LIVY: "AB URBE CONDITA (THE HISTORY OF ROME)": BOOK II: THE BEGINNINGS OF THE REPUBLIC.

LIVY: "AB URBE CONDITA (THE HISTORY OF ROME)": BOOK II: THE BEGINNINGS OF THE REPUBLIC. 

Introduction: 

Readers are advised by Sabidius to look at the introduction to his translation of Book I of Livy's History of Rome for information about Livy and the quality of his writing. While Book I features the origins of the City of Rome and the exploits of Romulus and the six kings who followed him down to the denouement of the rape of Lucretia, by Sextus, son of King Tarquin the Proud, subsequently made famous by William Shakespeare's poem, "The Rape of Lucrece", Book II highlights a number of significant events in relation to the first few decades of the Roman republic, i.e. the years 509 - 468 B.C. These include the following: the death in battle of the first consul Lucius Junius Brutus, after he had executed his two sons for treason; the attempts of Tarquin the Proud to regain his throne with the assistance of King Lars Porsena of Clusium; the heroic conduct of Horatius Cocles in blocking his way; the courageous behaviour of Mucius Scaevola and then of the maiden Cloelia in defending the interests of Rome; the Battle of Lake Regillus in 496 B.C, when Rome established its ascendance over the Latins; the first Secession of the Plebs in 494-493 B.C.; the curious career of Marcius Coriolanus; the heroic sacrifice of the Fabii, and the decimation of the army inflicted by the younger Appius Claudius in 471 B.C. Some of these events were made famous by Thomas Babington, Lord Macaulay, in his "Lays of Ancient Rome", originally published in 1842, and enjoyed by many, including schoolchildren of course, ever since. Particularly celebrated are his lays about how Horatius Cocles held the bridge in 508 B.C. and how the Twin Gods, Castor and Pollux, helped the Romans to win the Battle of Lake Regillus. (See Appendix I for some extracts from Macaulay's "Lays of Ancient Rome".) Furthermore of course, this period was highlighted by Shakespeare in his tragic play, "Coriolanus". Appendix II provides a list of the consuls for the period covered by Livy's Book II.  

Chapter 1. Brutus increases the numbers in the senate. 

(1) The affairs of the Roman people, henceforth free, conducted in peace and in war, their annual magistrates, and the authority of the laws, more powerful than (that) of men, I shall now describe.  (2) This liberty had been made to be all the more welcome by the arrogance of the last king (i.e. Tarquin the Proud). For the former (kings) reigned in such a manner that they all successively might be reckoned (as) founders, at least, of the parts of the city which they themselves added (as) new residences for the population augmented by them. (3) Nor is it in doubt that the same Brutus (i.e. Lucius Junius Brutus, cos. 509 B.C.), who earned so much glory for the expulsion of that haughty king, would have done this to the detriment of the public, if, through a desire for an untimely liberty, he should have wrenched the kingdom away from any one one of the former kings. (4) For what would have happened, if that rabble of shepherds and vagrants, having deserted their own peoples, had found liberty, or, at least, impunity, under the protection of an inviolable sanctuary, (and,) unfettered by the dread of kings, had begun to be agitated by tribunician storms and to foment disputes with patricians in a alien city, (5) before the ties of wives and children, and a love of that very soil, to which it takes some time to become accustomed, had united their aspirations? (6) Their affairs, which the tranquil moderation of the government fostered, having not yet matured, would have been shattered by discord, but, by its nourishment, it brought about (such a situation) that, with their strength having now come to maturity, they were able to produce the wholesome fruits of liberty. (7) But you may date the origin of liberty from this time more because consular authority was made annual than because there was any reduction in kingly power. The first consuls kept all their rights and all their insignia; (8) only this (one thing) was guarded against, lest, if both should have the rods (i.e. the 'fasces'), fear would seem to be duplicated. With the consent of his colleague (i.e. Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus), Brutus had the rods first; he had not been a keener champion of liberty than he was its guardian afterwards. (9) First of all, he compelled the people, eager (as they were) for their new liberty, to swear an oath that they would allow no one to be king in Rome. 10) Next, so that a throng of numbers in that order might also create more strength in the senate, he filled up the number of senators, which had been diminished by the murders of the king, to a total of three hundred, having chosen the foremost (men) of equestrian rank; 11) and it is said that from that time (i.e. A.U.C. 245 or 509 B.C.) it was handed down that (those) who (were) fathers and those who were conscripted should be summoned into the senate; indeed, they called (those who had been) elected into the new senate 'conscripts'. It (is) wonderful how much that contributed to the concord of the state, and to the minds of the people being associated with the senators.  

Chapter 2. Collatinus resigns the consulship.

(1) Then attention (was) paid to matters of religion, and because certain public sacrifices had been regularly performed by the kings themselves, they elect a 'King Sacrificer', lest there should be any lack of kings. (2) This priesthood was made subject to the the high priest, lest the office, in conjunction with its title, might somehow be an obstacle to liberty, which was at that time their principal concern. And I know not whether by safeguarding the (situation) too much on all sides, even in the most trivial of matters, they may have exceeded their bounds. (3) For, although nothing else was offensive, the name of one of the consuls was hateful to the community: the Tarquins, (they thought,) had been too much accustomed to kingship; a start (had been) made by Priscus; Servius Tullius had reigned next; though an interval had occurred, and, although (it was in the hands) of another, Tarquinius Superbus did not lose sight of the throne, and, by crime and violence, he reclaimed (it) as the hereditary property of his family; Superbus (had been) expelled, (but) power was in the hands of Collatinus; (and) the Tarquinii did not know how to live as private (citizens). His name was not pleasing, (and) was a danger to liberty. (4) This  discourse of those first trying to influence minds was gradually circulated through the whole community, and, with the people aroused by suspicion, Brutus calls (them) to a meeting. (5) There, first of all, he recites the oath of the people, that they would allow no one to be king, nor that there would be (anything) in Rome, from which there might be a danger to liberty. That it ought to be guarded with the greatest effort, and that nothing which related to it should be despised. He said it with some reluctance, for the sake of the man (concerned), nor would he have said it, if his affection for the state had not predominated: (6) the people of Rome, (he said), do not believe that complete liberty has been recovered; that the family of the kings and the name of the kings was not only in the community, but was even in the government; that interfered with, that was an obstacle to, liberty. (7) "Do you, Lucius Tarquinius," says he, "remove this anxiety of your own accord. We remember, we acknowledge, that you expelled the kings; complete your good work, take the royal name away from here. Your (fellow-)citizens will not only restore your property on my authority, but, if anything is lacking, they will augment (it) generously. Go, my friend; relieve the community from (what is) perhaps a groundless fear; (for) so are men's minds persuaded that kingship will depart from here with the Tarquinian family."   

(8) Amazement at such a novel and sudden request had impeded the consul's voice; then, as he began to speak, the chief men of the state stand around (him), (and) with many entreaties they beg the same (things). (9) And others, indeed, had less influence (on him): when Spurius Lucretius (Tricipitinus) (i.e. cos. suff. 509 B.C.), his senior in age and rank, (and) his father-in-law besides, began to urge, by various means, by entreating and advising (him) alternately, that he would allow himself to be prevailed upon by the commonly-held view of the community, the consul, fearing that these same (things) might shortly befall him as a private (citizen), together with the loss of his property and other additional kinds of disgrace on top, resigned from the consulship, and, removing all his possessions, he withdrew from the state. (11) Brutus, in accordance with a decree of the senate, proposed to the people that all of the Tarquinian family should be exiles. In a centuriate assembly he elected Publius Valerius (i.e. cos. suff. 509 B.C.), with whose assistance he had expelled the kings, as his colleague.    

Chapter 3. The Tarquins canvass the feelings of the discontented young noblemen. 

Though no one was in doubt that war with the Tarquins was imminent, yet it happened later than everyone's expectation; but liberty was nearly lost through treason and betrayal, something of which they were not afraid. (2) Among the Roman youth, there were a number of young men, nor did they spring from an insignificant (social) position, whose wilfulness had been more unfettered under the monarchy, and, (as they were) contemporaries and companions of the young Tarquins, (they had been) accustomed to live in the style of royalty. (3) Longing for that licence, now that the rights of all had been made equal, they complained bitterly among themselves that the liberty of others had resulted in their own servitude: a king (they said) was a man from whom you could obtain (something, for which) there was a need, whether just or unjust; there was room for favour and kindness, and he could be angry and he (could) forgive, (and) he knew the difference between a friend and an enemy; (4) the law was something deaf and inexorable, more salutary and more helpful to a poor (man) than to a powerful (one); it knew no respite, no indulgence, if you have exceeded the bounds; (and,) amid so much human error, it was dangerous to live by integrity alone. (5) When their minds were already thus suffering of their own accord, envoys arrived from the royal family, only seeking their property, without mentioning their return. After their application had been heard in the senate, the deliberation lasted for several days, (as they were afraid) that not returning (their property) might be the reason for a war, (but) its return might be the means of a war being funded. (6) Meanwhile, the envoys were exerting themselves to a different (purpose), (and, while) they were ostensibly reclaiming the property, they were secretly hatching plans for recovering the throne, and, as though canvassing (them) for the object which appeared to be under discussion, they sound out the feelings of the young noblemen. (7) To those, by whom their words were favourably received, they deliver a letter from the Tarquins, and confer (with them) about admitting the royal family secretly into the city at night. 

