XENOPHON: EXTRACT FROM 'OECONOMICUS' (THE ESTATE MANAGER)

Introduction.

Xenophon (c.428-354 B.C.) was a historian and a miscellaneous writer, a military leader and a disciple of Socrates, of whom he was a pupil at an early age. As a writer, he was together with Thucydides and Plato one of the great exponents of Attic Greek. His principal works are the 'Anabasis', an account of the campaign of the Greek army which marched into Asia in 401, and their subsequent retreat along the Tigris and the plateaux of Armenia to Trapezus on the Black Sea, during which Xenophon was elected as one of the generals; the 'Cyropaedia', a political romance based on the early life  and education of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy; and the 'Hellenica', a continuation of Thucydides' history, which covers the last seven years of the Peloponnesian War and its aftermath. Besides these he was also the author of a number of minor works, the most important of which is the 'Oeconomicus', a treatise on estate management. In this and his other Socratic dialogues, Xenophon seeks to preserve the sayings of his mentor, but in these Socrates comes over as less of a philosopher than a dispenser of practical advice.

The text of the extract translated below and the introduction to it are taken from 'A Greek Anthology', JACT, Cambridge University Press, 2002.

'Oeconomicus', Sections 7.16 - 7.32.2. The duties of husband and wife.

This short treatise, 'the Estate Manager', takes the form of a Socratic dialogue. In it Xenophon describes a conversation which Socrates had with Critobulus ('I once heard him discussing estate management as follows...') in which he discusses the various qualities required by an estate manager. It is agreed that the estate manager should be 'a truly good man'. In the second part of the dialogue, Socrates reports to Critobulus the words of 'a truly good man', Ischomachus, who owns a small estate and has recently married a young wife. He tells Socrates how he runs his estate and how he has trained his wife to take her share of the responsibilities. In this section we have three layers of narration: 'Xenophon says that Socrates said that Ischomachus said that...' Much of the time in the description of Ischomachus' conversation with his wife direct speech is used, though occasionally 'he said that he said' or just 'he said' is inserted to remind us that this is a reported narrative.


Ischomachus' wife was 'not yet  fifteen years old' when he married her, with no experience of life outside her own home. Ischomachus was probably in his mid-thirties, and regarded himself as responsible for training her, in the same way as he would have trained his horses, his servants or his overseers. It is agreed that 'a truly good man' like Ischomachus can train his wife (or his foreman or his horse) to be a good and useful asset. An underlying theme of the dialogue is the question whether good qualities are innate or can be taught. 


My wife said 'Can you see what (there is) that I, (by) doing (it), can help to increase our property?'

'Yes by Zeus,' said I, 'try to do as well as possible those things which the gods made you capable (of doing) and custom sanctions.'

'And pray what is that?' said she.

'Not things worth very little, I think,' said he, 'unless indeed the queen bee in the hive presides over tasks worth very little. For indeed the gods seem to me, O wife, he said that he said, very prudently, to have joined together this couple (lit. yoke-pair), which is called female and male, in order that it may be as useful as possible to itself in partnership. For, in the first place, so that the races of living creatures may not fail, this pair is established with each other for the breeding of children, (and) then the outcome of that partnership provides for them carers in old age, among human beings at any rate. Then, the way of life for humans is not in the open air, as (it is) for wild animals, but there is clearly a need for roofs. However, for men intending to store what they can carry into the shelter, it is necessary for someone to work at occupations in the open-air. For ploughing and sowing and planting and pasturings are all such open-air tasks. And from these the supplies (of food) occur. And again, it is necessary, as soon as these things have been brought into the shelter, for someone to look after them and for someone to work at the tasks that are needing (to be done) in covered places. The nursing of new-born children needs covered places, and the making of bread from corn needs covered places also. And, similarly too, the manufacture of clothing from wool. And, since both these indoor and outdoor tasks need labour and care, and, he said, God straightway adapted the nature of the woman, as it seems to me, to the indoor tasks and cares, and that of the man to the outdoor (ones).

'For he made the body and the mind of the man more able to endure cold and heat and journeys and campaigns; with the result that he assigns to him the outdoor tasks; and to the woman, having made her body less able in respect of these things, God seems to me, he said that he said, to have assigned the indoor tasks to her. And knowing that he had implanted and assigned to the woman the rearing of the newly-born, he also gave more of the love for new-born babies to her than to the man. And, since he assigned to the woman the protection of what had been stored, God, knowing that for protection it is not a worse thing to be fearful in respect of one's disposition, he gave a greater share of fear to the woman than to the man. And, knowing that it would be necessary for the man, having the outdoor tasks, to be their defender as well if anyone did (them) a wrong, he gave to him in turn a greater share of courage. But, because it is necessary for both to give and to take, he assigned to both impartially (lit. into the middle) memory and attention; with the result that you could not distinguish whether the female or the male sex have a larger share of these.  And, to be in control (of oneself), (something) which it is necessary (for both), he assigned to both impartially (lit. into the middle), and God has given power to whomever is the better, whether (it is) the man or the woman, to win a larger proportion of this good. On account of the fact that the nature of both (sexes) is not well formed towards all the same things, on account of this they need each other (all the) more, and the pair has become more useful to itself, (as) where the one falls short, the other (is) capable.'

He said, 'It is necessary for us, O wife, knowing those things which have been assigned to each of us by God, to try to carry out what is fitting for each of us as well as possible. Moreover, he said that he said, the law approves of them, joining man and woman together. Just as God has made (them) partners in their children, so the law (makes) them partners in their home. And besides custom declares that they are honourable things in respect of which God has made each one more capable (than the other). Thus, for the woman it is more honourable to remain indoors than to abide in the fields, and for the man (it is) more shameful to remain indoors than to attend to the (tasks) outside. If a man acts contrary to what God has made (him), perhaps he does not altogether escape the attention of the gods for his indiscipline, and he pays the penalty for neglecting his own tasks, or for doing his wife's tasks. The queen of the bees seems to me, he said, to be working hard at such tasks as assigned by God.'

PLINY THE YOUNGER: AVUNCULUS MEUS

Introduction.

The following two extracts are translations from two of the letters of the Younger Pliny and were written in praise of his uncle, Pliny the Elder, the famous naturalist and scholar. For details of the Younger Pliny the reader is referred to the item on this blog dated 12th July 2011, entitled 'Tres Feminae'.

The text of both extracts is taken from the 'Cambridge Latin Anthology', edited by Ashley Carter and Phillip Parr, Cambridge University Press, 1996.

1.  A day in the life of Pliny the Elder (adapted from 'Letters' of the Younger Pliny, Book III, 5).

Baebius Macer, an admirer of the writings of the Elder Pliny, has asked the Younger Pliny for a complete list of his works. Pliny obligingly supplies not only the list but a detailed biographical sketch. In this extract he describes the working habits of his uncle.

