, and, in another, being severely injured in a leg and both arms by the collapse of a bridge (i.e. a military engine used for gaining access to a fortress). His other wars he carried out through his legates, although he was involved in some of those in Pannonia and in Germany, or was not far away from (them), proceeding from the City as far as Ravenna or Milan or Aquileia.   

21. (1) Partly under his leadership, and partly (under armies serving) under his auspices, he subdued Cantabria, Aquitania, Pannonia, (and) Dalmatia, together with the whole of Illyricum, as well as Raetia and the Vindelici and the Salassi, (which are) Alpine tribes. He also checked the incursions of the Dacians, by slaying them in great numbers, together with three of their leaders, and he drove beyond the river Elbe those Germans, of whom the Suebi and the Sigambri had submitted to him, and he took (them) across into Gaul, and settled (them) on lands near the Rhine. Other peoples too, (who had been) in a state of unrest, he reduced to submission. (2) But he never made war on any nation without just and necessary causes, and (he was) so far from (having) the desire of enlarging either the empire or its own military glory that he forced the chiefs of certain barbarian (tribes) to take an oath in the temple of Mars the Avenger that they would faithfully keep the peace which they sought. And in some cases, indeed, he tried to exact a new kind of hostage, (that is) women, because he realised that they disregarded the pledges given to males; and yet he always gave all of them the opportunity of getting back their hostages whenever they wished to. On those who rebelled frequently or in treacherous circumstances, he never inflicted a more serious punishment than to sell (them) legally as captives, so that they should not serve as slaves in any neighbouring country, nor be released from their slavery within a thirty year (period). (3) By that reputation (of his) for virtue and moderation, he induced even the Indians and Scythians, (peoples) known (to us) only through hearsay, to seek his friendship and (that) of the Roman people of their own accord through their envoys. The Parthians, too, readily yielded to him, when he laid claim to Armenia, and, at his demand, returned (to him) the military standards which they had taken from Marcus Crassus and Mark Antony, and they offered (him) hostages on top, and lastly, when there were several contenders for their throne, they did not approve (anyone), unless (he had been) chosen by him. 

22. (1) (The temple) of Janus Quirinus, (which had been) closed before his time but once and again (i.e. twice) since the founding of the City, he closed three times in a far shorter period of time, peace having been won on land and sea. He twice entered the City with an ovation, after the war of Philippi, and, again, after (that) of Sicily. He (also) celebrated three curule triumphs (for his victories) at Dalmatia, Actium, (and) Alexandria, (and they) each lasted for three days.  

23. (1) In all, he suffered two serious and ignominious defeats, at nowhere else but in Germany, (that) of Lollius and (that) of Varus, but (while that) of Lollius (was) more humiliating than damaging, (that) of Varus (was) almost fatal, with three legions, together with their general, and his lieutenants, and all their auxiliaries being cut to pieces (i.e. by Arminius at the battle of the Teutoberg Forest in 9 A.D.). At the news of this (disaster), he ordered watchmen (to be stationed) across the City, lest some outbreak might occur, and he prolonged the authority of the governors of the provinces, so that the allies should be controlled by (men) of experience and (those to whom they were) accustomed. (2) He also vowed great games to Jupiter the Best and Greatest, if the republic should turn (itself) into a better state: this was something which had been done during the Cimbric and Marsic wars (i.e. in 113-101 B.C., and 90-88 B.C.). Indeed, they say that he was so greatly affected that for several months in succession he let his beard and hair grow long, and that sometimes he would dash his head against the doorposts, crying out: "Quintilius Varus, give (me) back my legions!" And each year he proclaimed the day of the disaster as (one) of sorrow and mourning. 

24. (1)  In military matters, he made and established many alterations, and he also revived several aspects of ancient practice. He maintained the strictest discipline. He did not even allow anyone of his legates to visit his wife from time to time, except with reluctance and only during winter months. He subjected a Roman knight, (both) himself and his property, to auction, because he had cut off the thumbs of his two young sons, for the sake of avoiding military subscription; but when he saw that the revenue-farmers were striving eagerly for the sale, he assigned (him) to a freedman of his own, so that (he might be) banished to country districts, but allowed to live in freedom. (2) He disbanded the entire tenth legion with ignominy, because they were obstinate in their obedience, (and he did) the same with some others for demanding their discharge in a petulant manner, and he discharged (them) without the privileges due to (those who had) earned their rewards. Having decimated any cohorts, if they had yielded their ground (in action), he (then) fed (them) with barley. When centurions abandoned their posts, he inflicted capital punishment (on them), as (he did) likewise with common soldiers, (and,) for any other kind of misdemeanours, he inflicted various kinds of disgrace (on them), such as ordering (them) to stand all day before the commander's tent, sometimes (only) in their tunics and without their belts, and, on other occasions, holding on to a ten-foot pole, or even carrying a clod of earth. 

25. (1) After the civil wars, he never addressed any of his men as 'fellow-soldiers' either in an assembly or in an edict, but 'soldiers' (only), and he did not allow (them) to be addressed otherwise even by his own sons or step-sons, (who had been) provided with military commands, thinking this too pretentious for whatever military discipline, or the peace of the times, or his own dignity and that of his household required. (2) Save at Rome, in the case of outbreaks of fire, and if a riot was feared during (the time) of a scarcity of provisions, he (only) twice employed freedmen as soldiers: once, as protection for the colonies in the neighbourhood of Illyricum, and, secondly, in defence of the bank of the river Rhine; even these he levied, when they were still slaves, from wealthy men and women, and he gave them their freedom without delay, but he kept them under their original banner, neither intermingling (them) with men of free birth nor arming (them) in the same way.  

(3) As military prizes he gave somewhat more readily metal trappings or collars and whatever was made of gold and silver rather than wreaths which were distinguished with honour for scaling ramparts and walls; the latter he gave as sparingly as possible and without favour, and often even (to those who were wearing) the boots of a common soldier. He presented Marcus Agrippa with a blue banner in Sicily after his naval victory. He thought that those who had celebrated triumphs (were) the only (ones) who should never be awarded prizes, even though (hey were) associates in his expeditions and partners in his victories, because they themselves had also had the right of bestowing such (honours) on whomever they wished. (4) Yet, he thought nothing less becoming to a leader than to combine haste and rashness. So he frequently uttered these (sayings): "Make haste slowly"; "For a safe commander is better than a bold (one)"; and: "That is done fast enough, which is done well enough." He also used to say that a battle or a war ought not to be undertaken unless the prospect of gain appeared greater than the fear of loss. For, said he, those who pursue small advantages with no small hazard are like those who fish with a golden hook, the loss of which, if (the line) should break, could not be counterbalanced by any catch. 

26. (1) He took up magistracies and public offices before (the usual) time, and some (were) of a new kind and for life. He took on the consulship in the twentieth year of his life (i.e. cos. suff. in 43 B.C.), leading his legions against the City in a hostile manner, and sending (them) to demand (it) for him in the name of the army; and, when the senate hesitated, a centurion (named) Cornelius, (who was) the leader of the delegation, throwing back his cloak and displaying the hilt of his sword, did not hesitate to say in the house: "This will make (him) consul, if you do not do (so)." (2) He held his second consulship nine years later (i.e. in 33 B.C.), and his third after a year's interval (i.e. in 31 B.C.), and the following (ones) he held successively right up to the eleventh (i.e. 30-23 B.C.), and then, when he had declined a number (of them), when they were offered (him), he voluntarily stood for the twelfth after a long interval, seventeen years that is (i.e. in 5 B.C.), and again for a thirteenth two years after (that) (i.e. in 2 B.C.), so that he might be endowed with the highest office in the land when he conducted his sons Gaius and Lucius into the forum on their entering public life. (3) Five consulships, from the sixth to the tenth (i.e. 28-24 B.C.), he held for a full year, the rest for nine or six or four or three months, except the second, (which lasted only) for a very few hours (i.e. in 33 B.C.). For, after he had sat for a short time on the curule chair in front of the temple of Capitoline Jupiter in the early morning of the day on the Kalends of January (i.e. 1st January), he resigned from his office and appointed someone else in his place. He did not commence all his consulships in Rome, but the fourth in Asia, the fifth on the Isle of Samos, (and) the eighth and ninth at Tarraco. 

27. (1) For ten years he was a member of the triumvirate that managed the (affairs of) the state; although he resisted his colleagues for some time, (saying) there should be no proscription, but, (when it had) begun, he pursued it more fiercely than either of them. For, while they (were) often easily persuaded (to show mercy) in many (cases) through personal influence and entreaties, he alone insisted most strongly that no one should be spared, and he even proscribed Gaius Toranius, his guardian, the same man as the colleague of his father Octavius in the aedileship. (2) Julius Saturninus relates this further (piece of information), that after the proscription had been completed, Marcus Lepidus had apologised in the senate for (what had) happened, and had offered the prospect of clemency in the future, since sufficient punishment had been exacted, but that he (i.e. Augustus) (had) announced in a contrary direction that he had only ceased the proscription on the grounds that everything should remain free to him (in the future). However, to show his regret for his stubbornness, he afterwards honoured Titus Vinius Philopoemen with equestrian rank, because he was said to have concealed his patron for some time, (after he had been) proscribed. (3) In this same office, hatred (of him) inflamed the multitude. For, when he was giving a harangue, he had noticed that a Roman knight (called) Pinarius had admitted a crowd of civilians among the soldiers, and that he was writing some notes, (and) he ordered (him) to be publicly stabbed, thinking (him to be) an eavesdropper and a spy; and, because Tedius Afer, a consul-designate, had railed at some act of his in spiteful language, he terrified (him) with such great threats that he threw himself down from a great height; (4) but, when Quintus Gallius, a praetor, held some folded tablets under cover of his cloak, as he was paying his respects to his office, (although) suspecting that he was concealing a sword, he did not venture to make an immediate search, lest something else should be found, (but) a little later (he was) hustled from the tribunal (and) tortured in the manner of a slave, and, (although) he confessed nothing, he ordered (him) to be executed, firstly tearing out his eyes with his own hand; he (i.e. Augustus) writes, however, that he had laid in ambush on him, after seeking a private audience, and (he was) cast into prison by him; afterwards, he released (him) and banished (him) from the City, (and) he perished in a shipwreck or in an ambush by robbers. (5) He received tribunician power for life, in which (office) he once and again chose a colleague to join him for five year periods each time. He received the supervision of morals and laws for all time, (and,) on this basis, although lacking the title of censor, he still held a census of the people three times, the first and the third with a colleague, (and) the second alone.  

28. (1) He twice thought of restoring the republic: in the first place, immediately after Antony (had been) overthrown, remembering that, in his case, the charge had quite often been made by him that it was his fault that it had not been restored; and again in the weariness of a long-lasting illness, when he had even invited the magistrates and the senate to his house and he submitted an account of (the state) of the empire. But, thinking that he as a private (citizen) would not be free from danger, and that (it would be) rash for the (state) to be committed to the judgment of very many (people), he remained steadfast in retaining (control of it), (and it is) doubtful whether the outcome or his wishes (were) better. (2) What his will (was is well-known), since he had presented it on several occasions, and he also published a certain edict in these words: "So may I be permitted to establish the state in its seat on a safe and sound (basis), and to receive from that act the fruit, which I desire, so that I may be called the author of the best possible state, and that I may bear with me, when I die, the hope that the foundations which I will have laid for the state will remain in their place." And he made himself a participant in the solemn vows, striving in every way (to ensure) that there should not be any regret at the new form of government.

(3) (Since) the City (was) not adorned in accordance with the dignity of the empire, and was liable to floods and fires, he so refined (it) that he could justly boast that he had left in marble what he had received in brick. Indeed, he also made it safe for the future, in so far as it could be discerned by human foresight.  