Chapter 4. The conspiracy to restore Tarquin.

(1) The project was entrusted in the first place to the Vitellii and Aquilii brothers. A sister of the Vitellii was married to the consul Brutus, and the children of that marriage, Titus and Tiberius, were now young men; and their uncles also take them into the fellowship of the plot. (2) Besides, several other young nobles were taken into the conspiracy, the memory of whom is lost in antiquity. (3) In the meantime, when the view that the property should be returned prevailed in the senate, the envoys made use of this very (thing as) a reason for lingering in the city, because they had obtained from the consuls time to arrange vehicles by which they might transport the royal family's belongings; all this time they spend in consultation with the conspirators, and, by their insistence, they succeed (in arranging) for letters to be given to them for the Tarquins: 4) for otherwise how were they to believe that (statements) brought to (them) by the envoys (were) not worthless? The letters given to be a pledge of good faith made clear the conspiracy. (5) For, on the day before the envoys were returning to the Tarquins, when they happened to be dining in the house of the Vitellii, and the conspirators had there discussed, in the absence of witnesses, many (things) between themselves about their new designs, as is natural, one of the slaves, who had already perceived beforehand what (was going on), overheard their conversation, (6) but he was awaiting the opportunity, when the letters should be given to the envoys, to be able, through their interception, to conclusively prove the accusation. When he saw that (they had been) given, he reported the matter to the consuls. (7) The consuls left their homes in order to arrest the envoys and the conspirators, and crushed the whole plot without any disturbance; they took care especially not to lose the letters. The traitors were thrown together into prison at once, there was a little doubt concerning the envoys, and, although they seemed to have acted as though they were in the position of enemies, yet the law of nations prevailed (i.e. the ambassadors of a foreign power were not subject to a country's laws.) 

Chapter 5. Brutus orders the execution of his sons.

(1) The matter of the king's belongings, which they had previously voted should be returned, was referred to the senate afresh. Then, overcome with rage, they forbade that they should be returned, and they forbade that they should be brought into the treasury: (2) they were given to the people to plunder, so that, once they had got hold of the royal family's spoils, they might permanently relinquish any hope of (making) peace with them. A field belonging to the Tarquins, which lay between the city and the Tiber, (was) consecrated to Mars (i.e. the God of War), (and) was henceforth (known as) the Campus Martius (i.e. the Field of Mars). (3) It is said that there happened at that time to have been a crop of corn there, which (was) ripe to be harvested. Since it was (considered to be) sacrilegious to consume the produce of this field, a large force of men (was sent) to cut the corn (and), at the same time, put (it) in baskets, together with its straw, (and) throw (it) into the Tiber, which was then flowing with a feeble current, as is usual in the heat of mid(-summer). So, heaps of corn, as they were stuck in the shallow waters, became settled when covered with mud; (4) and, when other (things), which the river happened to carry, came together in the same place, an island was gradually formed. Afterwards, I believe, embankments (were) added, and work was done by hand, so that the surface (became) high enough and strong (enough) to be able to sustain even temples and porticoes. (5) When the chattels of the royal family (had been) pillaged, the traitors (were) condemned and punishment handed out, (and this was) all the more conspicuous because the office of consul imposed upon a father the duty of a penalty being exacted from his sons, and (he) who should have been spared from having to witness (it), fortune gave that very man the task of inflicting the punishment. (6) Young men of the noblest rank stood tied to a stake; but the consul's sons drew the eyes of everyone away from the rest, as if from persons unknown, on to themselves, and men pitied (them) no more for their punishment than for the crime, by which they had earned their punishment: (7) that they, in that year especially, should have determined to betray their country, (just) freed, their father, its liberator, the consulate, (which had) arisen from the house of the Junii, the senate, the people, and whatever belonged to the gods and the citizens of Rome, (into the hands of a man who was) once a haughty tyrant and (was) now a hostile exile. (8) The consuls proceeded to their tribunal, and lictors (were) sent to implement the punishment. They scourge their bared (backs) with rods, and strike off (their heads) with an axe, while all this time their father, and his looks and countenance, present a touching spectacle of the feelings of a father during the delivery of a public punishment. (9) Following the punishment of the guilty (ones), so that there might be a striking example of the deterrence of crime in both directions (i.e. both punishing the guilty and rewarding helpful witnesses), money from the treasury, liberty, and citizenship (were) granted to the informer (as) a reward. He, it is said, (was) the first to be freed by the 'vindicta' (i.e. the rod used in the manumission of a slave). (10) Some even think that the name of the 'vindicta' was derived from him: (and) that his name was Vindicius (n.b. both 'vindicta' and Vindicius are actually derived from 'vindex', champion or liberator). After him (it was) observed that (those) who were freed in this way were thought to have been received into citizenship.     

Chapter 6. Tarquin prepares for war; the death of Brutus. 

(1) These (things) having been reported (to him) as they had occurred, Tarquin, inflamed with grief that so great a hope had come to nothing, but also with hatred and anger, when the way to trickery (had been) blocked, realised that it was necessary to plan for open warfare (and) to go around the cities of Etruria (as) a suppliant; (2) he implored the people of Veii and Tarquinii in particular not to allow (one who was) born of the same blood as them, (now) an exile and in want, (having) just (come) from so great a throne, to perish before their eyes, with the young men, his sons. That others from abroad (had been) invited to the throne in Rome; that he as king, having extended the power of Rome by war, (had been) driven (out) by kinsmen in a wicked conspiracy. (3) Because no one (man) was thought sufficiently worthy of the throne, they had seized the functions of the royal power, (and divided them) among themselves; they had given up his belongings to be pillaged by the people. He wished to regain his country and his kingdom, and to take action against his ungrateful citizens. Let them bring succour and help (him); let them also take revenge for their old injuries, their legions so often slaughtered, their land taken from (them). 

(4) These last (arguments) prevailed on the men of Veii, and they demand, each one of them, in a menacing manner that under a Roman general, at least, these disgraces should be wiped out, and that (what had been) lost in war should be recovered. His name and blood-relationship (with them) influence the people of Tarquinii: it seemed a fine (thing) that one of their own should rule in Rome. (5) So, the two armies of these two states followed Tarquin in order to recover his kingdom and to take revenge on the Romans in war. When they came on to Roman territory, the consuls went to meet the enemy. (6) Valerius leads the infantry in a square foundation (i.e. formed in a phalanx); Brutus went ahead with the cavalry to reconnoitre. In the same way, the enemy's cavalry was at the head of their column; the king's son, Arruns Tarquinius, was in command (of them); the king, himself, followed with the legions. (7) Arruns, (when he knew) at a distance that it was the consul, and then, (as he drew) nearer, he also recognised Brutus by his countenance, (was) inflamed with rage, (and) cried out, "That is the man, who has driven us from our country into exile. See (how) he himself proudly advances, adorned with our own emblems. (8) Gods, avengers of kings, be with us!" He urged on his horse by his spurs, and charged furiously at the consul himself. Brutus perceived that he was coming against him. In those days, it was (considered) honourable for generals to take part in the fighting themselves; and so he eagerly offered himself in combat, (9?) and they charged at each other with such furious animosity, neither thinking of protecting his own body, so long as he could wound his enemy, that both, transfixed through the shield by a blow from the opposite direction, fell dying from their horses, impaled by the two spears. (10) At the same time, the rest of the cavalry began to fight, and not long afterwards the infantry also came on the scene. There they fought, with victory (occurring) on both sides, as if the (fortunes of) war (were) equal; the right wing on both sides was victorious, (and) the left (wing) overcome. (11) The Veientes, accustomed to being defeated by Roman soldiers, (were) routed and put to flight; the men of Tarquinii, a fresh enemy, not only stood (their ground), but also drove the Roman (army) from their own part (of the field).  

Chapter 7.  Valerius proves his good faith as a republican.

(1) Although this was the result of the battle, so great a panic came upon Tarquin and the Etruscans that both armies, the Veientian and the Tarquinian, giving the situation up as hopeless, each went back to their homes during the night. They add strange (things) to (the story of) this battle: (2) in the silence of the following night a loud voice came forth from the Arsian wood; the voice (was) believed (to be) that of Silvanus (i.e. the Roman god of the woods and uncultivated land); these were the words spoken: that more of the Etruscans by one had fallen in the battle; (and so) the Roman (army) was victorious in the war. (3) So, the Romans certainly left there as the victors, (and) the Etruscans as the vanquished. For, when it grew light, and not a single one of the enemy was in sight, the consul, Publius Valerius, gathered up the spoils and returned from there to Rome in triumph. (4) He celebrated his colleague's funeral with with as much pomp as was then possible; but much greater honour was (done) to the dead by the public mourning, which was all the more conspicuous because the matrons mourned him for a year as a parent, because he had been so determined an avenger of violated chastity (i.e. the rape of Lucretia by Sextus Tarquinius). 