Before daybreak he used to go to the emperor Vespasian [for he too made use of the nights], (and) then assign himself to his official duties. Having returned home, he gave the time left over to his studies. Often in summer, after a meal (which during the day was, in the custom of our ancestors, light and easily digested), if there was any (time) for leisure, he would lie in the sun, he would read a book, and he would make notes and take extracts. For he read nothing from which he did not take extracts; also he used to say that no book was so bad that it was not of use in some part. After (his rest in) the sun, he usually bathed in cold water, then ate and slept a little; then, as if in another day, he would study up to dinner time. Over dinner a book would be read and notes taken (from it), and indeed rapidly.

(He) did this in the midst of his duties and the bustle of the city. In the country the only time taken away from his studies (was) for his bath (when I say 'for his bath', I am speaking of the inner rooms; for while he was scraped and rubbed down, he would hear something or dictate). On a journey, as if released from other cares, he would make time for this alone: at his side (was) a secretary with a book and writing tablets, whose hands were protected in winter by long sleeves, so that not even the harshness of the weather should take away any time for study; for this reason in Rome he was carried in a sedan-chair. I remember that I was rebuked by him because I used to walk: 'You could have not wasted these hours,' he said; for he thought all the time wasted which was not devoted to studying.  Farewell.

2.  The death of Pliny the Elder (adapted from the 'Letters' of the Younger Pliny, Book VI, 16).


The historian Tacitus has asked the Younger Pliny to write a detailed account of the events leading to the death of his uncle in the eruption of Vesuvius on 24th August, 79 A.D. Pliny's account provides us with the first recorded description of a volcanic eruption in the western world. 

You ask that I write to you (about) the death of my uncle, so that you may be able to pass it down to posterity more accurately.

He was at Misenum and was commanding the fleet with authority in person. On the ninth day before the Kalends of September at about the seventh hour my mother points out to him that a strange cloud was visible;  it seemed to him, as a learned man, significant and worthy of investigation. He orders a swift ship to be made ready; he asks me if I should like to go with him; I replied that I preferred to study, and by chance he himself had given me (something) which I should write. He was leaving the house; he receives a note from Rectina, the wife of Tascius, terrified by the imminent danger (for her house lay beneath (the mountain), nor (was there) any escape except by boats; she was begging that he should rescue her from so great a danger. He changes his plan, and what he had begun with an inquisitive mind he performs with a heroic (one). He launches warships and he himself embarks, to bring help not only to Rectina but to many (for that delightful stretch of coast was densely populated). He hurries to that place from which others are fleeing, and he holds a straight course (and) a steady rudder into the danger, so freed from fear that he dictated and took notes on all the movements of that disaster, (and) all features as he had detected (them) with his eyes.

Now ash (growing) hotter and thicker as he approached nearer was falling on to the ships; now even pumice-stones and black stones, scorched and cracked by fire (were falling); now (there was) sudden shallow water and debris from the mountain blocking the way to the shore. He hesitates for a moment (wondering) whether to sail back; then he says to the helmsman (who was) advising that he should do so, 'Fortune favours (lit. helps) the brave; make for Pomponianus! Pomponianus was at Stabii, separated (from Herculaneum) by the intervening bay [for the sea gradually runs into the sweeping and curving shore]; here the danger, although not yet arrived, was nevertheless clearly obvious; therefore Pomponianus had placed his luggage into boats, resolved on flight if the headwind should subside. Then, my uncle, having sailed in with this very favourable wind, embraces, cheers and encourages the trembling man, and, so that he might calm his fear by his own composure, he orders that he be taken into a bath. Having bathed, he reclines, he dines, either cheerful, or [what is equally important] seeming to be cheerful. Meanwhile, from several places on mount Vesuvius very broad flames and tall fires were blazing, of which the the glare and brightness were emphasising the darkness of the night. As a remedy for fear, he kept saying that the fires had been left behind through the panic of country folk and that deserted houses were burning throughout the abandoned area (lit. [the area of] solitude). Then, he gave himself to rest, and he rested in a very real sleep; for the passage of his breathing, which for him was rather heavy and noisy on account of the corpulence of his body, was heard by those who were observed near to his door. But the courtyard, from which his bedroom was approached, had now risen so much, filled with ash and pumice mixed (with it), that if there had been a longer delay in the bedroom, a way-out would have been impossible. Awakened, he came out and restored himself to Pomponianus and the others, who had stayed awake all night. They debate among themselves whether they should stay under cover or roam around in the open air. For the buildings were rocking with frequent and huge shocks, and, as if torn away from their foundations, they seemed to go away and to be brought back, now in this direction, now in that one. Under the open sky, on the other hand, the fall of pumice was to be feared, although (it was) light and porous, yet a comparison of the dangers chose this (as the better alternative); and with him indeed argument outweighed argument, (but) with others fear (outweighed) fear. With linen cloths they tie down pillows placed on their heads; that was a protection against falling objects. 

Now (there was) daylight elsewhere, (but) there (there was) night blacker and thicker than every other night; however, many torches and several lamps relieved it. He decided (lit. it seemed good [to him]) to go down to the shore and to investigate from close by whether the sea might permit any (escape); (but) it still remained swollen (lit. enormous) and hostile. There, lying down upon a sail cloth (which had been) thrown down (on to the ground), time and time again he asked for, and drank, cold water. Then flames and the precursor of flames, the smell of sulphur, turn some to flight, (but) arouses him. Leaning on two slaves, he stood up and at once collapsed. For his breathing, as I believe, had been obstructed by thicker fumes, and his windpipe, which in his case was by nature weak and narrow and often inflamed, was blocked. When the day returned [this (day was) the third from that (day) which he had last seen], his body was found intact, unharmed and uncovered, just as it had been dressed: the appearance of his body (was) more like (someone) sleeping than (someone) dead.

Pliny ends his account at this point with an assurance of the accuracy of everything that he has described.

TACITUS: EXTRACTS FROM THE 'ANNALS' OF IMPERIAL ROME

Introduction.

Tacitus' "Annals of Imperial Rome" in sixteen books covered the years 14-69 A.D. For information about Tacitus, the main facts of his life and works, and his qualities as a historian, you are referred to the introduction to Sabidius' translation of his "Agricola" published on this blog on 20th April 2010. Published here are some selected passages from the "Annals"; the first concern the controversial death of Germanicus Caesar, nephew of the Emperor Tiberius (14-37 A.D.), and the second group are about the downfall of Messalina, the promiscuous and sanguinary wife of the Emperor Claudius (41-54 A.D.).