29. (1) He built a great number of public works, of which the main ones (were) actually (these): his forum with the temple of Mars the Avenger, the temple of Apollo on the Palatine, (and) the shrine of Jupiter the Thunderer on the Capitol. His reason for building the forum was the increase in (the number of) people and the number of legal cases, for which it seemed that two were not sufficient, (and) that it was necessary (to have) a third (one) as well. Therefore, it was opened to the public in some haste, while the temple of Mars was not yet finished, and it was arranged that public prosecutions and the selection of jurors by lot should be held in it separately (from the others). (2) He had vowed (to build) the temple of Mars during the battle of Philippi, (and this he had) undertaken in order to avenge his father (i.e. Julius Caesar); therefore, he decreed that the senate should deliberate there with regard to wars and triumphs, (and that those who were) going to the provinces with a military command should be despatched from there, and that victors, who had returned, should bring to it the tokens of their triumphs. (3) He erected the temple of Apollo in that part of his house on the Palatine, which the soothsayers had declared (to have been) struck by lightning by the god to show his desire (for it); he added to it porticos with a Latin and Greek library, (and) then, (when he was) getting older, he often held (meetings of) the senate in it too and revised the lists of jurors. He dedicated the shrine to Jupiter the Thunderer, having been delivered from danger, when, during a nocturnal journey on his expedition to Cantabria, a flash of lightning struck his litter and killed the slave who was carrying a torch in front of (him). (4) He also constructed some buildings in the name of others, namely his grandsons (and nephew), and his wife and his sister, such as the colonnade and basilica of Gaius and Lucius, and the colonnades of Livia and Octavia, and the theatre of Marcellus. But he also often urged other prominent men to adorn the City with new monuments, or to restore and embellish (existing ones), each in accordance with his means. (5) And many (buildings) were built at that time by many (men), such as the temple of Hercules (and) the Muses by Marcius Philippus (i.e. cos. suff. 38 B.C.), the temple of Diana by Lucius Cornificius (i.e. cos. 35 B.C.), the Hall of Liberty by Asinius Pollio (i.e. cos. 40 B.C.), the temple of Saturn by Munatius Plancus (i.e. cos. 42 B.C.), a theatre by Cornelius Balbus, an amphitheatre by Statilius Taurus (i.e. cos. suff. 37 B.C.), and certainly  several glorious (structures) by Marcus Agrippa (i.e. cos. 37 B.C.).   

30. (1) He divided the area of the City into districts and wards, and arranged that annual magistrates, chosen by lot, should be in charge of the former, and magistrates, selected from the people of each neighbourhood, (should take charge of) the latter. (To guard) against fires he devised (a system) of night-watchmen and guardsmen; to prevent floods he widened and cleared up the bed of the Tiber, formerly full of rubbish and narrowed by the extensions of buildings. Furthermore, so that the City could be approached more easily from all sides, he chose to rebuild the Flaminian Way as far as Ariminum, (and) he distributed the rest (of the highways) to men who had triumphed, so that they should be paved with the money (acquired) from booty. 

(2) He rebuilt sacred buildings (that had) fallen into decay due to old age or (that had been) destroyed by fire, and he embellished these and other (buildings) with such splendid gifts, that he deposited in the cellar of (the temple of) Jupiter Capitolinus sixteen thousand pounds of gold, and jewels and pearls (to the value of) five hundred thousand sesterces as a single gift. 

31. (1) Now when, on his death (i.e. in 13 B.C.), he finally took up (the office of) chief priest, which he had never been able to take away from Lepidus while he lived, he assembled from all quarters whatever prophetic books of Greek and Latin origin were commonly said to have no authors, or no suitable (ones), and burned upwards of two thousand (of them), and he only retained the Sibylline (oracles), but even these (only) after an examination  (had been) made; and he placed them in two gilded book-cases under the pedestal of Palatine Apollo. (2) He restored again to its former system of calculation the annual calendar (which had been) put in place by the Deified Julius, but (which had) afterwards become disordered and confused through negligence; in (making) this arrangement he called the month of Sextilis by his own surname rather than September in which he had been born, because in this (month) his first consulship and some famous victories had fallen to his lot. (3) He increased both the number and the dignity of the priests, but also their allowances, (and) especially (those of) the Vestal Virgins. And when in the place of (one who) had died, it was necessary for another (one) to be taken up and for votes to be canvassed (for her), and many would not give their daughters' (names) into the casting of the lot, he swore that, if the age of either of his own granddaughters were suitable, he would have offered her (name). (4) He also restored some of the old religious ceremonies, (which had) gradually (been) abolished, such as the augury of Public Health, the office of the Flamen of Jupiter, the sacred Lupercalia, (and) the Secular and Compitalian games. He forbade beardless (boys) from running in the Lupercalia, and, likewise, at the Secular games, he prohibited young persons of either sex from attending any nocturnal spectacle, unless (they were) in the company of one of their relatives (who was) older in age. He arranged to decorate the Lares of the Crossroads twice a year with spring and summer flowers.  

(5) Next to the immortal gods, he bestowed honour on the memory of those generals who had raised the power of the Roman people from lowliness to greatness. Accordingly, he restored the works of each one (of them) with their surviving inscriptions and consecrated the statues of all of them in triumphal garb in each colonnade of his forum, and he declared in a proclamation: "He (has created) this device, so that both he himself, while he should live, and the rulers of the times that follow as well, should copy the lives of those (men), as required by the citizens." He also moved the statue of Pompey from the hall in which Gaius Caesar had been slain, and placed (it) in a marble arched passageway opposite the entrance to his theatre.  

32. (1) To the detriment of the public, many of the worst practices had survived either from the licentious habits of the civil wars or had even appeared during peacetime. For many (of the gangs) of footpads openly showed themselves to be girded with swords as if for the sake of self-defence, and travellers across the fields, (both) freemen and slaves, (were) seized without distinction and kept in confinement in the landowners' workhouses, and several factions under the title of new guilds came together for the commission of every kind of crime. So, he held back the footpads by assigning guardsmen to suitable places, he inspected the workhouses, (and) he disbanded the guilds except (those that were) long-standing and legitimate. (2) He cast out the records of old debts to the treasury, by far the principal source of blackmail; he awarded to their possessors those places in the City where the right of the public (was) doubtful; he struck from the lists the names of (those who had been) under accusation for a long time, and from whose humiliation nothing was to be gained other than the gratification of their enemies, with the proposed stipulation, that, if anyone wished to repeat the (charge), he should be subject to the risk of an equal punishment. In order that an offence should not be met with impunity or business with delay, he added to the term of the courts thirty more days, which had been occupied with honorary games. (3) To the three classes of judges he added a fourth (one), consisting of people of inferior status, who were called 'ducenarii', and judged (cases) concerning trifling amounts of money. He selected judges from thirty years of age, that is five years earlier than was customary. And, with several (men) declining the duty of judging, he reluctantly consented that there should be a year's exemption for each division in turn, and that the custom of holding court during the months of November and December should be given up.

33. (1) He himself pronounced judgment assiduously, and sometimes during the night, and, if he were bodily unwell, his litter was placed before the tribunal, or (he) even (gave) justice while reclining at home. Moreover, he delivered justice not only with the greatest of diligence, but also with lenity, and, if anyone appeared guilty of parricide, in order that he should not be sewn up in a sack, because this punishment was not inflicted on a man unless he confessed, he is said to have questioned (him) thus: "You surely did not kill your father, (did you)?" (2) And, when (a case) was being tried concerning a forged will, and all the signatories were liable to the penalties of the Cornelian law, he gave (orders that those hearing the case) should, at the same time, become acquainted not only with the two tablets, 'guilty' and 'not guilty', but also with a third (one), by which forgiveness should be given to those, whom it was agreed (had been) induced to give their signature through deception or in error. (3) Now each year he referred the appeals of citizens involved in a lawsuit to the city praetor, but, in the case of those from the provinces to men of consular rank, to one of whom he assigned the business affairs of each province. 

34. (1) Some laws he abolished, and he set up some new (ones), such as the sumptuary law (i.e. to cut down on extravagance), and those concerning adultery and (the violation of) chastity, and bribery (in elections), and the rules of marriage. Since he had emended this (latter) law rather more severely than the others, he could not carry (it) out on account of the commotion of those objecting (to it), unless some of its penalties (were) at last abolished or mitigated, besides giving a three-year exemption (from its requirements) (i.e. to re-marry after the death of a husband or wife) and increasing the rewards. (2) So, when the knights then persistently demanded its abolition at a public show, he sent for the children of Germanicus, and showed (them) sitting, some on his own lap and some on their father's, (and) indicating by his gestures and expression that they should not shrink from imitating the example of that young man. But, when he found that the force of the law was also being eluded by the young age of brides and by the frequent changes of wives, he shortened the time for brides to be betrothed, and imposed a limit on divorces.  

35. (1) By dint of two perusals (of the roll), he reduced to its former size and splendour the senate, (which was now) swarming in number with a shameless and disorderly crowd - for they were above a thousand in number, and some (of them) wholly unworthy, (and those,) whom the rabble called the 'Orcini' (i.e. they owed their elevation to a dead man who had gone to 'Orcus', viz. the Underworld), (had been) admitted after Caesar's death through personal influence and bribery: in the first such scrutiny, in which man picked man, (the business was left) to themselves, but the second (one was conducted) by himself and Agrippa; on this occasion, he is thought to have presided over (them, while) protected by a coat of mail under his tunic, and girded with a sword, with ten of his strongest friends in the senatorial order standing around his chair. (2) Cordus Crematius writes that not even then could one of the senators be admitted (into his presence), unless (he were) alone and his robes had been checked out beforehand. Some he obliged to resign in shame, but, even after their resignation, he preserved their right to distinguished dress, and of watching (the games) from the orchestra, and of public banqueting. (3) So that (those, who were) chosen and approved of, might discharge their senatorial functions both more scrupulously and with less inconvenience, he decreed that each (member), before he took his seat, should humbly offer frankincense and wine at the altar of the god, in whose temple he was assembling, and that no regular (meetings of) the senate should take place more than twice a month, on the Kalends, and the Ides, and that in the months of September and October (i.e. during the season of vintage) it should not be necessary for any others to be present than (those) drawn by lot to a number, by means of which decrees could be passed; and, for himself, he set up councils to be assigned by lot every six months, with which he might discuss in advance matters (which were) to be referred to a full (meeting of) the senate. (4) On important matters, he called for the opinions (of senators) not in accordance with custom and rank, but just as it had pleased (him), so that everyone should exert his mind, as if he were expressing his opinion rather than just giving his assent. 

36. (1) He was also the author of several other (changes) in (the management of) public affairs, among which (were these): that the acts of the senate should not be published, that magistrates should not be sent into the provinces immediately after laying down their office, that a certain sum of money should be assigned to the proconsuls for mules and tents, (the provision of) which used to be publicly arranged, that the management of the treasury should transfer from the City quaestors to ex-praetors or praetors, (and) that the Board of Ten should summon the rod of the centemviri, which those who discharged the duties of quaestor had been accustomed to collect. 

37. (1) So that more (men) might take part in the administration of the state, he devised new offices: to take care of public buildings, of the roads, of the aqueducts, of the bed of the Tiber, (and) of the distribution of corn to the people, the prefecture of the City, a triumvirate for choosing (the members) of the senate, and another for reviewing the squadrons of knights, whenever there was the need (for it). He appointed censors, who for a long period of time had ceased to be appointed. He increased the number of praetors. He also required that, whenever the consulship was conferred on him, he should have two colleagues instead of one, but (this) he did not obtain, with all (the senators) loudly declaring that his majesty was diminished enough in that he was not holding his office alone, but (was sharing it) with another. 

38. (1) (He was) not more sparing in honouring courage in war, and he arranged for regular triumphs to be voted to upwards of thirty generals, and for triumphal regalia to somewhat more (than that number). 

(2) In order that the sons of senators should become accustomed more quickly to the affairs of state, he permitted (them) to assume at once the broad purple stripe on the robe of manhood, and to be present at (the debates in) the senate-house, and, when they began their military service, he gave (them) not only the (rank of) tribune in the legions, but the command of cavalry squadrons as well; and, so that they should have experience of camp life, he usually appointed two denizens of the broad purple stripe (i.e. the sons of senators) to command each one of the divisions. 

(3) He frequently reviewed the squadrons of the equestrian order, reviving the custom of a cavalcade (i.e. a procession) after a long interruption. But he did not allow anyone to be forced to dismount, by an accuser, as he went past, (something) which used to happen, and (those who were) conspicuous due to old age or any bodily infirmity, he allowed (them) to send on their horses in the review, (and) to come on foot to answer their names whenever they were cited; then, he gave the privilege of giving up their horse to those who (were) over thirty-five years of age, and (who) did not wish to retain (it).  