(5) Then, as the feelings of the mob are changeable, the consul, who had survived, (fell) out of favour, not only on account of envy, but also since a cruel charge (had been) brought (against him). (6) There was talk that he was aspiring to the kingship, because he had not proposed a colleague as a successor in place of Brutus and he was building (a house) on the top of the Velia (i.e. a Roman hill): that there on a high and well-fortified position an impregnable stronghold was being constructed. (7) These remarks, widely believed (as they were), filled the mind of the consul with indignation, and, having called the people to an assembly, he mounts the rostrum, after having lowered the 'fasces'. It was a welcome sight to the multitude that the emblems of authority had been lowered before them, and that an acknowledgment (had thus been) made that the majesty and the power of the people were greater than (those) of the consul. (8) There, having ordered (them) to listen, the consul extolled the good fortune of his colleague, in that he had met his death, (while held) in the highest honour for having liberated his country and (while) fighting for the republic, with his glory still in an early stage and not yet converted into jealousy. He, (himself,) had outlived his own glory, and had survived to (face) accusations and envy, and from (being) a liberator of his country he had sunk to (the level of) the Aquilii and the Vitelii. (9) "So," says he, "will no merit ever be beheld by you that it cannot be tainted by suspicion? Could I have feared that I, the bitterest enemy of kings, should suffer the charge of desiring the throne itself? (10) (Even) if I were to dwell in the very citadel, and on the Capitol, could I believe that I could be feared by my fellow-citizens? Does my reputation among you hang by so slender a thread? Is your confidence (in me) founded on so slight (a basis) that where I am matters more than who I am? (11) (O) citizens, the house of Publius Valerius will not stand in the way of your liberty; to you the Velia will be safe. I shall not only bring down my house on to the plain, but I shall also locate (it) below the hill, so that you may dwell above me, a suspect citizen; let those build on the Velian (mount), to whom liberty is believed to be more (important) than (it is) to Publius Valerius." 

(12) All the building materials were immediately brought down beneath the Velia, and the house (was) built at the bottom of the hill (at the place) where (the temple of) Vica Pota (i.e. the Victorious and Potent One, another name for the Goddess of Victory) now stands.     

Chapter 8.  Valerius regains his popularity; a temple to Jupiter is dedicated on the Capitoline Hill. 

(1) Laws (were) then passed, which not only absolved the consul from any suspicion that (he was seeking) to be king, but so turned matters in the contrary (direction) that they even made (him) popular. At that time, the surname 'Publicola' was created (for him). (2) Above all, laws about appealing  to the people against the magistrates, and dedicating to the gods the life and property of a man who had made plans to occupy the throne, were pleasing to the people. (3) When he alone had had these laws passed, in order that there might be gratitude for them to him alone, only then did he hold elections for the replacement of his colleague. (4) The consul elected, Spurius Lucretius (Tricipitinus) (i.e. cos. suff. 509 B.C. and the father of the Lucretia, whose rape by Sextus Tarquinius had precipitated the revolution), who, due to his great age, did not now have enough strength to perform the duties of the consulship, dies within a few days. Marcus Horatius Pulvillus (i.e. cos. suff. 509 B.C.) (was) elected as a substitute in place of Lucretius. (5) In some ancient authors I do not find Lucretius (named as) consul; they put (the name of) Horatius immediately after Brutus; I believe that, because no achievements made his consulship conspicuous, his memory has been forgotten.    

(6) The temple of Jupiter on the Capitol had not yet been dedicated. The consuls, Valerius and Horatius, drew lots as to which one (of them) should dedicate (it). It fell by lot to Horatius: Publicola set out for the Veientine war. (7) The relatives of Valerius were more annoyed than was fitting that the dedication of so glorious a temple should be granted to Horatius (vid. the Horatii were one of the 'minores gentes' admitted to the senate by King Tarquinius Priscus). Having tried in all (sorts of) ways to hinder it, when everything else had been tried in vain, when the consul was already holding the door-post during the offering of a prayer to the god (vid. by laying his hands on the door-post the supreme magistrate symbolically handed over the building to the god), they inflict upon (him) the shocking message that his son had died, and that he could not dedicate the temple, when his family had been defiled by death. (8) (Whether) he did not believe the news, or he possessed very great strength of mind, we are not told for certain, nor is a decision (on the matter) easy (to make); and he did nor allow this news to divert him from his purpose, in any way other than to order that the body be buried, and, holding the door-post, he completes the prayer and dedicates the temple. 

(9) Such (were) the achievements, at home and abroad, in the first year after the kings (had been) expelled (i.e. A.U.C. 245 or 509 B.C.). After this, Publius Valerius (Publicola), for a second time, and Titus Lucretius (Tripticinus)  (were) elected consuls (i.e. for the year 508 B.C.). 

Chapter 9. Lars Porsena of Clusium's attempt to  restore the Tarquins. 

(1) By now, the Tarquins had taken refuge with Lars (i.e. Lord) Porsena, king of Clusium. There, by mixing advice with entreaties, they now begged (him) not to allow them, who were descended from the Etruscans, and of the same blood and name (as them), to live in exile and want, (2) (and) they now also warned (him) not to let the growing practice of expelling kings to go unpunished. (For) liberty has enough charm in itself. (3) Unless kings were to defend their thrones with as much vigour as the communities were to to pursue such (liberty), the highest would be reduced to the level of the lowest; there will be nothing exalted, nothing that stands out above everything else in the community; and an end will come to kingship, (which is) the most beautiful institution among gods and men. (4) Porsena, thinking that (it was) not only a safe (thing) that there should be a king in Rome, but that (it was) also a splendid (thing) for the Etrurians that the king (should be) of Etruscan heritage, came to Rome with a hostile army. (5) Never before, on any earlier occasion, had such great alarm so engulfed the senate; so powerful at that time was the state of Clusium, and (so) great (was) the name of Porsena. Not only did they fear the enemy, but also their own (fellow-)citizens, less the Roman populace, overcome with fear, should accept that the royal family should be received into the city, or that peace (should come) with servitude. (6) So, at this time, many concessions were granted by the senate to the populace. Its attention, in the first place, was directed to the supply of corn, and some were sent to the Volsci, and others to Cumae, to purchase corn. Also, the right of selling salt, because it came at so high a price, (was) taken out of private (hands) and was all put into public (ownership); and the populace (were) freed from customs duties and tax, so that they were bestowed on the rich, who were able to bear the burden; the poor paid taxes enough if they brought up children. (7) And so, this generosity on the part of the senate kept the community in such (a state of) concord during the subsequent difficulties of the siege and famine that the highest abhorred the name of king no more than the lowest, (8) nor, in after years, was any one (man) so popular through demagogic practices than was the whole senate at that time due to its good government. 

Chapter 10. The story of Horatius Cocles.

(1) When the enemy appeared, each man of his own accord moved into the city from the fields, and they protected the city itself with a garrison. Some (parts) seemed secured by the walls, others by the barrier of the Tiber; (2) the Sublician bridge (i.e. the bridge of piles) would have given the enemy a way (into the city), had it not been for one man, Horatius Cocles; on that day the good fortune of the city of Rome provided him (as) its defensive bulwark. (3) He happened (to be) stationed on guard at the bridge, when he saw that the Janiculum (i.e. a hill of Rome on the far side of the river) (had been) taken by a sudden assault and that the enemy were pouring quickly down from there, (and that there was) alarm and disorder among his own colleagues, as they abandoned their arms and their ranks, (and) reproaching each one of them, (4) he stopped (them), and, appealing to the conscience of gods and men, he testified that by deserting the garrison they would flee in vain; (he said that,) if they crossed the bridge and left it behind (them), there would soon be more of the enemy on the Palatine and the Capitol than on the Janiculum. So he urged and commanded (them) to break up the bridge by sword, by fire, or by whatever means they could; (he said) that he would check the advance of the enemy, as far as it could be resisted by any one man.   

(5) Then, he advanced to the front of the entrance to the bridge, and, strikingly conspicuous among those withdrawing from the fight with their backs turned towards (the foe), and preparing to go into hand-to-hand battle with his weapons, he astounded the enemy by the miraculous (nature) of his bravery. (6) But a (sense of) shame kept two (men) with him, Spurius Lartius and Titus Herminius (Aquilinus), both (of them) renowned for their birth and their deeds (n.b. both of them were to be consuls in 506 B.C.). (7) With them he withstood for a time the first onrush of danger and what was the stormiest (time) of the battle; then, when (only) a small part of the bridge remained, (and when those) who were cutting (it) down were calling (them) back, he forced them to withdraw to (a place of) safety. (8) Then, casting his stern eyes around in a menacing manner at the chiefs of the Etruscans, he challenged (them), sometimes on an individual basis, and sometimes he reproached (them) all: they had come, (said he,) as the tools of haughty tyrants, unmindful of their own freedom, to attack (the freedom) of others. (9) They hesitated for some time to begin the battle, while they looked around at one another; then shame set the battle-line in motion, and, having raised a shout, they hurled their javelins from all sides at their solitary foe. (10) When they all stuck in the shield in front of (him), and he with no less determination took possession of the bridge with a mighty step, they then tried to dislodge the man by a charge, when both the crash of the broken bridge, and the cheering which arose from the Romans at the joy of completing their task, stemmed their advance with a sudden panic. (11) Then Cocles said: "Father Tiber, I pray that you in your holiness will receive these arms and this soldier in your gracious stream."  So, armed as he was, he leapt into the Tiber, and, amid a shower of missiles falling from above, he swam across safely to his (friends), having dared (to do) something which would bring (him) more fame than credibility with posterity. (12) The state was grateful for such great valour: his statue was erected in the place of assembly; (and) as much land (was) granted (to him) as he could plough around in a single day. (13) Among these public honours, the feelings of individual (citizens) were conspicuous; for, amid the great scarcity, each one contributed something to him with regard to his domestic supplies, (by) whittling down their own stores.    