The text for these extracts is taken from the 'Cambridge Latin Anthology', edited by Ashley Carter and Phillip Parr, Cambridge University Press, 1996.

1.  Germanicus et Piso.

Nero Claudius Drusus Germanicus, was born in 15 B.C. as the elder son of Tiberius' younger brother Drusus and Antonia minor, and he was therefore the step-grandson and great-nephew of the Emperor Augustus, who saw him as a possible heir if anything happened to Tiberius. He took the surname 'Germanicus' from his father Drusus, who had received the title following his successful campaigns in Germany in 12-9 B.C. When Augustus adopted Tiberius in 4 A.D., he made Tiberius simultaneously adopt Germanicus, who was known thereafter as Germanicus Julius Caesar. Germanicus was also married to Augustus' granddaughter Vipsania Agrippina, by whom he had nine children. From 12-17 A.D. Germanicus commanded the Roman forces on the German frontier, and was very popular with both his legions and the Roman people. In 14 he quelled a mutiny which broke out among the Rhine army and then campaigned successfully against German tribes between the Rhine and the Elbe. Recalled by Tiberius in 17, he was awarded a triumph and the consulship in 18. According to Tacitus, Tiberius, on becoming emperor, had come to hate Germanicus and recalled him to Rome through jealousy of his popularity. In 18 Tiberius sent him to the East, as commander-in-chief of the Roman army and with 'maius imperium', to settle various problems on the borders of the  Roman empire. But Tacitus believed that Tiberius also secretly ordered Gnaeus Calpurnius Piso, the governor of Syria, to block all Germanicus' orders and to arrange his death.  


The following extract begins with the arrival of Germanicus and Piso in the East in 18 A.D. 

a.  Piso in Syria (adapted from 'Annales', Book II, chapter 55).


But Gnaeus Piso, in order to enter upon his designs more quickly, when he reached Syria and the legions, encoraged the lowest ranks among the soldiers by generous gifts and bribery. When he had removed the senior centurions (and) the strict tribunes and had assigned their places to his clients, he allowed idleness in the camp and hooliganism in the towns, (and) the soldiers rampaging through the countryside. Nor did Plancins, the wife of Piso, conduct herself as befitted a woman but attended exercises of the cavalry, and hurled insults at Agrippina and Germanicus. These things (were) known to Germanicus but his more pressing concern was to attend first to the Armenians.

b.  The death of Germanicus (adapted from 'Annales', Book II, chapters 69-73).

His belief in poison administered by Piso intensified the savage intensity of his illness, and there were found, hidden in the floor in and the walls, the remains of human bodies, spells and curses and the name of Germanicus inscribed on leaden tablets, ashes half-burned and smeared with rotten flesh, and other horrors, by which it is believed that souls are dedicated to the infernal deities. At the same time (men) sent by Piso were suspected because they waited for signs of ill-health. These things were heard by Germanicus with anger no less than with fear. he composed a letter in which he renounced his friendship with him.

For a short time Germanicus believed that he was recovering; then his body became weary. When the end was near, he spoke thus to his friends standing by: 'You will have (lit. to you there will be) the opportunity of complaining before the Senate and of invoking the laws. it befits friend not to follow a corpse with futile lamentations, but to remember what he wanted, (and) to carry out what he had ordered. You will avenge (me), if you loved me rather than my rank.' His friends, clasping the right (hand) of the dying man, swore that they would forgo life rather than revenge.

Not long afterwards, he died, to the great grief of the provinces and of the surrounding peoples. Foreign countries and kings mourned (him): his friendliness towards allies, his forgiveness to enemies had been so great; he had obtained the respect of all on account of his countenance and his eloquence. And there were (those) who equated him with the great Alexander on account of his appearance, his age, his noble birth and his place of death; for they declared that both of them had been endowed with a handsome body, were descended from a noble family, (and) had died (when) scarcely thirty years old.
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c.  Mourning (adapted from 'Annales', Book II, chapters 75, 82).

Meanwhile Agrippina, although exhausted by grief and a sick body, was yet impatient of anything which might delay revenge. She climbed aboard a ship with the ashes of Germanicus and her children, with everyone pitying (her) because a woman of the highest nobility and from a splendid marriage, who was deserving of the respect of all, was then bearing in her bosom the remains of a dead man, (and was) uncertain of revenge. Meanwhile, the news reaches Piso at the island of Cos that Germanicus was dead. Rejoicing at this (news), he kills victims, he visits temples. Not only Piso himself conducts himself with immoderate joy, but Plancina becomes even more arrogant, and she then first exchanged her mourning clothes for her dead sister for festive attire.

Meanwhile, at Rome, when the news of Germanicus' illness spread, and, as (usually happens) from a distance,  all things were reported exaggerated for the worse, grief, anger and complaints broke out; (it was said) that (it was) doubtless for this reason Germanicus had been banished to faraway countries, (and) that the province had been entrusted to Piso. the death of Germanicus, when it was announced, inflamed the conversations of the mob to such an extent that, before (there was) an edict of the magistrates, before (there was ) an edict of the Senate, a cessation of legal business having been taken, the law-courts were deserted and houses were closed. Everywhere there was silence and groaning. And, although they did not refrain from the outward signs of mourning, (yet) they were sorrowing more deeply in their hearts.

d.  Revenge (adapted from 'Annales', Book III, chapters 12-15).


On the day of the Senate, Tiberius made a restrained speech. 'Piso,' he said, 'was my father's representative and friend. I myself sent him, with the approval of the Senate, (as) assistant to Germanicus in the affairs needing to be administered in the East. It is necessary for it to be judged by impartial minds whether Piso provoked the young man by obstinacy and rivalry, and rejoiced at his death or wickedly killed him. At the same time, consider whether he incited the legions to sedition.'

Then two days are decreed for the charges to be presented and (it is decreed) that after an interval of six days the accused should be defended for three days. Three friends of Germanicus alleged with similar vigour that Piso, through hatred of Germanicus and through eagerness for new arrangements had corrupted the soldiers by disorder and oppression of the allies; (and) lastly that he himself had killed Germanicus by curses and by poison. Then (they alleged) that, after they had performed rites and wicked sacrifices, Piso and Plancina had attacked the state with arms.