39. (1) Having obtained ten assistants from the senate, he compelled each one of the knights to render an account of his life, and he indicated by means of a punishment some of those in whom he found fault, and others (he placed) in disgrace, (and he issued) several (of them) with a reprimand, but (these) varied (in their severity). The mildest kind of reproof was delivery by means of writing tablets, which they could read in silence and at once on the spot; and some he blamed, because, having borrowed money at low rates of interest, they had let (it) out again at a very heavy profit. 

40. (1) At the elections for tribunes, if the number of senatorial candidates were insufficient (viz. since the dictatorship of Sulla, i.e. 82-80 B.C., all tribunes of the plebs were required to be members of the senate), he made appointments from Roman knights, on the condition that, once their period of office (had been) completed, they might remain in whichever order they wished. Now, since most of the knights had had their estates reduced in value by the civil wars, and did not dare to watch the (public) games from the fourteen rows (i.e. the seating area reserved for senators), through fear of the penalty (of the law) regarding theatres, he proclaimed that none were liable to its (provisions), if they themselves or their parents had ever been registered as a knight. 

(2) He carried out a census of the (Roman) people on a street to street basis, and, lest the populace should be carried away from their occupations too often for the sake of the distribution of corn, he determined to give out tickets three times a year for four months (at a time); bur at their request he resorted to the old custom once more, that they should receive their (share) every month. He also revived the former law on elections, and (arranged) for bribery to be encompassed by numerous penalties, (and,) on the day of the elections, he distributed a thousand coins (i.e. sesterces) each from his own (purse) to his fellow-members of the Fabian and Scaptian tribes, so they should not expect anything from any of the candidates. 

(3) Moreover, thinking (it) of great importance to keep the people pure and untainted from any mixture of foreign or servile blood, he both bestowed Roman citizenship in a most sparing manner, and restricted the practice of manumission. When Tiberius (i.e. his son-in-law) sought (citizenship) on behalf of a retainer (of his), he wrote back that he would not grant (it) unless he should have come to him in person and have persuaded him that he has just reasons for his application; and, when Livia (i.e. his wife) asked (him to grant) citizenship on behalf of some tributary Gaul, he refused (it), (but) he offered (the man) immunity (from taxation), asserting that he would sooner suffer some loss to he exchequer than that the honour of Roman citizenship should be made common. (4) Not content with (providing) many obstacles to the removal of slaves (from servitude), by (granting them) liberty, and still more so by (granting them) total freedom, after he had made careful provision as to the number, and the condition, and the diversity of those who were manumitted, he also added this (requirement), that no (one,) who had ever been put in irons or tortured, should acquire citizenship through any kind of freedom.   

(5) He was also keen to bring back the former custom of dress, and once, when he saw a crowd of dusky cloaks in a people's assembly, he cried out in indignation: "See here, Romans, lords of all things (on the earth), and the nation clad in a toga!" (And) he gave an order to the aediles that no one was to be allowed into the forum or the circus after that, unless he had put away his cloak and was there wearing a toga. 

41. (1) He displayed his generosity to all classes of people on frequent occasions. For, by bringing royal treasure into the City during his Alexandrian triumph, he made the supply of money so plentiful that (rates of) interest fell (and) the price of land rose considerably, and afterwards, whenever there was an excess of money from the property of (those who had been) condemned, he would allow it to be lent free of interest for a fixed term to those, who could provide security for double (the amount of what had been borrowed). He increased the amount of property required by a senator, and, instead of the sum of eight hundred thousand sesterces, he valued it at twelve (hundred thousand) and supplemented the amount for (those who did) not possess it. (2) He gave frequent donations to the people, but generally of different amounts: now four hundred, now three hundred, (and) sometimes two hundred and fifty sesterces; and he even extended (his bounty) to young boys, although they had not become used to receiving (anything) unless they had reached the eleventh year of their age. Even during difficulties of supply, he often distributed corn to each man at a very low price, (and) sometimes none at all, and he doubled the (number of) the moneyed tickets. 

42. (1) But so that you would know (that he was) a prince (who was) more (concerned about the good of his people than (about obtaining) their favour, when they complained about the scarcity and the high cost of wine, he corrected (them) in a most severe voice; by building several aqueducts, sufficient provision (had been made) by his son-in-law Agrippa (to ensure) that men shall not go thirsty. (2) When the same people demanded some largess (which he had) promised (them), he replied that he was a man of good faith; but, when they urgently demanded something which had not been promised, he rebuked (them for) their shamelessness and impudence in a proclamation, and affirmed that he would not (now) give (them anything), although he may have intended to give (it). With no less dignity and firmness, when he had discovered, after his largess (had been) proposed, that many had been manumitted and inserted into the number of citizens, he declared that no one would receive (anything) which had not been promised, and he gave the rest less than he had promised (them), so that the appointed sum should be sufficient. (3) But yet at a time of great scarcity, (which was) difficult to remedy, when he had expelled from the City all of the slaves (that were) for sale, and the schools of gladiators, and all foreigners except physicians and teachers, so that when at last the supply of grain became stronger, he writes that he had taken up the inclination to abolish for ever the provision of corn at the public expense, because, due to their trust (in it), the cultivation of fields had ceased; but I did not persevere (with this), because I felt certain that one day it would be renewed through the desire for popular favour. And so from that time onwards he managed the situation, so that he took no less account (of the interests) of the farmers and grain-dealers than (those) of the people. 

43. (1) In the number, and the variety, and the magnificence of his public spectacles, he surpassed everyone. He says that he gave games in his own name four times, and twenty-three times on behalf of other magistrates, who were either absent or could not afford (the expense). And sometimes he gave public shows on a street-by-street basis also, and by stage-players in all languages upon several stages, not in the Forum only, and in the amphitheatre, but in the Circus and in the Saepta (i.e. the Saepta Julia, the voting precinct in the Campus Martius) too, and sometimes he provided nothing except a fight with wild beasts; and (he) also (gave) athletic (contests), erecting wooden seats in the Campus Martius; and (he) also (provided) a sea-fight, for which he excavated the ground around the Tiber, where the grove of the Caesars now stands. During these days he stationed guards in the City, lest, due to the scarcity of those remaining at home, it might be exposed to footpads. (2) In the Circus he produced charioteers, runners, and killers of wild animals, and (they were) sometimes from young men of the most noble background; besides he produced the most frequent (performances) of the game of Troy by older and younger boys, thinking (it to be) an ancient and worthy custom for the nature of famous stock to become known in this way. When Nonius Asprenas (was) made lame by a fall, he gave (him) a golden necklace, and allowed him and his descendants to bear the surname of Torquatus (i.e. adorned by a necklace). Soon afterwards, he brought the production of such (entertainments) to an end, when the orator Asinius Pollio complained bitterly and angrily in the senate-house about an accident to his grandson Aeserninus, who had also broken his leg. 

(3) He sometimes even employed Roman knights in theatrical and gladiatorial performances, that is until it was forbidden by a decree of the senate. After that, he exhibited no one of a respectable (parentage) with the exception of a young man (called) Lycius, born of an honourable background, whom he showed merely as (a curiosity), because he was less than two feet tall (and weighed but) seventeen pounds, but (he had) a very loud voice. (4) On the day of one of the shows, however, he then sent the Parthian hostages through the middle of the arena for the first time, (and) he led (them) to the theatre, and placed them in the second (row) above his own seat. Furthermore, if anything unknown and worthy of knowledge was ever brought (to the City) on days without shows, it was his custom to exhibit it specially in any convenient place, for instance a rhinoceros in the Saepta, a tiger on the stage, (and) a snake fifty cubits (long) in front of the place of assembly. 

(5) It happened, in the games which he had vowed in the Circus, that he was inflicted with illness, and he led the sacred chariots by lying in a litter; again, at the opening of the games, with which he dedicated the theatre of Marcellus, it happened that the joints of his curule chair gave way, and he fell on his back. And, in the games (held for) his grandsons, when the people were in (a state of) consternation through fear (that the theatre was) collapsing, and he could not reassure and encourage them in any way, he moved from his place and took his seat in that part, which was considered (to be) most (dangerous). 

44. (1) He corrected the disorderly and unrestrained manner of viewing (the games), and exasperation afflicted him at the insult to a senator, to whom no one had offered a seat in a crowded house during some well-attended games at Puteoli. So a decree of the senate was passed, so that, whenever any public show was produced, the first row of seats should be reserved for senators, (and) at Rome he forbade the envoys of the free and allied nations to sit in the orchestra, since he had learned that even some men of freedman stock had been sent. (2) He separated the military from the people. He assigned special seats to the married men of the people, (and) their own division of seats to those under age, and one nearby to their pedagogues, and he decreed that no one wearing a dark cloak should sit in the middle of the theatre. He did not even allow the women to watch the gladiators, whom they once used to watch together with the others, except from the upper (part of) the theatre. (3) He granted a separate place in the theatre to the Vestal Virgins only, and (it was) opposite the praetor's bench. However, he excluded the whole female sex from seeing the wrestlers, so that in the high priest's games, he deferred (producing) a pair of combatants, (which the people had) called for, until the following morning, and intimated by proclamation (that it was) his pleasure that no women should come into the theatre before the fifth hour.  

45. (1) He himself just used to watch the Circensian (Games) from the upper rooms of his friends and freedmen, (and) sometimes from the sacred couch (i.e. the imperial box) and even sitting with his wife and children. Sometimes he was absent from the spectacle for several hours, and for whole days, and he sought pardon, and, substitutes having been appointed, they functioned by presiding in his stead. But, whenever he was present, he dealt with nothing else, either in order to avoid the recriminations, which he used to say (were) commonly made against his father Caesar, in that he devoted himself to reading letters and pamphlets or making rescripts, or from his interest and pleasure in the spectacle, which he never denied having and often frankly acknowledged. (2) And so he frequently used to offer gifts and prizes from his own purse at the functions and games (given) by others, and he never appeared at any contest in the Greek (fashion) without honouring each participant according to merit. Now, he watched boxers with particular keenness, and especially those of Latin blood, not only (those who were) recognised and classed as professionals, whom he was even accustomed to match with the Greeks, but those belonging to a group of townspeople, who fought rough and tumble and without skill among the narrow streets. (3) In short, his patronage was carefully bestowed on all kinds of people (who contributed) in any way to the success of the public entertainments; he both maintained and enlarged the privileges of the wrestlers and prohibited the gladiators from being matched without the right of appeal for quarter, and he deprived the magistrates of the power of correcting the stage-players, which by an ancient law (was) allowed (them) at all times and in all places, restricting it to (the times of) the games and to the theatre. Nevertheless, he always exacted the severest discipline in the contests of the wrestlers and the combats of the gladiators. For he went so far in restraining the licentiousness of the stage-players, that, when he learned that a married woman, (dressed) in a boy's clothes and with her hair cropped, had waited at table upon Stephanio, an actor in a Roman play, (he had him) flogged with rods through (all) three theatres, and banished (him).  Upon the complaint of a praetor, he had Hylas, a pantomime actor, scourged by whips in the forecourt of his own house, (from which) no one (was) excluded, and he removed Pylades from the City and Italy as well, because he had pointed with his finger, and had made conspicuous, at a spectator, by whom he was being hissed. 

46. (1) Having set the City and its civic affairs in order in this way, colonies to the number of twenty-eight (were) planted by him, and he resorted to public works and tax-gathering, and inserted (them) in many places, and he even equalised, at least to some extent, their rights and dignities with the City (of Rome), by devising a system of votes for their city magistrates which the colonial decurions were to cast in each colony, and send under seal to Rome against the day of the elections. And, lest the supply of men of rank or the children of the multitude should dry up, he arranged to accept the petition of those seeking an equestrian military career from the public recommendation of each town, and to those of the commons who proved to have sons or daughters, he distributed a thousand sesterces for each child. 