Chapter 11. Lars Porsena organises a blockade of Rome.

(1) Porsena, having been repulsed in his first attempt, changed his plans from an assault on the city to a blockade, and, after placing a garrison on the Janiculum, he pitched his camp on the plain and on the banks of the Tiber, (2) and he summoned boats from all directions, both to guard (the river), in order not to allow any corn to be conveyed to Rome, and to transport soldiers across the river to plunder at one place or another in accordance with their opportunities; (3) and, in a short time, he made the whole Roman countryside so unsafe that not only everything from the fields, but even all the cattle, were driven into the city, and no one ventured to take (them) outside the gates. (4) This great (degree of) licence (was) permitted to the Etruscans not so much from fear as from strategy. For the consul Valerius, intent on the opportunity of falling unexpectedly upon a number of men who were pouring forth at the same time, failed to avenge trifling matters, and reserved the weight of his vengeance for more important (circumstances). (5) And so, in order to elicit predators, on the next day he ordered his (men) to gather in large numbers at the Esquiline gate, which was the furthest (one) from the enemy, to drive out the cattle, thinking that the enemy would hear of this, because some treacherous slaves would go over (to them) due to the scarcity caused by the blockade. (6) And, in fact, they did hear of it from the report of a deserter, and many more (of them than usual) crossed the river in the hope of (seizing them) all as booty. (7) Then, Publius Valerius directed Titus Herminius with a small force to take up a secret (position) at the second milestone on the Gabinian way, (and) Spurius Lartius with some light-armed soldiers to position himself at the Colline gate, until the enemy had passed by, and then to block their (path), so that they could not return to the river. (8) The other of the consuls, Titus Lucretius, with some maniples of soldiers went out by the Naevian gate, (while) Valerius himself led some picked cohorts from the Caelian hill, and they (were) the first to appear to the enemy. (9) When he perceived that the skirmish (had begun), Herminius rushed out from his (position of) ambush and fell upon the rear of the Etruscans (who had) turned to face Lucretius; on the right (side) and on the left, from the Colline gate on the one hand, (and) from the Naevian (gate) on the other, the clamour (of battle) went up: (10) so, the predators were put to the sword in their midst, not being equal to our men in fighting, and all the ways being blocked to (prevent) escape. And this was the end of the Etruscans wandering about in such a disorderly manner.  

Chapter 12. The story of Mucius Scaevola.

(1) There was a blockade nevertheless (n.b. this was during the year A.U.C. 246 or 508 B.C.), and with such high prices (there was) a shortage of corn, and Porsena had the hope that he would take the city by sitting (around it), (2) when Gaius Mucius, a young nobleman, to whom it seemed a shame that the Roman people, when they had been in servitude under the kings, had never been besieged in any war by any enemy, should be besieged when they were a free people by those very Etruscans, whose armies they had so often routed, thinking that such an indignity should be avenged by some great and daring deed, at first decided to make his way to the enemy's camp; (4) then, fearing that if he should go without an order of the consuls and with everyone unaware (of it), he might perhaps be arrested by Roman sentries and brought back as a deserter, he went to the senate. (5) "I wish, fathers," said he, "to cross the Tiber and enter the enemy's camp, if I can, not as a robber or as an avenger in return for their plunderings: there is, if the gods should help, a greater deed in my mind." The senate gave their approval. With a sword hidden within his clothing, he set out. (6) When he came to it, he took his stand in the thickest (part of) the crowd near the king's tribunal. (7) There, when it happened that their pay was being given out to the soldiers, and the scribe (who was) sitting with the king, (wearing) almost the same costume was busily engaged, and the soldiers were regularly going to him, fearing to ask which of them was Porsena, lest his ignorance of the king should disclose who he was himself, he performed the deed as fortune rashly (directed), and slew the scribe instead of the king. (8) Proceeding from there, he made a way for himself through the fearful crowd with his blood-stained dagger, when a tumult arose at the noise, (and) the royal guardsmen seized (him) and dragged (him) back friendless before the king's tribunal; even then, amid such great threats of fortune he was more feared than afraid. "I am a Roman citizen," he said; (9) "(Men) call (me) Gaius Mucius. (As) an enemy, I wished to slay an enemy, nor do I have less courage to (face) death than I had to (inflict) death: both to act and to endure with fortitude is the Roman (way). (10) Nor am I the only (one) bearing such feelings towards you; behind me there is a long line of (people) seeking the same distinction. Therefore, prepare for this struggle, if it pleases (you), to fight for your life very hour, (and) to have a enemy's sword in your entrance hall. (11) This (is) the war (that) we the Roman youth declare on you. You need fear no battle, no war. The matter will be (settled) between you and each one (of us) individually."    

(12) When the king, both seething with anger and terrified by his danger, ordered in a threatening manner that fires should be kindled around (him) unless he immediately disclosed the threats of the plots which had been laid against him in a roundabout manner, (13)  he said: "Look (at me) now, so that you may see how cheap the body is to those who are looking for great glory," and he thrust his right-hand into the fire (that had been) lit for sacrifice. When he continued to roast it, as if his mind were devoid of (all) sensation, the king, quite astonished at this amazing sight, when he had leapt from his seat and had commanded that the young man be removed from the altar, (14) said, "May you, indeed, be gone, you (who have) dared (to perform) more hostile acts against yourself than against me. I would invoke blessings on your courage, if that courage were on the side of my country; now I dismiss you from here, free from the rights of war, untouched and unharmed." (15) Then, Mucius, as if repaying his generosity, said, "Seeing that honour is (shown) by you to courage, (know) that you have obtained from me by kindness what you could not (have gained) by threats: three hundred (of us), the foremost among the Roman youth, have sworn to proceed against you in this way. (16) The first lot was mine; the rest, as it shall fall first to each one, will be there, each in his own time, until fortune shall render you exposed."   

Chapter 13. Mucius is rewarded; the story of Cloelia. 

(1) Ambassadors from Porsena to Rome followed the release of Mucius, to whom the surname Scaevola (i.e. 'left-handed') (was) afterwards given from the loss of his right-hand; (2) the outcome of the first attempt, from which nothing had saved him except the error of the ambusher, and (the fact) that such a struggle might be experienced as often as (there were) conspirators (who) remained, had so unnerved him that, of his own accord, he made proposals of peace to the Romans. (3) In the proposals mention was made, to no avail, of the throne being restored to the Tarquins, more because he had not felt able to refuse this to the Tarquins than because he was unaware that it would be refused to him by the Romans. (4) With regard to the return of their land to the Veientes, (this was) secured, and the need for hostages to be given (was) extorted from the Romans, if they wished the garrison on the Janiculum to be withdrawn. Peace having been arranged on these terms, Porsena led his army down from the Janiculum and evacuated Roman territory. (5) On account of his courage, the senate bestowed on Gaius Mucius as a gift some land across the Tiber, which was afterwards called the Mucian Meadows.     

(6) Now, when courage had been so honoured, even women (were) encouraged to (seek) public glory, and, since the camp of the Etruscans happened to be located not far from the banks of the Tiber, the maiden Cloelia, one of the hostages, eluded the guards and swam across the Tiber at the head of a troop of virgins in the midst of the darts of the enemy and restored (them) all to their relatives. (7) When this was reported to the king, at first he was inflamed with rage and sent spokesmen to Rome to demand the (return of) Cloelia (as) a hostage: (He was) not much concerned about the others; (8) then, turning to admiration, he said that this exploit (of hers) was a greater (one) than those of Cocles and Mucius, and that just as he would regard the treaty as broken if the hostage were not given up and brought before him, so, if she were surrendered, he would send (her) back intact and inviolate to her (family). Their word was kept on both sides: (9) so the Romans returned (her) in accordance with the treaty (as) a token of peace, and (she was) not only safe in the presence of the Etruscan king, but her courage was even honoured, and, after praising the maiden, he said that he would award her a share of the hostages; and she, herself, could choose the ones she wanted. (10) When (they had) all (been) brought out, it is said that she selected the young boys, both because (it was considered) decorous for a maiden, and (because), with the agreement of the hostages themselves, it was (thought) desirable that the age (group) most exposed to injury from the enemy should be especially freed. (11) When peace had been restored, the Romans rewarded this unprecedented courage in a woman by a new kind of honour, an equestrian statue: (the statue of) a maiden sitting on a horse was placed at the top of the Sacred Way.  

Chapter 14. A final attempt to restore the Tarquins. 