The defence faltered with regard to the rest of the charges; for neither bribery of the troops nor oppression against the province, not even insolence towards his commander could be denied; Piso could only refute the charge of poisoning. Meanwhile, at the same time the voices of the people were heard in front of the Senate-house: (they said) that they would not be restrained from violence (lit. with their hands) if Piso escaped the verdict of the senators


There was the same ill-feeling towards Plancina. And she herself, while Piso had a hope (lit. there was a hope to Piso) of acquittal, promised that she would be his ally in whatever misfortune (befell him), and, if it were necessary, his companion in death: but, gradually, she began to distance herself from her husband. When Piso understood that this was fatal to him, he hesitated as to whether he should plead his cause further. And so, as if he were thinking about his defence for the next day, he writes a few (words) and seals (the note) and hands (it) to a freedman; then he carried out the usual things for his body to be attended to. Then, long after nightfall, his wife having left his chamber, he ordered the door to be closed; and at dawn (lit. first light) he was found, his throat having been cut, with a sword lying on the ground.


2.  Messalina.


Valeria Messalina was the third wife of the Emperor Claudius, the younger brother of Germanicus Caesar. Both her parents were Claudius' first cousins: her father, the patrician Marcus Valerius Messala Barbatus, being the son of Marcella minor, and her mother Domitia Lepida, being the daughter of Antonia major, both of these women being sisters of Claudius' mother Antonia minor, and all three of them daughters of Augustus' sister Octavia. Messalina married Claudius, her first cousin once removed, at a very young age, before his unexpected accession in 41 A.D. When this narrative starts, she and Claudius have two children, Octavia and Britannicus, aged about six and five respectively. Apparently Messalina had already been involved in a number of crimes and scandals before she began her affair with Silius. Indeed, she was alleged to have arranged the death of the consular Gaius Appius Junius Silanus , who was betrothed to her mother, because he had rejected her advances.    


a.  Adultery (Adapted from 'Annales', Book XI, chapters 12-13; 26).


Messalina was inflamed by a new and, as it were, insane love-affair. She had become so infatuated with love for Gaius Silius, the handsomest of the Roman youth, that she drove out of his marriage Junia Silana, a noble-woman, and possessed (him) unencumbered (as) her adulterous (lover). Nor was Silus unaware of the scandal and his peril: but he understood that his destruction would be certain if he were to refuse, and, if he were to consent, there was some hope of his wickedness being concealed, and at the same time he would receive great rewards. Therefore it pleased (him) to disregard the future and to enjoy the present. She visited his house repeatedly, not secretlt but with many attedants, she stuck (to him) when he went out (lit. going out), (and) she gave (him) wealth and honours; finally, the slaves, the freedmen, the furnishings of the emperor were often to be seen at the home of the adulterer. But Claudius (was) unaware of (the state of) his marriage.

Now Messalina turned to new vices on account of the ease of her adulteries. Silius, whether through a fatal madness or thinking amid the dangers threatening (him) that danger itself (was) a remedy, urged that concealment was thrown off: for obviously it was not necessary to wait until the emperor grew old. (He said that) he (was) unmarried, childless, (and) prepared for marriage and for Britannicus to be adopted. The power of Messalina would remain the same, with the added security,if they were to forestall Claudius, who was unsuspicious of intrigue but quick in respect of anger. Messalina hesitated for a long time, not through love of her husband but fearing lest Silius, having obtained supreme (power) (lit.the highest things), should spurn her; but at last she was persuaded (lit. it was persuaded [to her]). For she coveted the title of marriage on account of the sheer scale of the outrageousness. Having delayed only (lit. no further than) until Claudius set out for Ostia for the purpose of a sacrifice, she celebrates all the solemnities of marriage.

b.  Messalina is denounced (adapted from 'Annales', Book XI, chapter 28-29, 32,34).


Therefore the emperor's household shuddered, and especially those who had power feared lest things were overturned: yet they had hope that if they could persuade Claudius of the enormity of the crime, Messalina could be crushed, having been condemned without trial; but there was a danger that he might hear her defence, and that his ears might not be closed even (to her) confessing. Looking for an opportunity when Caesar lingered for some time at Ostia, Narcissus induced, by bribery and promises, two of his concubines to undertake the denunciation. Then Calpurnia [this (was) the name (given) to one of the concubines], when a private interview was given, having fallen down at Caesar's knees, cried out that Messalina had married Silius; another concubine confirming this, Calpurnia begged that Narcissus be summoned. He said, 'Do you know of your divorce? For the people, and the Senate and the soldiers saw the marriage, and, unless you act quickly, the husband possesses the city.'

Meanwhile, not only rumour but messengers from everywhere hurry to Messalina, to report that Claudius knew everything and was coming prepared for revenge. Therefore, they went in different directions, Messalina to the gardens of Lucullus, his alarm being concealed, to the forum. But she, although adverse circumstances took away her ability to plan, at once decided to go to meet, and to be seen by, her husband, (something) which had often been a means of salvation for her; and she sent (orders) that Britannicus and Octavia were to go to (seek) the embraces of their father. And, meanwhile, with three companions only - so sudden was her solitude - after she had gone through the city on foot, she started on the road to Ostia in a cart by which the refuse of the gardens is removed. She aroused no pity in the citizens because the appalling nature of her crimes carried most weight.

And now she was in the sight of Claudius and loudly demanded that he listened to the mother of Octavia and Britannicus. However, Narcissus shouted (her) down, referring to Silius and her marriage, and at the same time he handed (him) a note-book (with) proof of her debaucheries, by which he distracted Caesar's gaze. Not long afterwards his children were offered (to him) as he entered (lit. entering) the city, but Narcissus ordered them to be removed.

c.  The death of Messalina (adapted from Book XI, chapters 35, 37, 38).


Amongst these (events) the silence of Claudius was strange; he obeyed his freedman in all things; he prepared an assembly of the soldiers in the camp. Narcissus advising (him) beforehand, the emperor delivered a few words: thereafter (there was) a continuous shout from the soldiers demanding the names of the guilty persons and their punishment. Brought to the platform, Silius attempted no defence, no delays, but prayed that his death might be hastened.

Meanwhile, in the gardens of Lucullus, Messalina was composing prayers to prolong her life with some hope and in rage: even then she displayed very great arrogance. And, if Narcissus had not hastened her death, ruin would have rebounded on her accuser. For Claudius, having returned home, when he had grown warm with dinner and wine, ordered that the poor woman (for they say that Claudius used this word) should be present on the next day to plead her cause. When Narcissus heard this, and saw that his anger was subsiding (and) his passion (for her) was returning, he feared, if he delayed, the approaching night and the memory of the conjugal bedroom; therefore he rushed out and ordered the centurions and a tribune, who was there, to carry out her execution: (he said) that the emperor had so ordered (it). One of the freedmen (was) also sent: he, going on ahead rapidly, found Messalina stretched on the ground, her mother, Lepida, who had not been on good terms with her daughter, while she was prospering (lit. prospering), was sitting beside (her), but having been turned towards pity by her extreme crisis, was urging (her) not to await the executioner. (She argued) that her life was over, nor was there anything else to look for (other) than an honourable death. But there was nothing decent in the heart of Messalina, having been corrupted by vice; tears and futile lamentations were poured out, when the gates were broken down by the onset of newcomers, and the tribune was standing there. Then, for the first time Messalina understood her position, and took up a dagger; putting it vainly to her throat or her breast through fear, she was run through by a thrust from the tribune. Her body (was) given up to her mother.  