47. (1) The stronger provinces, which could be ruled neither easily nor safely by the annual injunctions of magistrates, he took control of himself, and he allowed the rest to be assigned by lot to the proconsuls. But sometimes he changed some of them from one class to the other, and he frequently visited very many of them. Some of the cities, in alliance (with Rome), but that were hastening to their ruin by their licentiousness, he deprived of their independence, and he relieved others (that were) suffering from debt, and rebuilt once more (those that had been) overcome by earthquakes, and he gave Latin rights or (full) citizenship to (those) instigating services to the Roman people. There is not, I believe, any province, excepting only Africa and Sardinia, which he had not visited. After forcing Sextus Pompeius to take refuge in these provinces, he was planning to go across from Sicily, but continuous and massive storms held (him) back, and soon there was no opportunity or reason for such a crossing.  

48. (1) Except in a few instances, the kingdoms of which had had taken control by right of war, he either restored to those from whom he had taken (them), or he conferred (them) on foreign countries. He also associated himself with the allied kings themselves thorough their mutual needs, being a most public promoter and favourer of every marriage and friendship (between them); and he treated (them) all with as much care as if they were members and parts of the empire; and he regularly appointed a guardian (to those who were) young in age or weak in mind, until they grew up or recovered their senses; and he brought up the children of very many (of them), and educated (them) together with his own (ones).      

49. (1) Of his military forces he distributed the legions and the auxiliary forces throughout the provinces, and he stationed a fleet at Misenum  and another (one) at Ravenna, to protect the Upper and Lower seas (i.e. the Adriatic and the Sea of Tuscany), and he brought together the remaining number, partly in defence of the City, and partly (in defence of) himself, dismissing a troop of Calagurritani, which he had kept around him until Antony was overthrown, and also (one) of Germans which (were) among his bodyguards until the defeat of Varus. Yet, he never allowed there to be more than three cohorts in the City, and these (were) without a (permanent) camp, and the rest he sent to neighbouring towns, and settled (them) in winter and summer quarters. (2) And with regard to all soldiers that were (stationed) everywhere, he restricted (them) to a fixed scale of pay and allowances, determining (these) in accordance with each man's rank and the time they had served, and their private means, so that, after their discharge, they might not be tempted by age or necessity to join those agitating for a revolution. In order to provide (a fund) that was always ready to meet their pay and pensions, he instituted a military exchequer together with new taxes. 

(3) And, so that what was happening in each province could be announced and known more speedily and promptly, he stationed young men at first at short intervals along the military roads, and then on vehicles. That appeared to be more convenient, as (those) who bring the dispatches from any spot can also be interrogated, if the circumstances should demand it.   

50. (1) In letters-patent, rescripts, and private letters, he at first used a sphinx as a seal, afterwards the image of Alexander the Great, and at last his own, engraved by the hand of Dioscurides, which the succeeding emperors also continued to use as their seal. To all his letters he always added the exact hour not only of the day but also of the night of the dates on which they were written. 

51. (1) There are many great instances of his moderation and courteousness. Not to enumerate how many and what persons of the adverse party (to whom) he gave pardon and security, he even allowed (them)  to take hold of the top positions in the state: he thought (it) enough to punish Junius Novatus and Cassius Patavinus, men of the plebeians, one with a fine, and the other with a mild (form of) banishment, although the former had published among the people a most scathing letter about him under the name of the young Agrippa, and the other had declared at a very large banquet that he was lacking neither the inclination nor the courage to stab him. (2)  Now, in a certain trial, when among other charges against Aemilius Aelianus of Corduba, it was particularly cast against him that he used to express bad opinions about Caesar, he turned to his accuser with a similar passion, and said: "I wish you could prove that in my case; so I shall let Aelianus know that I have a tongue as well, for I shall say even more about him"; and he made no further inquiry either at the time or afterwards. (3) When Tiberius complained to him of the same thing in a letter, but in more forceful (language), he replied as follows: "My (dear) Tiberius, do not be carried away by your youth in this matter, and take it too much to heart that anyone should speak evil of me; for it is enough that we should have it so that anyone can (be stopped) from doing us harm."  

52. (1)  Although he knew that it was also customary to decree temples in (the names of) proconsuls, yet he would not accept any in the provinces except jointly in his own name and (that) of Rome. For in the City itself he obstinately refused any such honour; and he even set fire to all silver statues, which had once been erected to him, and, with (the money that came) from them, he dedicated golden tripods to Palatine Apollo. 

When the people offered the dictatorship with great determination, he knelt down on (one) knee, and, with his toga thrown from his shoulders and his breast exposed to view, he begged (them not to insist).   

53. (1) He always hated the title of "lord" as abusive and offensive. Although (the words) "O just and gracious lord" were uttered at a farce at the games at which he was a spectator, yet everyone leapt up and assented (to it), as if it were said of him, but he instantly put a stop to their unseemly flattery by gesture and expression, and on the following day he rebuked (them) by a very harsh edict; after that, he did not allow himself to be called "lord" even by his children and grandchildren, either in earnest or in jest, and he forbade (them from using) blandishments of this kind even among themselves. (2) He did not leave any city or town without reason, nor did he depart from it except in the evening or at night, in order that he should not disturb anyone for the sake of courtesy. During his consulship he generally went through the streets on foot, but outside his consulship (he was) often in a closed carriage. He admitted the people to his normal receptions, and he met the requests (of those) who approached (him) with great affability, so that he rebuked one man in jest, because he so hesitated to present a petition to him "as though (he were presenting) a log to an elephant". (3) On the day of a senate (meeting) he never greeted the members except in the senate-house, and indeed (he greeted) each of them by name as they were sitting (there), without any secret reminders; also, on his departure, he bade farewell (to them) in the same way as they were sitting (there). He exchanged social calls with many (of them), and he did not cease to attend the ceremonial days of each one of them, until (he became) older in years, and was once harassed by a crowd on the day of a betrothal. But, (being told that) Gallus Cerrinius, a senator who was not familiar with him, had suddenly lost his eyesight, and that for this reason he had resolved to die of starvation, he paid (him) a visit, and by his consoling (words) he restored (him) to life.           

54. (1) As he was speaking in the senate, it was said (to him): "I do not understand you," and by another: "I would contradict you, if I had the chance (to do so)." Sometimes, when he had taken himself from the senate-house in anger on account of the excessive quarrels of those who were holding the debates, some (members) put forward the view that senators ought to be permitted to speak freely about matters of state. At the elections of the senate, when each man chose (another) man, Antistius Labeo named Marcus Lepidus, formerly his enemy and (who was) then in banishment, and, being asked by the latter (i.e. Augustus) whether there were others (who were more deserving, he replied that every man has his own opinion. Nor were freedom of speech or obstinacy (used) as a reason for anyone to be molested.  

55. (1) Even when scurrilous libels about him were dispersed in the senate-house, he was not greatly disturbed, but he took great care to refute (them), and, without trying to discover the authors, he merely proposed that those who published libels or lampoons to defame anyone should be called to account in the future.   

56. (1) Also, when he was provoked by the invidious and petulant jests of certain men, he contradicted (them) by edict. And yet he intervened to prevent any (bill) concerning freedom of speech in wills being passed. Whenever he was present at the election of magistrates, he went around the tribes with his own candidates, and appealed to (them)( in the traditional manner. And he himself cast his vote among the tribes as one of the people. (When he was) a witness in trials, he allowed himself to be interrogated and refuted with a most even-tempered mind. (2) He made the forum narrower (than planned), because he did not venture to eject the owners of the neighbouring houses. He never recommended his sons to the people without adding: "If they should be worthy (of it)." When they were still minors, (and) everyone in the theatre rose up and applauded them from a standing (position), he made a very serious complaint. So, he wished his friends to be very great and powerful in the state, but that they should be under the same law as the others, and that they should be equally liable to judicial prosecutions. (3) When Nonius Asprenas, a close friend of his, was being tried on a charge of poisoning on the accusation of Cassius Severus, he consulted the senate as to what they thought his duty (should be); for (he said) that he hesitated, for fear that, if he should stand by (him), it might be thought that he was rescuing (a man who was) guilty under the laws, but that, if he should abandon (him), he was forsaking and prejudging a friend; and, with the consent of everyone, he sat on the court benches for several hours, but in silence and without even giving any praise of the defendant. (4) Now he defended some clients, a certain Scutarius for instance, once an officer of his, who was being accused of slander. He relieved one (man) only from prosecution, and him only by entreaty, by prevailing upon the accuser, in the presence of the jurors, (to withdraw his accusation), Castricius (that is), through whom he had learned of the conspiracy of Murena.   

57. (1) It is easy to imagine how much he was beloved for those merits of his. I leave unmentioned the decrees of the senate, because they can be thought to have been expressed either by necessity or by deference. The Roman knights always celebrated his birth of one accord and, by (common) consent, for two days. In performance of a vow for his safety, men of all ranks threw a small coin into the Curtian lake every year, and, likewise, (brought) a new year's gift to the Capitol, even in his absence, from which (donations) he purchased, and dedicated, on a street by street basis, some very precious statues of the gods, such as Apollo Sandaliarius and Jupiter Tragoedus and others. (2) In the rebuilding of his house on the Palatine, (which had been) destroyed by fire, the veteran (soldiers), the guildsmen, the tribes, and even the rest of the people on an individual basis, willingly contributed money in accordance with each one's capability, (but) he merely took a little from the top of each pile, and he did not take more than a denarius from any of them. On his return from a province, they escorted (him) not only with joyful forebodings, but also with musical songs. It was also the rule that, whenever he entered the City, punishment should not be exacted from anyone.   

58. (1) The whole (body of the people), with sudden and unanimous consent, offered (him) the title of Father of his Country: the commons first sent (it) to Antium, and then, because he did not accept (it), (again) at Rome, as he entered the theatre, (which they attended) in throngs and crowned with laurel wreaths; then, in the senate-house, not by decree or by acclamation, but through Valerius Messala, when he, speaking for all of them, said: (2) "What good fortune may attend you and your house, Caesar Augustus! For thus we think that we are praying for the everlasting happiness and prosperity of this our country: the senate, in agreement with the Roman people, cordially salute you as Father of your Country." With tears (in his eyes), Augustus replied to him in these words - for I have set down his very (words), just as (I did) in the case of Messala - : "Having obtained the summit of my wishes, fathers of the senate, what else have I to beg of the immortal gods than that it may be possible to maintain this harmonious agreement of yours to the very end of my life." 

59. (1) To the physician Antonius Musa, through whose efforts he had recovered from a dangerous illness, they erected a statue near the figure of Aesculapius (i.e. the god of medicine). Some heads of families took care in their wills that victims should be led to the Capitol by their heirs with a placard carried before (them), and pay their vows for them, because Augustus had remained a survivor. Some Italian cities made the day, on which he had first visited them, the beginning of their year. In addition to temples and altars, most of the provinces also established quinquennial games (i.e. games every four years) (in his honour) in almost every town. 

60. (1) The kings, (who were) his friends and allies, founded cities (called) Caesarea, each one in his own town, and they all resolved, with one consent, to complete, at their common expense, the temple of Olympian Jupiter at Athens, (which had been) begun long before, and to dedicate (it) to his own Genius; and they would frequently leave their kingdoms, and pay their respects (to him) daily in the manner of clients, clad in a toga and without the emblems of royalty, not only at Rome but even when he was travelling through the provinces. 

61. (1) Now that I have shown how he had ruled the state in military and civil (positions) throughout the world in peace and in war, I shall now describe his private and domestic life and give an account of his habits and circumstances at home and among his (friends)  from his youth right up to the last day of his life.  

(2) He lost his mother (i.e. Atia) during his first consulship (i.e. 43 B.C.), and his sister Octavia when he was fifty-four years old. He treated (them) both with the utmost kindness (when they were) alive, (and, after they had) died, he also paid (them) the highest honours.  

62. (1) As a young man, he had the daughter of Publius Servilius Isauricus, but after he was reconciled with Antony after their first rupture, with the armies on both sides insisting that their being joined together (was a matter) of some necessity, he married his step-daughter Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia by Publius Clodius, (although she was) scarcely marriageable, but, (when) a quarrel arose with his mother-in-law Fulvia, he divorced (her), still untouched and a virgin. (2) Shortly afterwards, he married Scribonia, (who had been) married before to two ex-consuls, and was a mother by one of them. With her he also arranged a divorce, "being disgusted," as he writes, "at the perversity of her habits," and, at once, he took Livia Drusilla from her marriage with Tiberius Nero, though (she was) pregnant, and he loved and esteemed (her) especially and perseveringly.    