(1) Inconsistent with such a peaceful departure of the Etruscan king from the city (is) the custom, handed down by the ancients, (and which) continues among other formalities right down to our own times, of selling the goods of king Porsena. (2) The origin of this custom must either have been born during the war and not given up in peacetime, or (it must) have arisen from a milder source than the inscription of selling an enemy's goods would suggest. (3) Of the (accounts) which have been handed down, it is most likely that Porsena, on departing from the Janiculum, gave to the Romans as a gift his well-stocked camp with its provisions brought in from the neighbouring fertile fields of Etruria, as the city was in need (of food) due to the lengthy siege; (4) then, these (goods) were sold, lest they should be plundered in a hostile manner by the people who had been let in, and (they were) called the goods of Porsena, with the title signifying gratitude for the gift rather than an auction of the king's property, which was not even at  the disposal of the Roman people.

(5) Porsena, after ending the war with Rome, lest his army should seem to have been led into such places to no avail, sent his son Arruns with a section of his forces to attack Aricia. At first, this unexpected event had unnerved the Aricians; but afterwards the auxiliaries (who had been) summoned from the people of Latium and of Cumae brought (them) so much hope that they ventured to fight it out on the battle-field. At the beginning of the battle, the Etruscans attacked with such a vigorous charge that the y routed the Aricians at the very (first) onset; (7) the Cumaean levies, employing strategy to meet force, turned aside a little, and, when the enemy had gone well past, they wheeled around and attacked (them) from behind. So, the Etruscans, now almost victorious, (were) trapped and cut to pieces. (8) Having lost their leader (i.e. Arruns had been killed in battle), a very small number (of them), because they was no nearer (place of) refuge for them, came to Rome without their arms and in the condition of, and with the appearance of, suppliants. There they were kindly received and kept in hospitality. (9) When their wounds had healed, some went home, telling of the kind hospitality (they had received); affection for their hosts and for the city kept many (of them) in Rome. A district (was) assigned to them to inhabit, which was subsequently called the Tuscan quarter. 

Chapter 15. The peace with Porsena is maintained. 

(1) Then Spurius Lartius and Titus Herminius (i.e. for the year 506 B.C.), and then Publius Lucretius and Publius (n.b. it should read Titus) Valerius Publicola (n.b. there seems to be some confusion here, as according to the records they were consuls together in the years 508 and 504), were elected consuls. In this year (i.e. 506), ambassadors came from Porsena concerning the Tarquins being restored to the throne. When the reply was given to them that the senate would be sending deputies to the king, all the most honourable of the senators were sent immediately: (2) as it would not have been impossible, (they said,) for the short reply to be given that kings would not be received, so it was not for that reason that select (members) of the senate (had been) sent to him rather than an answer being given to his envoys at Rome, but (it was done) so that (all) mention of this matter should be brought to an end once and for all, and so that their minds should not in turn be disturbed amid so many acts of mutual kindness, since he was asking for (something) which was contrary to the liberty of the Roman people, (and) the Romans, unless they wished to submit readily to their own ruin, would deny (this even to a man) to whom they did not wish to deny anything. (3) The Roman people were not (living) in a kingdom but in freedom. So they resolved to open their gates to enemies rather than to kings; this was the prayer of (them) all, that (the day) which saw the end of liberty in their city, should also see (the end) of the city. (4) They therefore begged that, if he wished Rome to be in good shape, he should allow (it) to be free. (5) The king, overcome by modesty, said: "Since it is your firm and fixed (resolve), I will neither harass you by putting forward these fruitless (proposals) more often, nor will I deceive the Tarquins by (holding out) the hope of assistance which it is not in my (power to give). Whether they have need of war or peace, let them henceforth seek another place for their exile, lest anything should disturb my peace with you." (6) To these words he added more friendly deeds: he returned the hostages that were left, (and) he restored the Veientine territory (that had been) taken away (from them) by the treaty struck on the Janiculum. (7) Tarquin, all hope of return having been cut away, went into exile with his son-in-law, Mamilius Octavius at Tusculum. (So,) the peace between the Romans and Porsena was kept. 

Chapter 16. War with the Sabines, and the immigration of the Claudii; war with the Auruncans.  

(1) Marcus Valerius (Volusus) and Publius Postumius (Tubertus) (were elected) consuls (i.e. for 505 B.C.). In this year a successful war was fought against the Sabines; the consuls were awarded a triumph. (2) Then, the Sabines began to prepare for war on a larger scale. To confront them, and lest any sudden danger should arise at the same time from Tusculum, with whom (an outbreak of) war was nevertheless suspected, although it had not been declared, Publius Valerius (Publicola) was elected consul (i.e. for the year 504 B.C.) for the fourth time and Titus Lucretius (Tricipitinus) for the second time. (3) Civil discord between the advocates of war and peace arose among the Sabines, and this led to a considerable amount of strength being transferred therefrom to Rome. (4) For since, as an advocate of peace, Attius Clausus, whose name in Rome was afterwards Appius Claudius, had himself been hard-pressed by the abettors of war, and (his) was no match for that faction, he fled from Regillus to Rome, accompanied by a great band of his clients. (5) To these (people) citizenship and land across the Anio (were) given; (they were) called the old Claudian tribe, when some fresh tribesmen who came from this territory (were) afterwards added (to their number). Having been elected into the senate, Appius attained not so long afterwards the dignity of a prominent (member of that order). (6) Having advanced into the territory of the Sabines with a hostile army, the consuls had so impaired the strength of the enemy, by laying waste (their fields) and in battle, that no revolt could be feared for a long time after that. (7) Publius Valerius, (considered) by universal consent (to be) the foremost (citizen) in the arts of war and peace, died in the following year, (when) Agrippa Menenius (Lanatus) and Publius Postumius (Tubertus) (were) consuls (i.e. 503 B.C.), in the height of his glory, but with a private fortune so depleted that the cost of his funeral was wanting, and it was met by the public treasury. The matrons mourned (him) as (they had mourned) Brutus. (8) In the same year, two Latin colonies, Pometia and Cora, went over to the Aurunci. War (was) begun with the Aurunci, and, (when) the large army, which had boldly encountered the consuls entering their frontiers, (was) defeated, the whole Auruncan war was concentrated on Pometia. (9) Nor, after the battle (was over), did they (i.e. the Romans) refrain from slaughter more than during (the heat of) the battle; and considerably more (of them) were slain than were taken prisoner, and they butchered the captives indiscriminately; not even the hostages, whom they had received up to the number of three hundred, did the rage of war spare. And in this year there was a triumph in Rome.  

Chapter 17. After a serious setback, the war with the Aurunci is brought to a successful conclusion. 

(1) The consuls of the following year (i.e. 502 B.C.), Opiter Verginius (Tricostus) and Spurius Cassius (Vecellinus), attacked Pometia, in the first place by a direct assault, and then, by (the use of) penthouses (i.e. movable shelters, open at both ends, pushed along on wheels, under the protection of which battering rams could be applied and mines dug). (2) The Aurunci, now (motivated) more by implacable hatred towards them than by any hope or chance of success, made a sortie, armed more with blazing firebrands than with swords, and filled all (places) with fire and slaughter. (3) The penthouses (were) burned, many of their enemies (were) wounded or slain, and they also nearly killed one of the consuls - but the official historians do not record which one (it was) - (when he he was) thrown from his horse with a serious wound. (4) The campaign having gone very badly, they returned to Rome. Among the many wounded (men) was brought the consul with his hope of life uncertain. Then, after no great period (of time) had elapsed, but that which was sufficient for wounds to be healed and for the army to be made up to its full complement, war (was) made on Pometia with greater anger and also with an increase in strength. (5) And, when their penthouses and other (items of) war equipment (had been) repaired, (and) the soldiers were already on the point of scaling the walls, a surrender occurred. (6) However, the Aurunci were treated no less dreadfully because they had surrendered their city than if it had been taken (by storm): their chief (men) were struck with an axe, (and) the other colonists were sold into slavery; their town (was) demolished, (and) its land was sold. (7) The consuls were awarded a triumph, more on account of (the causes for) the anger which they had (so) heavily avenged than because of the greatness of the war which they brought to a conclusion. 

Chapter 18. The appointment of a Dictator. 

(1) The following year (i.e. 501 B.C.) had Postumus Cominius (Auruncus) and Titus Larcius (as) its consuls. (2) In this year, when during games at Rome some courtesans were being abducted by youths of Sabine (nationality) for reasons of playfulness, a scuffle (broke out) amidst a gathering of men, and there was almost a battle, and from this trifling affair, it seemed that things were leading to a revolt. (3) Besides the fear of a Sabine war, this (anxiety) had also been added, because it was fairly well-known that thirty states had entered into a conspiracy against (them) at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius (i.e. the son-in-law of Tarquin the Proud). (4) When the community had become disturbed in the expectation of such very serious events, the suggestion of appointing a dictator arose for the first time. But it was not well enough agreed in which year (it happened), nor who (were) the consuls, (in whom) there was too little trust because they belonged to the Tarquinian faction, nor who was the first to be appointed dictator. (5) Among the oldest official historians, however, I find (it said) that Titus Larcius (Flavus) (i.e. cos. 501 B.C.) (was) the first to be appointed dictator, and that Spurius Cassius (Vecellinus) (i.e. cos. 502 B.C.)(was) the first to be appointed master of the horse (i.e. the dictator's deputy). They chose consuls; for so the law required relating to the appointment of a dictator. (6) I am all the more inclined to believe that Larcius, who was of consular (rank, was) appointed (to be) the controller and master of consuls, rather than Manius Valerius, son of Marcus and grandson of Volesus, (a man) who had not yet been consul; (7) indeed, if (men) should have especially wished that the dictator should be chosen from that family, they would much rather have selected his father, Marcus Valerius, a man of proven virtue and an ex-consul (i.e. he had been consul in 505 B.C.).  