ARISTOPHANES: 'ECCLESIAZUSAE' (ASSEMBLYWOMEN): AN EXTRACT

Introduction.

'Ecclesiazusae', produced probably in 392 B.C. is one of the last plays Aristophanes wrote. In style and content it represents a transitional phase between the Old Comedy of the Fifth Century and the New Comedy associated with Menander: there is still a political theme, still a comic hero (here female); but the sustained attacks on individual politicians have gone, the chorus has a reduced role, and a new style of quiet, witty dialogue has emerged. 

Power to women?

The women of Athens, led by Praxagora, have decided to seize political control from the men, convinced that they can deal better with the problems of the City. Having dressed in their husbands' clothes and having left their homes surreptitiously, they are holding a rehearsal for their takeover of the Assembly. It has not been going well, as the women constantly give themselves away by unconsidered words. Praxagora is here in conversation with two unnamed women, A and B. In the extract translated below, it is asserted by her that the city will be in safer hands under women than men because the latter are disinclined towards the constant innovations which she associates with the Assembly as dominated by men. Particularly amusing is the list of matters in which women maintain their habitual practices.

Lines 163-244.

Woman B.  Give (me) the garland! For I shall speak in turn again. For I think that I have now practised well. (She mounts the platform and put on the garland) For you women sitting (listening) to me, -

Praxagora.  'Women' again, you wretched (creature)! Are you not speaking to men?

Woman B.  (Pointing to the audience) That (is) because of Epigonus (viz. an effeminate Athenian). For, having looked in that direction, I thought I was speaking to women.

Pra.  Be off with you, and sit over there! (Woman B sits down) Taking this (garland) myself, I consider myself (right) to speak on your account. I pray to the gods that I succeed in managing my plans well. (She addresses the theatre audience as well as the women) I have (lit. There is to me) a share in this country as much as you have (lit. there is to you), and I am vexed and I am grieved at (lit. I bear heavily) the affairs of the city. For I see a woman giving good advice to perpetually wicked leaders. And if anyone decent comes forward (lit. happens) on one day, ten come forward (who are) evil. Did you entrust (things) to another? He will do bad things still. And so it is difficult to advise men (who are) hard-to-please, among whom you fear those wanting to befriend (you), and at all times you entreat those not wishing (to do so). There was (a time) when we did not make any use of assemblies at all; but we thought Agyrrhius (viz. the political leader who was responsible for the introduction of pay for attending assemblies) someone dishonest. Now (with us) making use of (assemblies), the man taking money praises (this) to excess, but the man not taking (it) declares that those seeking to receive wages in the assembly to be worthy of death.

Woman A.  By Aphrodite, you say these things well.

Pra.  Wretched woman, have you sworn by Aphrodite? You would have done something welcome if you had said this in the assembly.

Wo. A.  But I would not have said (it then).

Pra.  Now don't get into the habit of speaking. Again that alliance, when we were considering (it), I declared that it would destroy the city if it did not happen. But in fact, as soon as it did happen, they were vexed and the man among the orators who had recommended it departed at once in flight (lit. running away). (Now) it is necessary to launch ships; it seems (good) to the poor man but it does not seem (good) to rich men and farmers. You are angry with the Corinthians, and they with you; now they are decent - (you're told) 'You now be decent too'. The Argive (representative) (is) stupid, but Hieronymus (is) wise. (The prospect) of salvation appeared briefly, but Thrasybulus (viz. a prominent politician and naval commander) himself, not having been called upon (to help), is growing angry.

Wo. A.  What a brilliant man!

Pra.  Now you have praised well! For, O people, you are responsible for this. For, paying yourselves from public funds, each one of you considers privately what one will gain, and the common (good) gets kicked around like Aesimus. But if you obey me, you will still be saved. For I assert that it is necessary for us to hand over the city to the women. For we use (them) as managers and stewards in out households.

Wo. A.  Very good! Very good, by Zeus! Very good!

Wo. B.  Speak, speak, O (you) good (person)!

Pra.  I shall prove that they are better than you in their habits. . For, firstly, they wash their wool in hot water all together according to the ancient practice, and you would not see them trying a different method. And the city of the Athenians, if this were satisfactory, would not keep safe, if it were employed unnecessarily with some other new thing. They cook sitting down, just as (they did) also before this; they carry (things) upon their heads, just as (they did) also before this; they keep the Thesmophoria (viz. the women-only festival of Demeter), just as (they did) also before this; they bake their flatcakes, just as (they did) also before this; they harass their husbands, just as (they did) also before this; they have lovers inside (their houses), just as (they did) also before this; they buy extra food for themselves, just as (they did) also before this; they love their wine undiluted, just as (they did) also before this; they rejoice (in) being screwed, just as (they did) also before this. Let us not chatter too much, nor ascertain what they then intend to do, but in a simple way let us allow them to rule, considering this alone, that being mothers first they will be eager to save our soldiers; then who would send provisions in addition more quickly than a mother? A woman provides (herself with) money (as) a most resourceful thing, and is not likely ever to be thoroughly deceived, for they themselves are accustomed to thoroughly deceive. I shall pass over other things. If you follow my advice in this matter you will spend your life in happiness (lit. being happy).

Wo. A.  You have spoken very well and cleverly, O dearest Praxagora. From where, O wretched woman, did you learn these things so well?

Pra.  In the refugee time (lit. in the flights), I lived with my husband on the Pnyx. Then, (by) listening to the orators, I learned thoroughly.

Epilegomenon.


Despite this unpromising start and other obstacles, the women succeed in their plans, introducing communism of property and (to considerable comic effect) of sexual partners.

PLATO: THE 'APOLOGY OF SOCRATES': AN EXTRACT

Introduction - Plato.

Plato (427-347 B.C.) was the greatest of the Greek philosophers, and also one of the greatest Attic prose-writers. He was hugely influenced by the life, teaching, and death of Socrates, who himself wrote nothing. Plato wrote about twenty-four philosophical dialogues, in most of which Socrates is the principal figure. It is a matter of controversy how far Plato portrays the historical Socrates, and how far Socrates is made a mouthpiece for his own views. Central ideas (the importance of philosophical enquiry, the notion that virtue is a matter of knowledge) seem however to have been held by both.

The extract translated below, and the introductory summaries and the conclusion, are taken from ' A Greek Anthology', JACT, Cambridge University Press, 2002.