63. (1) He had (a daughter) Julia from Scribonia, but from Livia no children at all, although he greatly desired (them). (There was one) baby that was conceived, but it was born prematurely. He gave Julia in marriage, firstly to Marcellus, the son of his sister Octavia, who had just completed his childhood, and then, when he had died, to Marcus Agrippa, his sister having been prevailed upon to yield her son-in-law to his (wishes); for, at that time, Agrippa had another of the Marcellae (as his wife), and (had) children by her. (2) When he also died, after considering for a long time many marriage-contracts, even in the equestrian order, he selected his step-son Tiberius, and forced (him) to part with his wife (i.e. Vipsania), (who was) pregnant, and (when) he was already a father by her. Mark Antony writes that he had first pledged Julia to his son Antonius, and then to Cotiso, king of the Getae (i.e. a people of Thrace), at which time he also sought the king's daughter in marriage for himself in turn. 

64. (1) From Agrippa and Julia he had three grandsons, Gaius and Lucius and Agrippa, and two granddaughters, Julia and Agrippina. He gave Julia in marriage to Lucius Paulus, the son of the censor, (and) Agrippina to Germanicus, his sister's grandson. Gaius and Lucius he adopted in his home, buying (them) from their father Agrippa by a ceremonial purchase (i.e. by touching a balance with a penny), and, (while there were) still young, he directed (them) to state office, and, (when they were) consuls-designate, he sent (them) around the provinces and the armies. (2) He so brought up his daughter and granddaughters that he even had (them) taught how to work with wool (i.e. spinning and weaving), and he forbade (them) to say or do anything, except openly and such as might be recorded in the long-standing diary; indeed, he so (strictly) prohibited (them) from converse with strangers, that he once wrote to Lucius Vinicius, a distinguished and handsome young man, (to say) that he had not behaved at all modestly, in that he had come to Baiae to pay his respects to his daughter. (3) He taught his grandsons reading and swimming and the basic elements (of education) mainly by himself, and he laboured at nothing as much as that they should imitate his own handwriting; he never dined in their company unless they sat beside (him) on the lowest couch, nor made a journey (with them) unless they went in front of his carriage or rode up on either side (of it). 

65. (1)  But happy and confident (as he was) in his offspring and in the training of his family, Fortune deserted him. (The two) Julias, daughter and granddaughter, contaminated by all kinds of vice, he banished; both Gaius and Lucius he lost within eighteen months (of each other), Gaius having died in Lycia, (and) Lucius in Massilia. He adopted his third grandson Agrippa and his stepson Tiberius at the same time in the forum by a law of the Curiate assembly; he soon discarded Agrippa from these (provisions) on account of his coarse and unruly disposition, and set him apart at Sorrentum. 

(2) Yet he bore the death of his relatives with more patience than (he did) their disgrace. For, although he was not particularly broken by the fate of Gaius and Lucius, he made the senate aware of his daughter through a letter read in his absence by a quaestor, and, through shame, he stopped (her) from meeting with men for a long time, and even thought of putting (her) to death. At all events, when, at about the same time, one of her accomplices, a freedwoman (called) Phoebe, ended her life by hanging (herself), he said that he would rather have been Phoebe's father (than Julia's). (3) In her banishment, he deprived (her) of the use of wine and all luxurious dress, nor would he allow (her) to be waited upon by any (man, whether) a freeman or a slave, unless (he had been) consulted, and thus to be more certain as to what age he was, (and) what stature, and what complexion he had, and even as to what marks or scars (he had) on his body. At last, after four years he transferred her from the island to the mainland and with milder and lesser restrictions. For he could in no way be prevailed upon to recall (her) altogether, (and,) when the Roman people had interceded several times (on her behalf), and pressed their case quite firmly, (he stated) in open assembly, that they should be imprecated (themselves) with such daughters and such wives. (4) He forbade the child (that was) born to his granddaughter Julia after her sentence to be recognised in any way. Agrippa, (who was) in no way manageable, (and) indeed (he was becoming) madder every day, he transported to a desert island (i.e. Planasia) and surrounded (him) from above by a guard of soldiers. He also procured a decree of the senate that he would be confined (there) in the same place on a permanent basis. And at every mention of him and of (the two) Julias, he also used to say with a heavy sigh: "Would that I were unmarried and had died without children!" nor did he call them by anything other than his three boils and his three cancerous ulcers.

66. (1) He did not make friends easily, but he kept hold of (them) with great constancy, not only worthily rewarding their virtues and merits, but also condoning their vices and faults, provided that they were only of a moderate (kind). For of all of those whom he held in his friendship, none were found to be rashly afflicted (i.e. to have fallen into disgrace), except Salvidienus Rufus, whom he had advanced as far as the consulship, and Cornelius Gallus, whom (he had promoted) to the prefecture of Egypt, both (of them) from the lowest of circumstances. (2) The first of these, (who was) plotting revolution, he handed over to the senate for condemnation, (and) the other, on account of his ungrateful and malicious temper, he prohibited (from living) in his house and any of their provinces. But, when Gallus was driven to his death as well by the denunciations of his accusers and by the decrees of the senate, he very much commended their loyalty and their indignation on his behalf, but he shed tears and bewailed his lot, because he alone could not be as angry with his friends in the way that he wished. (3) The rest (enjoyed) power and wealth to the end of their lives, and each of them held a leading place in his order, although with lapses intervening. Lest I should fail to refer to the others, he sometimes called for Agrippa to be patient and for Maecenas to be silent, since the former, due to a slight suspicion of coolness, and because Marcellus was being preferred (to him), took himself off to Mytilene, having abandoned all (his duties), and the latter betrayed to his wife Terentia the secret of the discovery of the conspiracy of Murena. 

(4) In return, he himself demanded from his friends (evidence of) their mutual benevolence at their deaths as well as during their lives. For he was in no sense a hunter of legacies, so that he could never bear to take anything from an unknown person, yet he pondered most fretfully over their final utterances, neither concealing his dismay, if anyone had presented him with words of honour either sparingly or in private, nor his pleasure, if he had been honoured with words of gratitude and affection. The legacies or shares of inheritance, (that were) left to him by whatever parents, he was accustomed to give back to their children, either immediately, or, if they were of the age of an orphan, to restore (to them) on the day (of their assuming) manly dress, or of their marriage, with interest.

67. (1) (As) patron and master, (he was) no less strict than mild and merciful, (and) he held many of his freedmen in honour and in the greatest intimacy, (men) such as Licinius and Celadus, and others. (And,) when his slave Cosmus spoke of him most bitterly, he merely put (him) in chains. When Diomedes, his steward, together with whom he was walking, got behind (him) through fear, when a wild boar suddenly charged at (them), he preferred to attribute (this) to timidity rather than misbehaviour, and he turned a matter of no little danger into a joke, because, after all, there had been no evil intent. (2) At the same time, he compelled Polus, (one) of his favourite freedmen, to take his own life, when he learned that he had committed adultery with ladies; (and) he broke the legs of his (secretary) Thallus with his own hands, because he had accepted five hundred denarii for betraying (the contents of) a letter; when the tutor and attendants of his son Gaius took the opportunity of his illness and death to proceed in an arrogant and avaricious manner in his province, he had (them) thrown into a river with a heavy weight tied around their necks.  

68. (1) In his early youth he incurred the shame of various dishonourable acts. Sextus Pompey reproached (him) for (being) an effeminate (fellow); Mark Antony with earning his adoption by his uncle by improper (means); likewise, Mark's bother, Lucius, (revealed) that, after his honour had been violated by Caesar, he had also put himself at the disposal of Aulus Hirtius in Spain for three hundred thousand sesterces, and that he used to singe his legs with a burning nutshell in order that the hair (on them) might grow softer. What is more, one day, when there were plays (in the theatre), all the people, accepted as an affront to him, and approved with loud applause, the following line spoken on the stage, concerning a priest of the Mother of the gods as he beat his tambourine: "Do you see how a wanton (person) orders the world with his finger!"    

69. (1) That he practised adultery not even his friends do deny, although, to be sure, they excuse (it) as having been committed not through lust but for reasons of policy, in order to examine more easily the designs of his adversaries through each of their wives. Mark Antony accused (him), in addition to his hasty marriage to Livia, of taking the wife of an ex-consul from her husband's dining-room into a bed-chamber in his presence, and of bringing (her) back again to the banquet with red ears and her hair in (a state of) some disorder; (he said) that Scribonia (was) divorced, because she expressed her resentment too freely at the excessive influence of a concubine; that arrangements (were) sought by his friends, who stripped and inspected household matrons and virgins of adult age, as if the slave-dealer Toranius were putting (them) up for sale. (2) He also writes these (words) to (Augustus) himself, (when he is) still on friendly terms (with him), and not yet clearly his enemy, private or public: "What has changed you? (Is it) because I lie with the queen (i.e. Cleopatra)? She is my wife. Am I now beginning (this), or (was it) nine years ago? Do you then only have intercourse with Drusilla (i.e. Livia)? So, good luck to you, if you, when you read this letter, have not had intercourse with Tertulla or Terentilla or Rufilla or Salvia Titisenia, or all (of them). Does it matter, where or in whom you arouse yourself?" 

70. (1) There was also a private dinner of his, which in gossip was commonly called (that) of 'the twelve gods'; in this (it is said) that the guests reclined in the guise of gods and goddesses, and that he himself was fitted out as Apollo, (and it is) not only the letters of Antony, (who) most spitefully gives the names of all (the guests), that criticise (him), but also these well-known anonymous verses: "As soon as that table of rascals found someone to make them up, and Mallia saw six gods and six goddesses, while Caesar plays the false role of Phoebus (i.e. Apollo), and dines on fresh adulteries of the gods, then all the deities turned their (faces) away from the earth, and Jupiter himself fled from his golden thrones."

(2) Great want and famine in the land at this time increased the talk about this dinner, and on the following day there was an outcry: that the gods had consumed all the grain and that Caesar was clearly Apollo, but Apollo 'the Tormentor', under which title that god was worshipped in some part of the City. It was also noted that he was very fond of precious furniture and Corinthian (bronzes), and (that he was) addicted to gambling. For even at the time of the proscriptions, (this) was written on his statue: "My father (dealt) in silver, (now) I in Corinthian (bronze)," since it was thought he had entered some among the list of the proscribed on account of their Corinthian vases; and then, during the Sicilian war, this epigram was published: "After his fleet had twice been defeated and he lost his ships, in order that he might eventually conquer, he gambles incessantly."

71. (1) Of these accusations or slanders, he easily refuted the charge of unchastity by the purity of his life, both at the time and afterwards; likewise the reproach of extravagance, since, when Alexandria was captured, he retained for himself none of the royal apparatus except a single goblet made of murra, and he soon melted down all the golden vases intended for regular use. He stuck close to his lustful desires, even in his later years, as they say, (and he was) quite prepared to deflower maidens, who were procured for him from all quarters, (and) even by his wife. He did not fear in any way the stories of his gambling, and he played simply and openly for the sake of amusement, even in his old age, and not only in the month of December, but on other days also, (both) holidays and working (days). (2) Nor is there any doubt about it. In a certain letter, written in his own handwriting, he says: "I dined, my (dear) Tiberius, with the same (companions); Vinicius and his father Silius came (to us as) guests. During the meal we gambled like old men both yesterday and today; for, when the dice were thrown, whoever had let go of the dog or the six, put one denarius in the middle for each one of the dice, (and he,) who had thrown the Venus, took up all of them." (3) And again in another letter: "We spent, my (dear) Tiberius, the Quinquatria (i.e. the five-day festival of Minerva on March 20th-25th) happily enough; for we played every day and kept the gamblers' dice-board warm. Your brother bore his bad luck with a great outcry; yet, in the long run, he did not lose much, but, after losing heavily, he gradually got it back unexpectedly. I lost twenty thousand sesterces in my name, but (that was) because I had been profusely generous in my play, as for the most part I am accustomed (to be). For, if I had required of everyone the stakes which I let go, or had retained every thing that I gave away, I should actually have won fifty thousand sesterces. But I prefer the former (situation); for my generosity will bring will bring me glory in heaven." (4) To his daughter he writes: "I have sent you two hundred and fifty denarii, (the sum) which I have given to each of my guests, in case they wanted to play among themselves at dinner either with the dice or (at the game of) odd and even."