(8) A dictator having been appointed in Rome for the first time, when (men) saw the axes being borne before (him), a great fear came over the common people, so that they were more intent on obeying orders. For there was no other (means of) assistance, as (there was) in the case of the consuls, who were equal in power, nor (was there) any help anywhere other than in a concern for obedience. (9) The dictator appointed in Rome also struck fear into the Sabines, all the more (so) because they believed that (the post) had been created because of them. (10) And so they sent envoys to (discuss) peace. When they besought the dictator and the senate to give a pardon to the young men for their error, the reply (was) that it was possible to pardon young men, (but) this was not possible in the case of old men, who sowed the seeds of war after war. (11) Nevertheless, negotiations for peace were begun, and it would have been obtained, if the Sabines could have been prepared to make good the expenses which had been incurred on the war - for this was demanded. War (was) declared; (but) a tacit agreement kept the year peaceful. 

Chapter 19. The Battle at Lake Regillus. 

(1) (In the next year) (i.e. in 501 B.C.) Servius Sulpicius (Camerinus Cornutus) (and) Manius Tullius (Longus) (were) consuls; nothing worthy of memory happened. Then, (in the following year (i.e. in 500 B.C.) the consuls were) Titus Aebutius (Helva) and Gaius Vetusius (Geminus Cicurinus). (2) With them as consuls, Fidenae (was) besieged, Crustumeria (was) taken, (and) Praeneste deserted from the Latins to the Romans. Nor (was)  the Latin war, (which had) now (been) fomenting for several years, deferred any longer. (3) The dictator Aulus Postumius (Albus Regillensis) (n.b. Livy implies 499 B.C. as the date of this action, but this seems unlikely as the dictator Postumius had not yet been consul; a more likely year is 496 B.C., when Postumius was also consul) (and) Titus Aebutius (i.e. the consul of 501 B.C.), his master of the horse, set out with large forces of infantry and cavalry to Lake Regillus in the territory of Tusculum, and came upon the enemy's army, (4) and, because they heard that there were Tarquins in the army of the Latins, they could not, in their rage, be restrained from instantly attacking. (5) And so the battle was (fought) with a good deal more severity and bitterness than the others (had been). For their leaders were not only present to direct the engagement by their strategy, but they themselves joined battle with their own bodies, and almost none of the noblemen on one side of the battle-field or the other came away without a wound except the Roman dictator. (6) While Postumius was encouraging and drawing up his (men) in the front of the battle-line, Tarquin the Proud, although now enfeebled in age and strength, galloped on his horse against (him) in a hostile manner, but, struck in the side, he was taken back to (a place of) safety by a body of his own men. (7) And, on the other wing, Aebutius, the master of the horse, had made a charge against Octavius Mamilius, but he did not deceive the Tusculan leader as he came, and the latter spurred his horse against him. (8) And so great was the force in their hostile spears as they met, that Aebutius' arm was pierced (and) Mamilius' breast (was) struck. (9) Now the Latins received him into their second line: Aebutius, since he could not hold a weapon with his injured arm, retired from the battle. (10) The Latin leader (i.e. Mamilius), in no way discouraged by his wound, urged (men) into battle, and, because he saw his own (men) retreating, he summoned a cohort of Roman exiles, of whom Lucius, the son of Tarquin, was in command. This (body) fought with a fury all the greater, because their property (had been) plundered and their native-land (had been) taken from (them), (and) for a while they restored the battle. 

Chapter 20. Victory at Lake Regillus.      

(1) Now, when the Romans were beginning to give ground in that part (of the field), Marcus Valerius, the brother of Publicola, caught sight of the young Tarquin (i.e. Lucius) boldly exhibiting himself in the front line of the exiles, and, being (so) inflamed by the glory of his house that (3) (he felt that) the slaying of the royal princes should belong to the same family whose glory their expulsion had been, he dug his spurs into his horse and made for Tarquin with levelled lance. (3) Tarquin drew back from his hostile enemy into the ranks of his men. As Valerius was riding madly into the battle-line of the exiles, one of them attacked (him) from the side and ran (him) through, but, as his horse was in no way retarded by its rider's wound, the dying Roman fell to the ground, with his weapons falling on top of his body. (4) When the dictator Postumius noticed that such a brave man had fallen, that the exiles were boldly attacking at the double, (5) (and) that his (men had been) checked and were giving way, he gave the signal to his own cohort, a select body (of men), which he kept around him as a bodyguard, that they should treat (anyone) of their (men) whom they saw fleeing as (though he were) an enemy. So, (caught) by this double anxiety, the Romans turned from their flight towards the enemy, and the battle-line (was) restored. (6) The dictator's cohort then entered the battle for the first time; fresh in mind and body, they attacked the weary exiles and cut (them) to pieces. (7) Then began another combat between leaders. When the Latin general saw the cohort of exiles almost surrounded by the Roman dictator, he hurried to the front of the line, (taking) with him some companies of reserves. (8) The lieutenant Titus Herminius caught sight of them as they came marching up, and recognising among them Mamilius, conspicuous by his dress and armaments, he entered  battle with the enemy's commander with so much more force than the master of the horse (had done) a little before, (9) that he slew Mamilius, having pierced him in the side with a single thrust, but he himself having been struck by a javelin while in the act of stripping his enemy's body, when he had been carried back to the camp victorious, expired during the first dressing (of his wound). (10) Then, the dictator dashed up to the knights, beseeching (them), since the infantry (were) now exhausted, to get down from their horses and take part in the battle. They obeyed his order: they leapt down from their horses and rushed into the front (of the line), and put up their shields in defence of the standards. (11) The ranks of footmen at once recovered their courage, when they saw those noble young men sustaining a share of the danger with them in an equal mode of fighting. Then, at last, the Latins (were) checked, and their battle-line (was) beaten back and turned in retreat. The horses were (then) brought up to the cavalry, so they could pursue the enemy; (12) and the ranks of the infantry followed. Then, the dictator, neglecting no help, divine or human, is said to have vowed a temple to Castor, and to have promised rewards to those soldiers, who should be the first or the second to enter the enemy's camp; (13) and so great was their ardour that the Romans took the camp in the same charge by which they had routed the enemy. The battle at Lake Regillus was fought in this manner. The dictator and the master of the horse returned to the city in triumph.    

Chapter 21.The death of Tarquin the Proud.

(1) For the next three years (i.e. 498-496 B.C.) there was neither a stable peace nor (open) warfare. The consuls (were) Quintus Cloelius (Siculus) and Titus Larcius (II) (i.e. in 498 B.C.), (and) then Aulus Sempronius (Atratinus) and Marcus Minucius (Augurinus) (i.e. in 497 B.C.). (2) With them as consuls, a temple (was) dedicated to Saturn and the Saturnalia was established (as) a feast day (i.e. a public holiday, and it occurred each year on 17th December). Then, Aulus Postumius (Albus Regillensis) and Titus Verginius (Tricostus Caeliomontanus) (were) appointed consuls (i.e. for 496 B.C.). (3) According to some (authorities) I find that the battle at Lake Regillus was not fought until this year; (they say that) Aulus Postumius, because his colleague was of doubtful loyalty, abdicated from the consulship; (and that) then he was made dictator. (4) So many errors occur with regard to the dates when magistrates were appointed, because of differences between the various (authorities), that you cannot determine which consuls followed which, or what was done in each (particular) year, since not only the events, but also the authorities (themselves are shrouded) in such great antiquity.  

(5) Then, Appius Claudius (Sabinus Inregillensis) and Publius Servilius (Priscus Structus) (were) chosen consuls (i.e. for 495 B.C.). This year was marked by the announcement of Tarquin's death. He died at Cumae, whither he had gone to (the court of) the tyrant Aristodemus after the power of the Latins (had been) shattered. The Fathers had been greatly relieved by the news, and the common people (too were) cheered. But the elation of the Fathers was too extravagant; injustices began to be practised by their chief men on the people, to whom, up to that day, they had been devoted to the utmost of their power. (7) In the same year, the colony of Signia, which King Tarquin had founded, was set up again with a number of colonists supplied. In Rome, twenty-one tribes (were) formed. A temple was dedicated to Mercury on the fifteenth of May.     

Chapter 22. War with the Volscians; a treaty made with the Latins. 