Socrates and the nature of death.

In Athens in 399 B.C. Socrates was put on trial, accused of not believing in the gods in which Athens believed but of introducing new gods, and of corrupting the youth of the city. Plato gives us a version of Socrates' speech in his own defence ('apologia'), in which he ridicules the arguments of the prosecutors and makes no attempt to be conciliatory. Not surprisingly, perhaps, Socrates was condemned to death, and, although his friends persuaded him to propose a large fine as an alternative to the death penalty, the jury rejected this and confirmed the death penalty by a majority vote. Socrates then warned those who voted for his condemnation that they would not make their lives easier by getting rid of him, and that they would themselves be condemned by posterity. Finally, he turns to those who voted to acquit him and speaks of his feelings as the approaches the prospect of death. 

Sections 39e - 42a.

'With those who voted for my acquittal I would gladly like to converse about this event which has happened, while the authorities keep busy and I am not yet having to go (to the place) where it is necessary for me to die. But wait with me please, my friends, for so long a time; for nothing prevents us chatting to one another while it is possible. For I wish to explain to you, as being my friends, what ever is the meaning of the thing that has now happened to me. For, O gentlemen of the jury - and in calling you jurymen, I am calling (you) correctly - something wonderful has happened. For my customary prophetic (voice) from the deity in all previous time was always opposing (me) even in very small matters, if I was about to do something inappropriately. But now even the very things which you yourselves see have happened to me, the very things which a person would think, and are in fact thought to be, the most extreme of evils; but the sign of the deity opposed me neither when I went out from my house at dawn, nor when I came up here to the law-court, nor at any point in my speech when I was about to say something. And yet in other speeches it has often chided me in the midst of speaking; but now, concerning this business, it is opposing me neither in any action nor in any word. So, what, do I suppose, is the cause (of this)? I shall tell you; for it is likely that this thing which has occurred to me has happened to be a good thing, and there is not any way in which we, all those of us who think that death is an evil, are thinking correctly. Convincing evidence of this has occurred to me; for it cannot be but that the accustomed sign would have opposed me, if I were not about to accomplish something good.

And let us also consider in this way how much hope there is that this is a good thing. For the state of death is one of two things; either it is nothing inasmuch as the dead man has no perception of anything, or in accordance with the things said it happens to be some change and migration of the soul from this place here to another place. And, if it is not consciousness but sleep of such a kind that whenever someone sleeping does not even see any dream, death would be a wonderful benefit  - for I think, if it were necessary to pick out that night in which he slept in such a way that he did not even see a dream and comparing with that night the other nights and days of his life, it were necessary (for him), after due consideration (lit. having considered), to say how many days and nights he has lived in his life better and more pleasantly than that night, I believe that not (only) not any private person but (even) the great king ( of Persia) himself would find them easy to count in contrast with those other days and nights - and so, if death is such a thing, I for my part see (it as) a gain. For thus indeed all time seems to be nothing more than one night. But, if on the other hand death is such a kind of thing as migrating from here to another place, and what we are told, that indeed all the dead are there, is true, what greater blessing could there be than this, O men of the jury? For, if someone arriving at Hades, having been released from those claiming to be judges shall find those who are truly judges, and who are said to give judgment there, Minos and Rhadamanthus and Aeacus and Triptolemus and all those other demigods who happened to be just men in their lives, would the removal be bad? Or again, what price would one of you accept (for the chance) to associate with Orpheus and Musaeus and Hesiod and Homer? For I am willing to die many times over (lit. often) if these things are true. Since for me myself spending time there would be wonderful, when I met Palamedes and Ajax, the (son) of Telamon, and, if there is anyone else of the men of old who has died on account of a wrongful judgment, by comparing my own suffering against theirs - as I think it would not be unpleasant  - and indeed the greatest (pleasure) (would be for me) to examine and investigate men there, just as I spend time with men here (to see) who among them is wise, and who thinks (he is) but is not. What price, O gentlemen of the jury, would one accept to examine (the man) leading the great army against Troy (i.e. Agamemnon) or Odysseus or Sisyphus or countless others, both men and women, (whom) one might mention, with whom to converse and to associate and to engage in discussion there would be an inconceivable happiness? At all events, the men there surely do not kill because of it. For the men there are happier in other respects than the men here, and they are already immortal for the rest of time, if indeed what is told (to us is) true.

But it is necessary for you, O gentlemen of the jury, to be well-disposed towards death, and to bear in mind this one true thing, that nothing evil happens to a good man, whether living or dead, nor even are his affairs neglected by the gods; and the things that have happened to me now have not occurred by chance, but this is plain to me, that it was better for me to die now and to be set free from my troubles. For this reason the sign in no way checked me, and I am not at all angry with those who have condemned me and my accusers. And yet they did not condemn and accuse me for this reason, but because they thought (lit. thinking) that they might injure (me). I reproach them for that deservedly. This much, however, I beg of them: punish my sons when they reach adolescence, O gentlemen, causing them pain in the same way that I have caused you pain, if they seem to you to care for either money or anything else rather than virtue, and if, when they are (lit. being) nothing, they consider (themselves) to be something, reproach them just as (I have reproached) you, because they do not care (for the things) for which it is necessary to care, and they think (themselves) to be something when they are (lit. being) worthy of nothing. And if you do this I will have received from you just treatment myself, and my sons (too). But the fact is that (it is) now time (for us) to depart, for me to die and for you to live; but which of us goes to the better lot (is) unclear to everyone except God.'  

Epilegomenon.


The execution of Socrates was delayed for a month, since the state trireme was away on a sacred embassy to Delos, commemorating Theseus' slaying of the Minotaur, and during this time no execution was allowed to pollute the city of Athens. In  other dialogues - the 'Crito' and the 'Phaedo' - Plato records the conversations of Socrates with his friends during his time in prison. Escape would have been fairly easy, but Socrates refused to do so and died by drinking hemlock as required. 

            

PERSONAE NON GRATAE

Introduction.

The theme of these four extracts, translated by Sabidius, is that of 'Unwelcome people'. The first two are tricksters; the last two are both notorious women. Sallust's character assassination of Sempronia is particularly memorable. In the final extract Cicero is defending Caelius from the charge by his former mistress Clodia that he sought to poison her. As she was the sister of his bitter enemy, Clodius, Cicero was no doubt happy to blacken her character.   

These extracts are taken from the 'Cambridge Latin Anthology', edited by Ashley Carter and Phillip Parr, Cambridge University Press, 1996.