72. (1) In other aspects of his life, it is agreed that he was most temperate (in his habits) and free from  suspicion of any vice; he lived, at first, near the Roman forum, above the Ringmakers' Stairs in a house which had been (that) of the orator Calvus; afterwards he lived on the Palatine, but in the no less modest dwelling of Hortensius, which was remarkable neither for its size nor for its adornment, as the galleries in it, (which were made) of Alban pillars, were small, and its apartments (were) without marble or any fine paving. For more than forty years too, he remained in the same bedroom in winter and summer, (and,) although he knew by experience that the City (was) insalubrious to his health, yet he constantly wintered in the City. (2) If he had ever proposed to do anything in secret or without hindrance, he had a special place at the top (of the house), which he called Syracuse and 'technyphion' (i.e. 'little workshop'); he used to pass his time in this or in the suburban (house) of one of his freedmen; but, (when he was) indisposed he used to  bed down in the house of Maecenas. For retreats, he especially frequented (places) by the sea and the islands of Campania, or towns near the City, (such as) Lanuvium, Praeneste, (and) Tibur, where he also very often held court in the colonnades of the temple of Hercules. (3) A large and elaborate country-house would annoy (him). And (that) of his granddaughter Julia, (which had been) built by her on a lavish scale, he even raised to the ground, (and) his own, although (they were) certainly modest, he adorned not so much with the decoration of handsome statues and pictures, as with terraces and groves, and objects notable for their antiquity and rarity, such as, at Capri, the very large limbs of huge (sea) monsters and wild beasts, which are called the bones of giants and the weapons of heroes.  

73. (1) The thriftiness of his furniture and his household goods may be seen even now from the couches and tables (still) remaining, of which most are scarcely elegant (enough) for a private (person). They say that he did not even sleep on a bed, unless (it was) low and plainly furnished. He did not casually wear any garment for domestic use, other than (one) made by his sister and wife and daughter and granddaughters; his togas (were) neither tight-fitting nor full, his purple-stripe neither broad nor narrow, (and) his shoes (were) a little too high, so that he seemed taller than he (actually) was. But he always kept shoes for public use within his bed-chamber, ready for unexpected and sudden occasions.  

74. (1) He gave dinner-parties regularly, and not ever without formality, nor without very careful choice as to the rank and character (of his guests). Valerius Messala relates in writing that no one among the freedmen was ever invited to dinner by him, with the exception of Menas, but only when he had been enrolled among the freeborn after Sextus Pompey's fleet (had been) betrayed. He himself (i.e. Augustus) writes that he had once entertained (a man) in whose villa he used to spend the night, (and) who had once been a bodyguard of his. He sometimes came to the table late and left (it) early, since his guests could begin to eat before he took his place, and keep their places after he departed. He used to serve a dinner of three courses, or of six when (he was) most lavish, so that, if his extravagance (were) not excessive, so was his courtesy most great. For he encouraged (those who were) silent, or (who were) chatting in whispers, to (join in) the general conversation, and he introduced entertainers or stage-players, or even trivial performers from the circus, and, quite often, virtue-babblers (i.e. story-tellers).    

75. (1) Festivals and holidays he celebrated most lavishly, (but) sometimes only in a jocular spirit. On the Saturnalia, and at any other time if it pleased (him), he would distribute gifts, now of clothing, and gold and silver, now of coins of every brand, even those of the ancient kings and foreign (ones), and, at another time, nothing except towels and sponges, and pokers and tongs, and any other (things) of that kind with obscure and ambiguous titles. He was also accustomed to put up for auction at a dinner-party articles of most unequal value and pictures with their fronts reversed, and by the uncertainty of chance either disappointing or fully fulfilling the expectation of the purchasers, so that the bidding should be done by all of the guests and the loss and the gain should be shared. 

76. (1) He was a light (eater) of food - for I would not even omit this (detail)  - and usually on a plain diet. He particularly liked coarse bread and small fishes and moist cheese, and green figs of the second crop; and he would eat before dinner at whatever time and place that his stomach had desired (it). These are words from his letters: "I ate some bread and some dates in my carriage." (2) And again: "While I was returning to my home from the Regia in my litter, I consumed an ounce of bread with a few berries from a cluster of hard-skinned grapes." And once more: "Not even a Jew, my (dear) Tiberius, fasts so scrupulously on his Sabbath as I have today, since (it was) only after the first hour of the night that I ate two biscuits before I began to be anointed (with oil)." Because of this irregularity, he sometimes dined alone, either before the dinner party (had) begun, or after (it was) over, while he touched nothing while the party (was) in progress. 

77. (1) He was also by nature very sparing in (his use) of wine. Cornelius Nepos writes that he (was) accustomed to drink no more than three times at dinner in the camp at Mutina. Afterwards, whenever he indulged himself the most, he never exceeded a pint, or, if he had exceeded it, he used to throw (it) up. He liked Raetian wine the most, but he did not drink in the daytime without reason. Instead of drink, he would take some bread soaked in cold water, or a piece of cucumber or a stalk of lettuce or an apple with a rather tart flavour, either fresh or dried. 

78. (1) After his midday meal, he used to rest for a while, dressed just as he was, with his shoes on, (but) with his feet uncovered (i.e. without a blanket over them) (and) with his hand held up to his eyes. After dinner, he took himself to his study to work by lamp-light; there he remained for much of the night, until he completed what remained of the day's business, either wholly or in great part. Then, he went to bed and slept for not more than seven hours at the most, and not even that continuously, but he would be awakened three or four times in that space of time. (2) If he could not resume his sleep when it was interrupted, as would happen, having sent for readers or story-tellers, he went back to sleep until after first light. And he would never be awake in the dark without someone sitting at his side. He detested early rising; and, if he had to get up earlier (than usual), for the sake of official or religious duties, he remained in a nearby garret of one of the members of his household. So (he would) also often (be) in want of sleep, and, while he was being carried through the streets and his litter was being set down during some delays, he would fall asleep.   

79. (1) In his appearance he was distinguished and extremely handsome through all the periods of his life, although he cared nothing for all the finery of dress; (he was) so unconcerned about the dressing of his hair that he would hurriedly give the work to several barbers at the same time, and he would either clip or shave his beard at the very same time as he would read or even write something. His expression, whether in conversation or (when) silent, was so tranquil and calm, that one of the leaders of the Gauls admitted to his (colleagues) that he had been held back by this and that his heart had been softened, so that he did not push him over a precipice during his transit of the Alps, as he had planned (to do) during the pretence of a conference, (when he had been ) allowed to come near (him). (2) He had clear bright eyes, in which he liked to have it thought that there was a sort of divine power, and he was glad that, if anyone looked keenly at him that he should let his face fall before the radiance of the sun; but in his old age he did not see very well with his left eye; his teeth (were) widely separated, small and scabby; his hair was curling slightly and (turning) greyish-yellow; his complexion (was) between white and dark in colour; (he was) short in stature - though Julius Marathus, the freedman (keeper) of his records says that he was five feet and nine inches (in height) - , but this was concealed by the symmetry and uniformity of his limbs, so that it could not be perceived, unless (it was) in comparison with some taller (person) standing beside (him).

80. (1) It is said that his body (was) covered with spots (and that he had) birthmarks scattered over his breast and belly, corresponding in form and order and number with the stars of the Bear in the heavens, but that he had several callous (places) in the shape of ringworm caused by a constant itching of the body, and a vigorous use of the strigil in many places (while he was being) scraped. He was not very strong in his left hip, thigh and leg, so that he even limped a little at times, but he strengthened (them) with treatment by sand and reeds. He sometimes also found the fore-finger of his right hand (to be) so weak, that, (when it was) benumbed and contracted with cold, he could scarcely use (it) for writing without the assistance of a circular (piece of) horn. He also complained of his bladder, (and) he was relieved of its pain only (after) stones (were) passed in his urine. 

81. (1) During the whole (course of) his life he suffered several severe and dangerous illnesses, especially after the subjugation of Cantabria, when he was driven into such (a state of) desperation that he was forced to submit to an injurious and hazardous course of treatment; since hot poultices were not successful, (he was) constrained, on the advice of Antonius Musa, to try cold (ones). 

(2) He also experienced some (disorders) which recurred at a certain time every year; for he commonly used to languish around the time of his birthday; and at the beginning of spring he was troubled by inflation of the diaphragm, and, when the wind was in the south, by catarrh. For this reason, his body (was so) weakened, that he could readily endure neither cold nor heat.  

82. (1) In winter he was protected by four tunics with a thick toga, and by a shirt and a woollen corselet, and by wrappings for his thighs and shins, (while) in summer he slept with the doors of his bedroom open, and often in an open court by a fountain, and also having someone to fan (him). But he could not endure the sun, even in winter, and he never took a walk in the open air without wearing a travelling cap, even (when he was) at home. He made his journeys in a litter, and usually at night, and so slowly and in such little stages, that he took two days to reach Praeneste or Tibur, and, if he could reach his destination by sea, he preferred to sail. (2) Despite his great infirmity, he looked after himself with great care, in the first lace by moderation in bathing; for he was quite often anointed or sweated by a fire, and was then washed with tepid water or kept warm by abundant sunlight. But, whenever he had to make use of hot salt-water or the waters of Albula (i.e. they were sulphurous) for the sake of rheumatism, he was content to sit on a wooden seat, which he himself called by its Spanish name 'dureta', (and) he plunged his hands and feet (into the water) one after the other. 

83. (1) Immediately after the civil war he gave up exercises with horses and arms in the Campus Martius and turned at first to pass-ball and balloon-ball, but he soon involved himself in nothing other than riding and taking a walk, so that in the final stretches he ran in leaps and bounds (wrapped up) in a short (cloak) or a blanket. In order to divert his mind, he sometimes went fishing with a hook, (and) sometimes played  dice or marbles and nuts with little boys whom he gathered from all parts (and whom) he found attractive due to their appearance and their prattle, especially Moors and Syrians. For he strongly disliked dwarfs and cripples and everything of that kind, as freaks of nature and of ill omen.   

84. (1) From early youth he devoted himself eagerly and with great diligence to eloquence and liberal studies. During the war at Mutina, in the midst of a great mass of affairs, he is said to have read and written and declaimed every day. For afterwards he never spoke in the senate or among the people or among soldiers except in a premeditated and written address, although he did not lack the ability to (speak) suddenly and without preparation. (2) And lest he should incur the danger of (losing) his memory or of wasting time in committing (it) to memory, he began to recite everything. Even his conversations with individuals, and the more important of those with his (wife) Livia, he always wrote down and read from a note-book, lest without preparation he should say too much or too little. He spoke in a sweet and peculiar (tone), and with regard to the sound of his voice he gave work regularly to a teacher of elocution; but sometimes, due to a weakness in his throat, he addressed the people through the voice of a herald. 

85. (1) He composed many speeches of various kinds in prose, some of which he recited to groups of intimate friends, as though (he were) in a lecture-room, for example, "His reply to Brutus on Cato," and these works (he read himself) to  a great extent, even when (he was) advanced in years, (but, when he was) tired,, he passed (them) to Tiberius to finish reading; likewise, (he wrote) his "Exhortation to Philosophy," and some (volumes) "Concerning His Own Life," which he expounded in thirteen books as far as the Cantabrian war, but no further. (2) He made brief attempts at (writing) poetry. One book stands out, written by him in hexameter verse, the subject and the title of which is "Sicily"; an equally brief (book) of epigrams survives, which he composed almost entirely in the bath. For, (while) he began (writing) a tragedy with great enthusiasm, he destroyed it (because he was) not satisfied with its style, and, (when) his friends asked (him) what his Ajax was doing, he replied that Ajax had fallen on his sponge. 