(1) With the nation of the Volscians, during the war with the Latins there had been neither peace nor war; for the Volscians had raised auxiliary troops, which they would have sent to the Latins, if there had not been such rapid action by the Roman dictator, and the Roman (leader) did move quickly in order that he might not have to contend with the Latin and the Volscian (armies) in one battle. In their anger (at this plan of theirs), the consuls led their legions into the territory of the Volscians. (2) This unexpected action overwhelmed the Volscians, who had not been fearing punishment for their plan; without thinking of fighting, they gave (as) hostages three hundred children of the leading men from Cora and Pometia. So, the legions (were) then withdrawn without conflict. (3) Yet not long afterwards (i.e. in 495 B.C.), the Volscians, having been relieved of their anxiety, resumed their natural inclination; again, they prepared secretly for war and entered into a military alliance with the Hernici. (4) They also sent out envoys in all directions to induce Latium (to join them); but the recent disaster they (had) experienced at Lake Regillus (filled) the Latins with such anger and resentment at anyone who advocated (a resumption of) hostilities, that they did not even refrain from violating the envoys; they seized the Volscians and conducted (them) to Rome. There, they handed (them) over to the consuls, and evidence was produced that the Volscians and the Hernici were preparing for war with the Romans. (5) When this information (was) reported to the senate, the Fathers were so grateful that they sent back six thousand prisoners (i.e. probably those captured at the battle of Lake Regillus) to the Latins, and referred the question of a treaty, which had almost been refused in perpetuity, to the new magistrates. (6) Then, indeed, the Latins rejoiced at their action; the advocates of peace (were) held in great renown. They sent a golden crown to the Capitol (as) a gift to Jupiter. With the envoys and their gift came those captives who had (just) been restored to their (families), an overwhelmingly large crowd. (7) They proceeded to the homes of those at which each (of them) had served; they gave thanks for the kind way in which they been treated and cherished in their adversity; then they formed (ties of) hospitality (with them). Never at any former time had the Latin name been more (closely) united, both in public and in private, to the Roman state.  

Chapter 23. The debtors' plight. 

(1) But a war with the Volscians was imminent, and the community (was) at variance with itself internally, and was inflamed with resentment between the Fathers and the plebs, chiefly on account of (those who had been) bound (in service) due to debt. (2) (These men) loudly complained that, while they were fighting abroad for liberty and dominion, they had been captured and oppressed by their fellow-citizens, and that the freedom of the people was more secure in war than in peace, and among their enemies rather than their fellow-citizens; and the conspicuous calamity of one (man) fanned into a blaze this (feeling of) ill-will that had been swelling of its own accord. (3) Of great age (and) with all the marks of his misfortunes, this man rushed out into the Forum. His clothing was covered with filth, (and) the state of his body (was even) more revolting, overcome, (as it was,) with pallor and emaciation; (4) (added) to this, his unkempt beard and hair had given his face a savage look. Nevertheless, he was recognised (even) in such great deformity, and (men) affirmed that he had led companies, and, amid a general state of lamentation, they mentioned his other military distinctions; he himself displayed the scars in several places on the front of his chest, as evidence of his honourable (service) in battle. (5) When (men) inquired as to the cause of his condition and his terrible appearance, while a crowd had gathered around (him) almost in the manner of a public assembly, he said he had served in the Sabine war, (and) that, on account of the depredations (of the enemy), he had been deprived not only of the fruit of the field (i.e. his crops), but his house had been burnt down, all his (possessions) plundered, (and) his cattle driven off, and that taxes (had then been) levied at an unfavourable moment for him, and he had got into debt. (6) When this (had been) swelled by usury, they first stripped him of the farm (that had been) his father's and his grandfather's, then of his other possessions, and finally they came to his body, like a pestilence; he had been hauled off by his creditor, not into slavery, but into prison and the torture-chamber. (7) Then, he showed (them) his back, disfigured by the recent marks of the lash.

When these (things) had been seen and heard, a tremendous uproar arose. The disturbance no longer confined itself to the Forum, but spread through the entire city in all directions. (8) (Those who had been) bound in debt, (whether) in chains or released, rushed out into the street from all directions, and begged for the support of their fellow-citizens. In no place was there any lack of a voluntary associate for this sedition; they ran in great crowds in all directions through every street to the Forum with loud shouts. (9) Those senators, who happened to be in the Forum, fell in with the crowd with great peril to themselves; nor would they have refrained from violence, if the consuls. Publius Servilius and Appius Claudius, had not intervened to suppress the riot. But the mob turned on them and displayed their chains and their other hideous tokens. (11) These, they said reproachfully, (were the things) they (had) earned by their military service, one in one place (and one) in another; they demanded, in a most menacing manner, rather than as suppliants, that they should call (a meeting of) the senate; and they stood around the senate-house, (determined) to be the arbiters and directors of public policy. 

(12) A very small number of the senators, whom chance had put in their way, (were) assembled by the consuls: fear prevented the rest not only (from going) to the senate-house, but even to the Forum, nor could anything be done, due to the small number in the senate. (13) Then, indeed, did the people think they were being cheated and put off, and that (those) of the Fathers who were absent were absent not by chance or through fear, but for the sake of obstructing business, and that the consuls themselves were trifling with (them), and that their miseries were undoubtedly a (matter of) mockery. (14) Now things were almost at the point where not even the majesty of the consuls could have held the people's fury in check, when, uncertain (whether) they were incurring greater danger by staying (at home) or by going out, they finally came to the senate; but, (though) the senate-house was at last full, insufficient agreement was reached, not only among the senators, but even between the consuls themselves. (15) Appius, a man of headstrong temperament, thought that the matter should be settled by (the exercise of) consular authority: when one or two (men) had been arrested, the others would calm down, (he said); Servilius, more inclined to gentle remedies, thought it was both safer and easier to assuage their agitated feelings than to quell (them).   

Chapter 24. The revolt of the debtors. 

(1) In the midst of these (disturbances), another greater terror (arose): some Latin horsemen galloped up with the alarming news that the Volscians were coming with a hostile army to attack the city. These reports affected the Fathers and the plebs very differently - so had discord created  two states out of one. (2) The common people exulted with joy, (and) said that the gods were coming to avenge the arrogance of the senators; they encouraged one another not to give their names (to be enrolled): (for) it would (be better for them) all to perish together, rather than (to perish) one by one; let the Fathers serve as soldiers, let the Fathers take up arms, so that those, to whom the spoils of war are allotted, should also share its perils. (3) But, on the other hand, the senate (was) sorrowful and anxious in their two-fold fear, (caused) both by their fellow-citizens and by the enemy, and they begged the consul Servilius, whose character was the more popular, to extricate the state from the very great terrors that beset (it). (4) Then, the consul adjourned the senate and went before a public assembly. There he declared that it was the concern of the senate to have regard for the plebs; but their deliberations concerning that most important part of the community - but still only a part of it - had got in the way of their anxiety for the nation as a whole. (5) Nor was it possible, when the enemy was almost at the gates, that they should put anything before the war, nor, (even) if there was some respite, was it honourable for the plebs to refuse to take up arms on behalf of their country, unless they should first receive a reward, nor was it at all fitting for the Fathers to be driven by fear to have looked after the interests of their fellow-citizens, rather than (to have done so) afterwards on a voluntary basis. (6) Then he brought added confidence to the assembly by an edict, in which he decreed that no one should hold a Roman citizen in chains or in prison, in order that there should be less opportunity for his name to be given to the consuls (i.e. to be enrolled for military service), and that no one should take possession of a soldier's property, so long as he was in camp, or detain his children or grandchildren. (7) Once this edict had been published, the debtors who were present at once gave their names (for enrolment) and rushed on all sides from their houses from every (quarter of) the city, since their creditor did not have the right to retain (them), and they came into the Forum together to take the military oath. (8) A great band it was, nor was the courage and value of anyone else in the Volscian war more conspicuous. The consul led his forces against the enemy; (and) he pitched his camp a short distance apart (from theirs).

Chapter 25. The defeat of the Volscians. 

(1) The next night after that, the Volscians, relying on discord among the Romans, attacked their camp, (to see) if any desertion or treachery might occur during the night. The sentries perceived (them), the army was aroused, and, at a given signal, they rushed to arms; (2) so. the undertaking of the Volscians came to nothing; the remainder of the night (was) devoted to sleep on both sides. At dawn on the following day, the Volscians filled in the ditches and attacked the rampart. (3) And now the fortifications were being demolished on every side, when the consul (i.e. Servilius), although all (the men) on all sides, and the debtors above all, were crying out that he should give the signal, delayed for a time, in order to test the soldiers' morale, (but,) when their great ardour became sufficiently clear, he finally gave the signal to advance, and sent forth the soldiers, eager (as they were) for the fray. (4) At the first onset the enemy (were) routed at once; the rear of those fleeing (was) cut down, as long as the infantry were able to pursue (them); (then) the cavalry drove (them) quaking right up to their camp. Their camp (was) soon surrounded by the legions, (and,) since their panic had even driven the Volscians from there, (it was) taken and plundered. (5) The next day, the legions were led to Suessa Pometia, where the enemy had taken refuge, (and) within a few days the town was captured, (and,) when taken, (it was) given over to plunder. Then were the needy soldiers somewhat relieved. (6) The consul led his victorious army back to Rome, with the greatest glory (going) to himself. As he was departing for Rome, envoys from the Volscians of Ecetra, alarmed at their own prospects since Pometia (had been) captured, approached (him). Peace (was) given to them by a decree of the senate, (but) their land (was) taken (from them).  

 Chapter 26. Further difficulties with the Sabines and the Auruncians. 