1. Pythius (From: Cicero: 'De Officiis, Book III, sections 58-59).

Gaius Canius, a Roman knight, when he had travelled (lit. taken himself) to Syracuse, said that he wished to buy some small estate, whither he could invite friends and where he (could) amuse himself without interruptors. When this had become well-known, a certain Pythius, who ran a bank in Syracuse, said to him that he had an estate, not indeed for sale, but which Canius could use as his own if he wished: and at the same time he invited the man to dinner. When he had accepted, Pythius summoned the fishermen to him, and asked them to fish in front of his estate the next day, and he told (them) what he wanted them to do. Canius came to dinner on time. (There was) a multitude of fishing boats before their eyes; each (man) according to his ability brought what he had caught; the fishes were deposited before Pythius' feet. Thereupon, Canius said, 'What is this, Pythius? Why (are there) so many fishes, (and) so many fishing boats?' And he said, 'Why (is it) surprising? All the fish there are (lit. Whatever there is of fish) in Syracuse are in this place.' Inflamed with desire, Canius pressed Pythius to sell (it to him). At first, he refused. At last, however, the greedy and rich man bought (it) for as much as Pythius wanted. The next day Canius invited his friends; he sees no fishing boat. He enquired from his nearest neighbour whether there was a fishermen's holiday. 'There is none, as far as I know,' he said, 'but no one is accustomed to fish here. So I was surprised at what had happened yesterday.' Canius was very angry, but what could he do?  

2. Regulus (From: Pliny the Younger: 'Letters', Book II, 20).

Gaius Plinius (sends) greetings to his (friend) Calvisius.

Have your copper ready and hear a first rate story, (or) stories rather; for the latest one reminded me of earlier ones, nor does it matter from which one I shall begin. Verania was lying gravely ill; Regulus came to her. Firstly, (what) impudence of a man who had come to a sick woman to whose husband he had been a personal enemy and most hateful to herself! It would have been enough if he had only come; but he even sat next to her bed. He asked her on which day (and) at which hour she had been born. When he heard (this), he composes his face, fixes his eyes, moves his lips, works his finger (and) makes calculations. When he has kept the poor woman in suspense for a long time, he says, 'You are going through a critical period but you will survive. In order that this may be more clear to you, I shall consult a soothsayer whom I have often used.' Without delay, he performs a sacrifice, (and) he affirms that the entrails accord with the signs of the stars. She, as you might expect believing that (she was) in danger, asked for a codicil and writes a legacy to Regulus.  Soon she grows worse, and, dying, she cries out that the man who had sworn a false oath himself on the safety of his son was wicked and treacherous and even worse than perjured.  Regulus does this no less wickedly than frequently, because he calls down the anger of the gods, whom he cheats daily, on to the head of his unfortunate son.

Velleius Blaesus, the famous rich ex-consul, was afflicted with a terminal illness: he wished to alter his will. Regulus, who was hoping for something from the new will, because he had recently begun to cultivate him, exhorts the doctors and asks that they prolong the man's life by any means whatever.  After the will is signed, he changes his tune, alters his manner of speaking, and says to the same doctors: 'How long are you going to torture the poor man? Why do you begrudge a good death (to a man) to whom you cannot give life?' Blaesus dies, and, as if he heard everything, (he left) to Regulus not even the least amount. 

3. Sempronia (From: Sallust: 'The Conspiracy of Catiline', chapter 25).

But among them was Sempronia, who had often committed many crimes of masculine boldness. This woman was fortunate enough in her birth and in her looks, in her husband and in her children; learned in Greek and Latin literature, she could play the lyre and dance more elegantly than is necessary for an honest woman, and (could) do many others things which are the means of extravagance. But all things were always dearer to her than modesty and chastity; you could not easily tell whether she was less sparing of her money or her reputation; she was so aroused by lust that she sought men more often than she was sought. But frequently before this time, she had broken her pledge, she had repudiated a loan and had been implicated in murder. However her ability (was) not insignificant. She could compose verse, crack a joke, and engage in conversation, whether modest or tender or wanton; in short there was in her much wit and much charm.  

4. Clodia (From: Cicero: 'Pro Caelio', 34-36).

When from a noble background you had married into a most renowned family, why was Caelius so intimate with you? For he was neither a relative nor a friend of your husband. What was (the reason for this) therefore except some recklessness and lust? Indeed, the accusers allege passions, love affairs, adulterous relationships, parties, (visits to) Baiae, concerts, boating trips; and they declare that they mention nothing with you (being) unwilling. It behoves you either to refute these accusations which you in a frenzied manner wanted to be reported in the forum and in the trial, or to confess that nothing either in your accusation or in your evidence is worthy of trust.

You caught sight of the young man from next door; his beauty, his height, his countenance, and his eyes impressed you; you wanted to see (him) more often; you were sometimes (lit. not never) in the same gardens; you, a noble woman, want to have him, the son of a miserly and parsimonious father, bound by your wealth; you cannot; he resists, he rejects (you), he does not think that your gifts are so great; take yourself somewhere else. You have bought gardens near the Tiber in that place, whither all the young people come for the sake of swimming. Here it is permitted that you pick up propositions daily; why are you troublesome to this young man who scorns you?

   

PLINY THE YOUNGER: TRES FEMINAE

Introduction.

The following portraits of three women are taken from the letters of the Younger Pliny, the famous letter-writer of Imperial Rome (61-113 A.D.) His mother's brother was the famous naturalist and polymath, Pliny the Elder, and as a young man he was a witness to the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 when his uncle was killed while trying to organise assistance to the stricken communities on the Bay of Naples. Inheriting his uncle's name and estate, theYounger Pliny enjoyed a successful career as a public servant. He was a distinguished pleader in the courts, and was a specialist in financial administration and property law. He became consul in 100 at the remarkably young age of 39, and in 111 was sent by the Emperor Trajan to Bithynia as governor, where he died in 113. 

His extant works are his 'Panegyricus', a fulsome eulogium on Trajan, and the ten books of his 'Epistolae' (Letters). His best known letters are the two he sent to Tacitus on the effects of the eruption of Vesuvius and his uncle's death (Book VI, 16 and 20) and his letter to Trajan concerning his treatment of Christians in Bithynia (Book X, 96, and 97, Trajan's reply.) Taken as a whole, however, Pliny's 'Letters' provide a fascinating insight into the life and thinking of a prominent man at the zenith of Rome's power and wealth. The three extracts translated here give an indication of some of the values which he held dear.

The extracts translated, and the introductory summaries, are taken from the 'Cambridge Latin Anthology', Cambridge University Press, edited by Ashley Carter and Phillip Parr, 1996.  

1. Arria (From 'Letters', Book III. 16).

Arria was famous in the Roman world for her remarkable courage. Here, in a letter to his friend, Nepos, Pliny recounts two lesser known stories about her which he thinks are even more heroic than the story which made her famous.  