86. (1) He followed a style of speaking (that was) elegant and temperate, avoiding the follies of expressing opinions, and, as he himself said, "the stench" of obsolete words; and he said (it was) his chief concern to express the thoughts in his mind as clearly as possible. In order that he should attain this end quite easily, or that he should not disturb and retard the reader or hearer at any point, he did not hesitate to add prepositions to his verbs, or quite often to repeat conjunctions, the omission of which may cause some obscurity, although they may bring grace. (2) He looked down on imitators and antiquarians with equal contempt, though (he thought them) faulty in different ways, and he sometimes had a fling at (them), in particular at his (friend) Maecenas, whose perfumed adornments, as he calls (them) (i.e. fine phrases), he criticises at every opportunity, and he laughs at him by imitating (him) in jest. But he did not even spare Tiberius, who sometimes made use of obsolete and pedantic expressions. And indeed he reviles Mark Antony as insane for writing things which men could admire rather than understand; then, ridiculing his perverse and inconsistent taste in choosing a style of speech, he adds these (words): (3) "Do you doubt whether Annius Cimber or Veranius Flaccus should be imitated by you, so that you can use the words which Sallustius Crispus took from Cato's "Origines"? Or would you rather that the fluency of the Asiatic orators, with the empty meanings of their words, be introduced into our conversations?" And, in a certain letter praising the talent of his granddaughter Agrippina, he says: "But there is a need for you to see to it that you do not write or speak in an affected manner."

87. (1) That in everyday conversation he made frequent use of several peculiar (expressions), appears  from a letter in his own handwriting, in which, when he repeatedly means to intimate that some (persons) will never pay (their debts), he says "They will pay on the Greek Kalends"; and, when he urges (his correspondent) to be satisfied with present (circumstances) such as they were, he says: "Let us be content with the Cato we have", and, when it comes to describing the speed of a hasty action, (he says): "(Let it be) quicker than asparagus can be cooked." (2)  He continually used "dolt" for fool, "darkish" for dark, and "blockhead" for mad, and to feel "flat" for (to feel) badly, and "to be like a beetroot" for to be ill, which is commonly said "to be feeling weak"; besides (he used) "simus" for "sumus", and "domos", in the genitive singular case, instead of "domuos". He always wrote these (last) two (terms). lest anyone should think (it to be) a blunder rather than a habit (of his). 

(3) I have also particularly noticed these (things) in his handwriting: he does not divide words or carry superfluous letters from the final part of a line to the (beginning of the) next (one), but places them just below the others and draws a bracket around (them). 

88. (1) Then, he does not observe orthography, that is the rules and the system of spelling laid down by grammarians, and seems rather to follow the opinion of those who think we should write just as we speak. For the fact that he frequently alters or omits not only letters but syllables, is an error common to (all) men. Nor should I have taken any notice of it, if it had not seemed surprising to me that some (people) had written that he had assigned a successor to a consular governor, as an ignorant and illiterate (fellow), in whose hand he noticed that (he had) written "ixi" instead of "ipsi". Whenever he writes in cipher, he puts B for A, C for B, and the rest of the letters following the same principle; and (he uses) double A instead of Z. 

89. (1) He was not held back by a quite rapid study of Greek literature. In this he greatly excelled, employing (as) his master of rhetoric Apollodorus of Pergamus, whom, (although he was) by then greatly advanced in age, he had also taken with him from the City to Apollonia, (when he was) still (quite) young; then, (following) various (kinds of) instruction, he also enlarged his family of friends with the person of Areus the philosopher and his sons, Dionysius and Nicanor; however, he did not venture either to speak (the Greek language) fluently or to compose anything (in it); for, if he had to deliver anything (in Greek), he prepared (it) in Latin and gave (it) to someone else to translate. But he was evidently not unacquainted with (Greek) poetry, (and) he also took delight in ancient comedy and often exhibited (it) in his public spectacles. (2) In reading authors in both languages, he pursued nothing as much as the precepts and examples (which would be) useful in public or private life, and these he extracted word for word, (and) either (gave them) to his domestics or he generally sent (them) to the commanders of the armies or (the governors) of the provinces, or to the magistrates of the City, just as they were each in need of admonition. He also read whole books to the senate, and frequently made (them) known to the people by his edicts, (books) such as the orations of Quintus Metellus "Concerning the need to increase offspring," and (those) of Rutilius "On the style of buildings," (and), in order to convince (the people) that none of these (works) had been noticed first by him, but that they had already come to the attention of the ancients.

(3) He cherished (men) of genius of his own time in every possible way. He listened to (them) reading (their works) in a kindly and patient manner, and not only poetry and history, but orations and dialogues. But he was displeased that anything should be written about himself, except in a grave and most respectful manner, and he advised the praetors that his name should not be permitted to be corrupted (by being mentioned) at the beginning of contests (in the theatres).

90. (1) We have received (an account) of his belief in religious tokens and suchlike. He had so great a dread of thunder and lightning that he always carried with him everywhere the skin of a seal as a means of relief, and, at every apprehension of a violent storm, he would withdraw to some hidden place and a vault underground, having once been terrified by a flash of lightning during a journey at night, as we have previously mentioned (i.e. in Chapter 29.)

91. (1) He neither disregarded his own dreams nor (those) of others about himself. At the battle of Philippi, although he had resolved not to leave his tent due to illness, yet he did leave (it after he had been) warned by a friend's dream; and it turned out (to be) a good thing, for, (when) his camp (was) taken, his litter was seriously damaged and torn to pieces in the enemy's attack, in the belief that he had remained lying there. All through the spring, he had numerous very fearful dreams, unfulfilled and ineffectual (though they were), (but) for the rest of the year (they were) rarer and less futile. (2) While he constantly visited the temple of Thundering Jupiter, (which he had) consecrated on the Capitol, he dreamt that Capitoline Jupiter had complained that his worshippers had been taken from him, and that he had replied that he had placed the Thunderer there as his door-keeper; and so he at once festooned the summit of the temple with little bells, because these commonly hung at the entrances to houses. (It was) likewise on account of a dream that on a certain day every year he obtained alms by begging from the people, holding out his open hand for the receipt of pennies. 

92. (1) He regarded certain auspices and omens as infallible: if, in the morning, his shoe was put on in the wrong place, on the left (foot) instead of the right (one), (he considered) that (boded) disaster; if there happened to be a drop of rain, when he was setting off on a long journey by land or sea, (he considered) that it was the pleasing (omen) of a speedy and prosperous return. But he was also especially affected by prodigies. When a palm-tree sprang up between the joints of the pavement before his house, he transferred (it) to the quadrangle of his Household gods, and took great care to make (it) grow. (2) On the island of Capri, some branches of a very old oak-tree, (which) already hung drooping to the ground, recovered their strength on his arrival, (and) he was so pleased (at this) that he exchanged the (island) with the republic of Naples, having been given Aenaria. He also had regard for certain days, so that he did not set out on any journey on the day after market-days, or begin any important business on the Nones (i.e. the fifth day of the month); he was avoiding nothing else in it, as he writes to Tiberius, than the unlucky sound of its name. 

93. (1) He observed with great respect such foreign rites as (were) ancient and well-established, but held the others in contempt. For, having been initiated at Athens (i.e. into the Eleusinian mysteries of Ceres), and afterwards when he was deciding a case at a trial in Rome concerning the privileges of of the priests of Attic Ceres, when certain (matters of) secrecy were brought up, he dismissed his counsellors and the throng of bystanders, and heard the disputants by himself. But, on the other hand, he not only omitted to make a slight detour when travelling through Egypt to visit Apis (i.e. the sacred bull of the Egyptians), but highly commended his grandson Gaius for not offering prayers at Jerusalem, when passing through Judaea. 

94. (1) Since it has come to this (point), it would not be out of place to draw together (an account of omens) which occurred before he was born and on the very day of his birth and afterwards, from which it was possible for his future greatness and long-standing good fortune to be anticipated and perceived. 

(2)  (When,) in ancient times, a part of the wall of Velitrae (had been) struck by lightning, the response was (that a citizen) of that town would one day rule the world; through their confidence in this, the people of Velitrae had then made war on the Roman people at once and many times afterwards, almost to their utter destruction; at long last this omen appeared as proof that it had foretold the rule of Augustus. 

(3) Julius Marathus informs (us) that a few months before he was born a public prodigy occurred in Rome, in which it was forewarned that nature was pregnant with a king for the Roman people; the senate in alarm resolved that no one born in that year should be brought up; (but) those who had pregnant wives took care that the decree of the senate should not be registered at the treasury, because each one ascribed the prediction to himself. 

(4) In the books of Asclepiades of Mendes (entitled) "Theologumenon", I read that Atia, when she had come to a solemn service in honour of Apollo in the middle of the night, fell asleep on a litter placed in the temple, while the rest of the matrons had gone home to bed; that a serpent suddenly crept up to her, and shortly afterwards went away; when she awoke, she purified herself, as if from the embrace of her husband; and instantly there appeared on her body a mark, as if in the form of a serpent, and she could never get rid (of it), so that she soon abstained permanently from the public baths; in the tenth month (after that) Augustus (was) born, and for this (reason he was) regarded (as) the son of Apollo. The same Atia, before she gave birth (to him), dreamt that her bowels stretched to the stars and were spread over the whole extent of earth and heaven. And his father Octavius dreamt that a sunbeam rose from Atia's womb.  

(5) On the day he was born, when there was a debate in the senate-house on Catiline's conspiracy and Octavius came late into (the house) on account of his wife giving birth. it is a well-known fact that Publius Nigidius, having learned the cause of his tardiness, and having also been informed of the hour of the birth, declared that the lord of the earth (had been) born in the world. Later, when Octavius was leading an army through remote (parts) of Thrace, and in the grove of Father Liber was consulting (the priests) about his son's barbarian rites, the same prediction was (made) by the priests, since such a great (pillar) of flame had risen from the wine (that had been) poured over the altar, that it rose above the temple roof and mounted right up to the sky, and a similar omen had befallen no one, save Alexander the Great, when he offered sacrifices at the same altars. (6) And at once also on the following night he dreamt that he saw his son in a more than mortal appearance, with the thunderbolt and sceptre and insignia of Jupiter the Best (and) Greatest, (wearing) a radiant crown (and mounted) on a laurel-wreathed chariot drawn by twelve horses of surpassing whiteness. (When he was) still an infant, as is recorded by the writing of Gaius Drusus, he was placed in the evening by his nurse in his cradle on the ground floor, (but) on the next day he did not appear, and, (after he had been) sought for a long time, he was found at last on a very high tower, lying (with his face) towards the rising sun.       

(7) When he had first begun to talk, he bade the frogs that happened to be making a great noise at his grandfather's country-house be silent, and they say that since then no frogs have croaked there. As he was lunching in a grove at the fourth milestone on the Campanian road, an eagle suddenly snatched the bread from his hand, and, after it had flown to a great height, it dropped gently down again and gave (it) back (to him).  

(8) After Quintus Catulus (had) dedicated the Capitol, he had dreams on two successive nights: first, that Jupiter the Best (and) Greatest had selected one (of the boys) from several senatorial families (who were) playing around the altar, and put into his bosom an image of the commonwealth which he was carrying in his hand; but on the following night he saw the same boy in the lap of Capitoline Jupiter, and, when he had ordered him to be removed, (it was) forbidden at the admonition of the god, as he was being reared to (be) the saviour of the commonwealth; and on the next day, when he was meeting Augustus, with (whom) he had had no acquaintance at all, he looked at (him) not without admiration, (and) said that he was just like the boy, of whom he had dreamed. Some give a different account of Catulus' earlier dream, as though Jupiter, when several well-born (children) had asked for a tutor from him, had pointed to one of them, to whom they were to refer all their requests, and putting his fingers to (the boy's) mouth for a kiss, he (then) applied (them) to his own.  

(9)  Marcus Cicero, as he was accompanying Gaius Caesar to the Capitol, happened to be telling (some of) his friends of a dream (he had had) on the preceding night; that a boy with a noble countenance (had been) let down from heaven on a golden chain, and was standing at the door of the Capitol, and that Jupiter had given him a whip; then, at the sudden sight of Augustus, (who was) still unknown to most (of those present, and) whom his uncle Caesar had summoned to the sacrifice, he declared that he was the very one whose image had appeared to him in his sleep. 

(10) (When he was) assuming the manly toga, his senatorial tunic (was) ripped apart on both sides, (and) fell at his feet. There were (some) who interpreted (that as having) no other significance than that this was the official badge of the order (that would) one day be subjected (to him).  

(11) The Divine Julius, when cutting down a wood to make room for his camp at Munda, came across a palm-tree, (and) ordered that it be preserved as an omen of victory; from this, a shoot at once sprang forth, (and) in a few days it grew so much that it not only equalled the size of the parent (tree), but even overshadowed (it), and made room for the nests of doves, although that kind of bird especially avoids hard and rough foliage. Indeed, they say (that it was) that omen in particular that led Caesar to wish that none other than his sister's grandson should succeed him. 

(12) While in retirement at Apollonia, he mounted with his companion Agrippa to the studio of the astrologer Theogenes; when great and almost incredible (things) were predicted of Agrippa, who consulted (him) first, he himself persisted in keeping quiet (about the time of) his birth, nor did he wish to reveal (it), through fear and diffidence lest he be found (to be) less (eminent). But, after many exhortations, he gave it unwillingly and after much hesitation, (and) Theogenes sprang up and gave him adoration. Soon afterwards, Augustus had such faith in his destiny, that he published his horoscope, and struck a silver coin stamped with (the sign of) the constellation Capricorn, under which he was born.   

95. (1) As he was entering the City on his return from Apollonia after Caesar's death, in a clear and cloudless sky, a circle in the shape of a rainbow suddenly surrounded the body of the sun, and, immediately afterwards, the tomb of Caesar's daughter Julia was struck by lightning. Again, in his first consulship, as he was taking the auspices, twelve vultures appeared to him, as (they had) to Romulus, and, as he was sacrificing (them), the livers of all of the victims were found to be folded inwards at the bottom end, (and) no one skilled (in such matters) inferred anything other than that a happy and magnificent (future) was portended by it. 

96. (1) He even perceived beforehand the outcome of all his wars. (When) the forces of the triumvirs (were) assembled at Bononia, an eagle that was perched upon his tent, made a dash at two ravens that had attacked (it) on either side, and consigned (it) to the ground, in the view of the whole army, (who then inferred) that such discord would (occur) at some time between the (three) colleagues, and the result was foreseen. ... At Philippi some Thessalian gave (him) notice of his coming victory on the authority of the Divine Caesar, whose ghost had met him on a lonely road.

(2) At Perusia, (when he did) not obtain favourable omens from the sacrifice, and he had ordered fresh victims to be brought, and, after a sudden sally, the enemy had carried off all the equipment of the sacred affair, it was agreed amongst the augurs that the dangers and misfortunes that had threatened the sacrificer would all fall back upon (the heads of) those who had possession of the entrails; and it did not happen otherwise. As he was walking on the shore on the day before he fought the sea battle off Sicily, a fish leapt out of the sea and fell at his feet. As he was going down to the battle at Actium, an ass met (him) with its driver: the man had the name Eutyclus, (and) the beast Nicon; (as) victor, he placed a bronze image of the two of them in the temple, into which he had converted the site of his camp.

97. (1) His death, too, of which I shall speak next, and his deification after death, were foreseen by the most evident signs. When he was completing the lustrum (i.e. the purificatory sacrifice, made very five years by one of the censors after the completion of the census of the Roman people) on the Campus Martius amidst a great throng of people, an eagle hovered around him several times, and (then) went across to the neighbouring temple (and) settled on top of the name of Agrippa (and) on the first letter; on noticing this, he ordered his colleague Tiberius to pronounce the vows which it was customary to offer for the next lustrum (i.e. five year period): for, although (he had) already had them prepared and written out on tablets, he declared that he would not be responsible (for a vow) which he would never pay. (2) At about the same time, the first letter of his name was melted from the inscription on (one) of his statues; this was interpreted (to mean) that he would only live for a hundred days after that, which number the letter C signified, and that he would be placed among the gods, as Aesar, that is the remaining part of Caesar's name, is called god in the Etruscan tongue.    

(3) So, as he was on the point of sending Tiberius to Illyricum, and of accompanying him as far as Beneventum, when some litigants detained (him) by bringing this case and that (case) to court, he cried out loud, and this itself was soon regarded among the omens (of his death), that, (even) if everything was held up, he would not be in Rome any longer after this; and, setting out on his journey, he proceeded to Asturia, and then, contrary to his (usual) custom, he took the opportunity of a breeze to sail at night, and contracted a case of illness through a discharge of his bowels (i.e. diarrhoea). 

98. (1) Then, after skirting the coast of Campania and its nearest islands, he spent a period of four days at his (villa) on Capri, with his mind given up to ease and to every kind of courtesy. 

(2) As he happened to be sailing past the bay of Puteoli, the passengers and crew from an Alexandrian ship which had just arrived, all clad in white and furnished with garlands and offering incense, lavished him with favourable omens and the highest praises: (saying that it was) through him that they lived, (and that it was) though him that they sailed (the seas), (and that it was) through him that they enjoyed their liberty and their good fortune. Exceedingly pleased at this, he gave forty gold pieces to (each of) his companions, and exacted from each one of them a pledge sworn under oath that they would not spend the sum given (to them) in any other way than in buying wares from Alexandria. (3) But during several days in a row, among various kinds of little presents, he distributed togas and cloaks as well, on condition that the Romans should use the Greek, (and) the Greeks the Roman, dress and language. He constantly watched the youths performing their exercises, a considerable number of which were still being undertaken at Capri in accordance with ancient (practice); he also gave them a banquet in his presence, (where) the freedom to jest (was) permitted, or rather required, as was the tearing to pieces of the fruit and the sauces and the things (that he threw at them as) missiles. In short, he did not abstain from any kind of jocularity. 

(4) He called the neighbouring (part) of the island of Capri Apragopolis (i.e. the City of Do-Nothings) from the idleness of (those of) his retinue who withdrew there. But he used to call one of his favourites, Masgaba by name, "Ktistes", as if (he were) the founder of the island, When he noticed from his dining-room that the tomb of this Masgaba, (who had) died the year before, was being visited by a large crowd with many torches, he uttered aloud this verse which he had hurriedly composed: "I see the founder's tomb blazing with fire": and turning to Tiberius' companion Thrasyllus, (who was) reclining opposite, and who was unaware of the reference, he asked (him from the work) of which poet he thought it had come; when he hesitated, he added another (verse): "You see Masgaba honoured with torches", and consulted him about this (one) also. When he could say nothing in reply other than, whoever they belong to, they are very good, he burst into laughter and was effusive in jest. (5) Then, he crossed into Naples, although his bowels (were) still weak at that time from different diseases; yet he witnessed a quinquennial gymnastic contest (which had been) established in his honour, and then set off with Tiberius to the place intended. But on his return, with his disorder having increased, he took to his bed at last at Nola, and, having recalled Tiberius from his journey, he detained (him) for a long time in private conversation, and, after (that), he did not apply his mind to business of any importance.    

99. (1) On his very last day, he repeatedly asked whether there was any disturbance in the town on his account, and, asking for a mirror, he required his hair to be combed, and his shrunken jaws to be set straight, and, calling in his friends, he asked (them) particularly whether it seemed to them that he had played (his part) in the comedy of life fittingly, and he added this little tag: "Since (my part) has been played very well, do you all give (your hands) a clap (and) dismiss (me) from the stage with applause." Then, he dismissed (them) all, and, while he is asking some of those arriving from the City about the daughter of Drusus, (who was) sick, he suddenly passed away, amidst some kisses from Livia and (while uttering words) in this voice: "Live mindful of our wedlock, Livia, and farewell!" He (had) longed for an easy departure, and had always wanted (one) such as (this). (2) For, as often as he heard that someone (had) died swiftly and without any pain, he prayed for a similar "euthanasia" for himself and his own - for he used to make use of this word. He showed but one sign of a wandering mind, before he breathed his (last) breath, when he bemoaned in a sudden fit of terror that he was being carried off by forty young men. This was also more of a premonition than a mental delusion, since the same number of praetorian soldiers conveyed him to the treasury (for his lying-in-state).  

100. (1) He died in the same bed-chamber. in which his father Octavius (had died), in the consulship of the two Sextuses, Pompey and Appuleius (i.e. in 14 A.D. or A.U.C. 766), on the fourteenth day before the Kalends of September (i.e. 19th August), at the ninth hour of the day (i.e. at about 3 p.m.), (being) seventy-five days short of seventy-six years of age.  

(2) Decurions of the municipalities and the colonies bore his body from Nola right up to Bovillae in the night-time on account of the time of year, where it was placed during the day in the basilica or in the largest sacred temple of each town. (Members of) the equestrian order met (it) and bore (it) from Bovillae (i.e. a small town on the Appian Way, about nineteen miles from Rome) and placed (it) in the vestibule of his house.  In its desire to provide a (splendid) funeral, and to honour his memory, the senate proceeded with such enthusiasm that among several other (suggestions) some proposed that his corpse should be conducted through the triumphal gate, preceded by (the statue of) Victory, which is in the senate-house, with children of both sexes belonging to the leading (families) singing a dirge; others that on the day of the obsequies golden rings should be set aside and iron (ones) should be put on; (and) some that his bones should be collected by priests of the highest colleges. (3) There was a man who urged that the name of the month of August be transferred to September, because Augustus was born in the latter and died in the former; another (man said) that the whole (period of) time from the day of his birth to his death should be called the Augustan Age, and thus represented in the calendar. But, although restrictions were applied to the honours (paid to him), he was eulogised in two places, before the temple of Divine Julius by Tiberius, and from the old rostra by Tiberius' son Drusus, and (he was) conveyed on the shoulders of senators to the Campus (Martius) and (there) cremated. (4) There was even a man of praetorian rank who swore on oath that he had seen the effigy of the cremated (emperor) on its way to heaven. The leading men of the equestrian order, in ungirt tunics and bare feet, gathered up his remains and placed (them) in the Mausoleum. This structure he had built in his sixth consulship between the Flaminian Way and the bank of the Tiber, and he had just then opened up for the use of the people the woods and the walks that lay around (it). 

101. (1)

A will (was) made by him in the consulship of Lucius Plancus (and) Gaius Silius (i.e. 13 A.D. or A.U.C. 765) on the third day before the Nones of April (i.e. 3rd April), a year and four months before he died, in two notebooks, written partly in his own hand, and partly (in those) of his freedmen Polybius and Hilarion, and, having been deposited with them, the Vestal Virgins produced (them) together with three rolls sealed in a similar manner. All these (were) opened and read aloud in the senate. (2) He appointed (as) his main heirs Tiberius, (to receive) two-thirds of the estate, (and) Livia a third part, and these he bade assume his name; the secondary (heirs were) Drusus, the son of Tiberius for a third, and the remaining parts (went to) Germanicus and his three male children (i.e. Nero, Drusus and Gaius Caligula); in the third grade (he cited) several relatives and friends. To the Roman people he bequeathed forty million sesterces, to the soldiers of the praetorian guard a thousand sesterces each, to the urban cohorts five hundred and to the legionaries three hundred; this amount he ordered to be paid out at once, for he had always laid (it) up in a chest and kept (it) at hand. (3) He gave the remaining legacies to various people, and some amounted to twenty thousand sesterces, (and) he provided the small size of his property (as) his excuse for the payment of these a year later, and he declared that not more than a hundred and fifty million (sesterces) would come to his heirs, and, although during the last twenty years he had received fourteen hundred million from the wills of his friends, he had spent nearly all of it, together with his two inherited paternal properties and other inheritances, in (the service) of the state. He forbade that the (two) Julias, his daughter and his granddaughter, if anything happened to them, should be buried in his tomb. (4) In one of the three rolls, he gave directions for his funeral, in another an index of the tasks undertaken by him, which he wished to be inscribed on bronze plates, which would be placed in the front of his Mausoleum, (and) in the third a summary of (the state of the) whole empire, how many soldiers there were in service and where, how much money (there was) in the treasury and the privy-purse, and in the arrears of revenue. He added, in addition, the names of the freedmen and slaves, from whom an account could be required.