Gaius Plinius send greetings to his (friend) Nepos.

Arria's husband, Caecina Paetus, was ill; their son was ill too, both of them very seriously, as it seemed. The son died, a young man very handsome and modest and dear to his parents. Arria arranged his funeral in such a way, (and) led the procession in such a way that her husband was unaware (of it); indeed, whenever she entered his bed-chamber, she pretended that their son was alive and even rather better, and to her husband asking very often how the boy was doing she replied: 'He slept well and ate food willingly.' Then, when the tears, having been held back for a long time, overcame her and broke out, she went out; then she gave herself to grief; having had her fill (of tears), she returned to the bed-chamber with dry eyes and with her face composed, as if she had left her bereavement outside.  

The second story tells of Arria's courage when her husband was involved in a short-lived revolt against the Emperor Claudius led by Scribonianus, the governor of Illyricum. As a result of his involvement, Paeus was arrested and taken to Rome. Pliny begins with an incident which had become very well-known: the 'famous last words' of Arria when Paetus had been condemned to death. Paetus was given the chance to anticipate the executioner by committing suicide. Arria was with him. 

That (was) indeed a remarkable deed of the same woman, to draw a sword to pierce her breast, to draw out the dagger, and to offer (it) to her husband, and to add the immortal and almost divine words: 'Paetus, it does not hurt.'

Pliny now goes back to an earlier point in the story, when Paetus was first arrested. He wants to point out that Arria's courage was shown in other ways as well, not just in her famous last words.

Scribonianus had taken up arms against Claudius in Illyricum; Paetus had been on his side, and Scribonianus, having been killed, he was being brought back to  Rome. Arria begged the soldiers that she should be put on board together with him. 'Would you not,' she said, 'assign to a man of consular rank some servants, from whose hands he might take food, by whom he might be dressed and by whom he might be shod? I alone shall undertake all these (tasks).' She did not succeed; she hired a small fishing smack, and followed the big ship in her tiny boat. 

Then, in the presence of Claudius, she said to the wife of Scribonianus, when that woman was offering evidence, 'Am I to listen to you, in whose lap Scribonianus was killed, and you are (still) alive?' From this it is clear that her plan of a very glorious death was not a sudden (one). Even when her son-in-law, Thrasea, was begging (her) not to carry out her resolve to die, and among other things had said to her: 'So, would you wish your daughter, if it were necessary for me to die, to die with me?' she replied: 'If she had lived for so long a time and in such great harmony with you as I (have) with Paetus, I would wish (it).' By this response she had increased the concern of her family; she was watched more carefully; she noticed this, and said 'You are achieving nothing; for you can bring (it) about that I die with difficulty, (but) you cannot bring (it) about that I do not die.' While she was saying this, she leapt up out of her chair and dashed her head with great force against the wall opposite, and collapsed. Having been revived, she said: 'I had said to you that I should find a way to death, however hard, if you denied (me) an easy (one).' Farewell.

2. Calpurnia (From 'Letters', Book IV. 19).

Shortly after his marriage to Calpurnia, Pliny writes this letter to her aunt, Hispulla, praising the qualities of both women.

Gaius Plinius sends greetings to his (relation) Calpurnia Hispulla.

You yourself are a model of devotion (to your family), and you loved your best and most affectionate brother with equal love; and you love his daughter as your own, and you show to her not only the love of an aunt, but also (that) of her dead father. So without doubt you will rejoice very greatly when you will have heard that she is worthy of her father, worthy of you, (and) worthy of  her grandfather. Her intelligence is very high, her frugality is excellent. She loves me, which is a proof of her virtue. Moreover, she is studying books on account  of her love of me. She collects my speeches, she reads (them) repeatedly, (and) she even learns (them). With what great anxiety she is affected when I am seen about to plead in court, with what great joy when I have done (so)! She arranges for (people) to report to her what approval, what applause I have aroused, (and) what outcome to the trial I have achieved. Also, whenever I recite, she sits in proximity (to me), screened by a curtain, and hears my praises with the most avid ears. Indeed, she even sings my praises, and sets them to music on the lyre with no instructor teaching (her), but love which is the best master.     

For these reasons I am led to the very sure hope that happiness will be permanent for us and greater in the days (to come). For she does not love my (young) age or my body, which will gradually fade and decay, but my reputation. Nothing else becomes a woman brought up by your hands and instructed by your precepts, who will have seen in your household nothing but what is honourable, and who will have just been accustomed to love me through your recommendation. For you loved my mother as a daughter, and from my childhood you used to mould and encourage me, and to predict that (I should be) such a man as I seem now (to be) to my wife. So, we give our thanks to you, I, because (you will have given) her to me, she, because you will have given me to her, as though you will have chosen (us) for each other. Farewell.

3. Ummidia Quadratilla (From 'Letters', Book VII. 24).

Gaius Plinius sends greetings to his (friend) Geminus.

Ummidia Quadratilla has died in a little less than the the eightieth year of her age; right up to her last illness she was a vigorous woman, whose body was sturdy and strong beyond the manner of a woman.

Her will was excellent. (As) heirs she left her grandson two-thirds, (and) her granddaughter a third part. I scarcely know her granddaughter, (but) I love most intimately her grandson, a remarkable young man, whom even those whom he is not related to by blood love as though (he were) a relation. For, firstly, although he was very handsome, he avoided both (as) a boy and (as) a young man all the gossip of spiteful people. Then, he was married during his twenty-fourth year, and, if god had approved (it), he would have been a father. He lived at the house of his pleasure-seeking grandmother most austerely, yet deferentially. She collected and indulged pantomime actors more lavishly than was suitable for a noble woman. Quadratus did not watch these  in the theatre or at home, nor did she require (this). When she was entrusting to me the studies of her grandson, she said that she was accustomed, as (was natural for a) woman with nothing to do (lit. in that leisure of her sex) to relax her mind by playing at draughts, and she was accustomed to watch her pantomime actors, but when she was about to do  either of the two, she always told her nephew to go away and study; it seemed to me that she did this not only from affection but also from respect (for his youth).

You will be surprised, and I was surprised: at the most recent sacerdotal games, the pantomime actors having been entered in the opening event, when Quadratus and I were coming out of the theatre together, he said to me: 'Do you know that I saw my grandmother's freedman dancing for the first time today?' Her grandson (said) this. But, by Hercules, in honour of Quadratilla [it shames me to call (it) honour] utterly unknown men were running into the theatre in flattery, they were jumping up, they were applauding, (and) they were showing their admiration: then they imitated in songs the gestures of their mistress; they will now receive tiny legacies as a reward from an heir who never watched them. Farewell.