(1) Now immediately (after that) the Sabines caused the Romans some alarm; for it was more truly a disturbance than a war. One night it was reported in the city that a Sabine army had arrived at the river Anio intent on plundering; there farmhouses (were being) ravaged and set alight indiscriminately. (2) Aulus Postumius, who had been dictator in the Latin war, (was) sent there at once with all the cavalry forces; the consul Servilius followed with a chosen band of foot-soldiers. (3) The cavalry surrounded several stragglers, nor, when the column of foot-soldiers drew near, did the Sabine soldiers show any (sign of) resistance; exhausted both by their march and by their nocturnal depredations, a great number (of them were so) filled with food and wine in the cottages that they had scarcely enough energy to flee.  

(4) As war with the Sabines had been reported and ended in a single night, on the next day, when high hope of peace everywhere had come about, Auruncian envoys came to the senate declaring war unless they withdrew from the territory of the Volscians. (5) The army of the Auruncians had set out from home together with the envoys; the report of it being seen not far from Aricia (i.e. a neighbouring Latin town) threw the Romans into such a state of tumult that the senate could not be consulted in the normal way, nor, while they themselves were taking up arms, (could) they give a peaceful response to those bearing arms against (them). (6) They marched to Aricia in fighting order, joined battle with the Auruncians not far from there, and brought the war to an end in one battle. 

Chapter 27. The arrogance of Appius.

(1) Having routed the Auruncians, (and having been) victorious in so many wars within a few days, the Roman (people) were expecting the promises made by the consul on the authority of the senate (to be fulfilled), when Appius, both through the arrogance implanted in his nature and in order to invalidate the belief in his colleague, began to deliver justice (in cases) concerning the borrowing of money as harshly as he could. As a result, both (those) who had been bound over for debt beforehand were delivered up to their creditors, and others were bound over (too). (2) When this (judgment) had befallen one of the soldiers he appealed to his colleague. A crowd gathered around Servilius; they reminded (him) of his promises; they reproached (him with reference to) their services in war and the wounds which each one (of them had) received. They demanded that he should either refer (the matter) to the senate, or that he should be of assistance to his citizens (as) consul, (and) to his soldiers (as) their commander. (3) These (pleas) moved the consul, but the situation compelled (him) to temporise; (for) so vehemently were not only his colleague but the entire party of the nobility inclined to the other (side of) the argument. So he steered a middle (course), and neither avoided the people's hatred nor won the favour of the Fathers. (4) The Fathers thought him soft (as) a consul and scheming, the people (thought him) dishonest, and it soon became apparent that the hatred (shown towards) him matched (that) of Appius. 

(5) A dispute befell the consuls as to which one (of them) should dedicate the temple of Mercury. The senate referred the decision from themselves to the people: (and) it ordered that to whichever one of them the dedication should be assigned by order of the people, he should preside over the corn-market (n.b. Mercury was the patron god of trade and commerce), establish a guild of merchants, and undertake his functions on behalf of the chief priest. (6) The people gave the dedication of the temple to Marcus Laetorius, a chief centurion, that it might be readily apparent that (it had been) done, not so much so as to honour a man, on whom an office had been conferred (that was) far above his station in life, but rather as an affront to the consuls. (7) Then, one of the consuls and the senate were certainly very angry; but the plebs had grown in courage and they went about their business in a very different way than (how) they had operated at first. (8) For, despairing of help from the consuls and the senate, when they caught sight of a debtor being dragged off to court, they rushed together from all sides. The consul's decree could not be heard above the noise and the clamour, nor, when he had pronounced (it), did anyone obey. (9) (Everything) was driven by violence, and all fear and danger had turned from the debtors on to the creditors, since they were being maltreated by large numbers (of people) in (full) sight of each consul. 

(10) On top of these (things), fear of a Sabine war came upon (them); a levy (was) decreed, but no one gave his name (i.e. enrolled); Appius was enraged and inveighed against the chicanery of his colleague for betraying the state by his popularity-seeking inactivity; and, on top of the (fact) that he had not pronounced justice in cases of those who been lent money, he had determined not to hold a levy, even after a decree of the senate (had been issued): (11) Yet, (he asserted, the welfare of) the state had not been entirely deserted, nor had he abandoned the authority of the consulate; he, alone would be the champion of his own and the senate's majesty. (12) When the daily multitude, inflamed by lawlessness, stood around (him), he ordered one (who was) a conspicuous leader of the insurrections to be arrested. When he was already being hauled away by the lictors, he appealed; and the consul (i.e. Appius) would not have allowed the appeal, because the people's judgment was not in doubt, had his obstinacy not been overcome with great difficulty, due more to the advice and authority of leading men, rather than to the clamour of the people; so strong were his feelings to withstand his unpopularity. (13) From that moment, trouble grew on a daily basis, not only through open disturbances, but, what was much more dangerous, by secession and secret meetings. At last, the consuls, hateful to the people, left office, Servilius pleasing to neither of (the parties), Appius wonderfully (so) to the Fathers.

Chapter 28. Whispering campaigns. 

(1) Aulus Verginius (Tricostus Caeliomontanus) and Titus Verturius (Gemimus Cicurinus) then entered into the consulship (i.e. in 494 B.C.). But, then, the people, uncertain as to what kind of consuls they would prove to be, held nocturnal assemblies, some on the Esquiline, others on the Aventine, lest they (i.e. the people) should be alarmed by hasty proposals in the Forum and decide everything on an ill-considered and fortuitous basis. (2) Thinking the situation dangerous, as (indeed) it was, the consuls referred (it) to the senate, but it was not possible to discuss (what had been) reported in an orderly manner; so tumultuously was it received, with shouts from all sides, and with the indignation of the Fathers that the consuls should have referred to the senators (something) which ought to have dealt with by consular authority, as this would lead to resentment of them. (3) If there really were magistrates in the republic, there would have been no council in the republic but the public (one); now the republic had been broken up and scattered abroad into a thousand senate-houses and places of assembly. (4) One single man, by God! - for that (word) was (worth) more than consul - (one,) such as Appius Claudius was, would have broken up these gatherings in a moment of time. (5) When the consuls, (thus) rebuked, asked what, in that case, did they want them to do, for they (they said) they would do nothing in a slower or more gentle manner than was pleasing to the senate, they resolved that they should hold as strict a levy as possible: (for) the people were running wild in their idleness. (6) Having adjourned the senate, the consuls mounted the tribunal; they cited the young men by name. When no one answered to his name, the crowd poured around (them) in the manner of an assembly, and said that the people could not be ensnared any more; (7) they would never have a single soldier, unless a public guarantee were given: liberty must be restored to every (man) before arms were given, so that he might fight for his country and his fellow-citizens, not for his masters. (8) The consuls were aware of what they had been told to do by the senate, but none of those who spoke (so) bravely within the walls of the senate was present to share the odium with them; and a desperate struggle with the people loomed large. (9) Accordingly, they thought it best to consult the senate a second time before they proceeded to extremities. But then, the youngest senators all rushed in haste to the seats of the consuls, telling (them) to abdicate from the consulship and to lay down the authority which they lacked the courage to maintain.   

Chapter 29. Appius urges the appointment of a dictator.

(1) Having sufficiently weighed up both courses (open to them), the the consuls finally said: "Lest you should say that you haven't been warned, Conscript Fathers, a great mutiny is in the offing. We demand that those who criticised (us) most vehemently for cowardice, should be there with us when we are holding the levy. (Then,) since that is what you want, we shall conduct the business in accordance with the thinking of the most ruthless among you." (2) They went back to the tribunal; they deliberately commanded that one of those who were in their sight should be cited by name. When he stood in silence, and a knot of men had gathered around him in a cluster, lest there should happen to be violence, the consuls sent a lictor to him. (3) When he was driven back, then the senators who were there with the consuls exclaimed that it was indeed a shameful action, and jumped down from the tribunal to be of assistance to the lictor. (4) But when the violence was turned away from the lictor, (to whom) nothing (had happened) other than his being prevented from seizing (the man), on to the Fathers, the brawl was quelled by the intervention of the consuls, but in it there were no stones (and) no weapons, and there was more (evidence) of shouting and expressions of rage than of injury. (5) The senate (was) convened in disorder, and it deliberated in even greater disorder, with those who had been roughly handled demanding an inquiry, and with the most violent declaring their opinion not so much by their votes as by their shouting and uproar. (6) At last, when their fury had subsided, and the consuls had reproached (them) because there was no more sanity in the senate-house than in the Forum, they began to deliberate in an orderly manner. (7) There were three opinions. Publius Verginius (n.b. the praenomen is almost certainly erroneous; this Verginius is likely to be either Aulus, the consul of that year, i.e. 494 B.C., or Titus, the consul of 496 B.C., who was probably his elder brother) was not in favour of extending the relief to everyone; he believed it should be awarded only in relation to those who, following the promise of the consul Servilius (i.e. cos. 495 B.C.), had served in the Volscian, Auruncian and Sabine war. (8) Titus Larcius (i.e. the consul and dictator in 501 B.C. and consul again in 498 B.C.) (thought) it was not the time that service should be the only cause of relief; the whole of the common people was submerged in debt, nor could (the situation) be fixed, unless there was regard for everyone; indeed, if there was a different arrangement (for some) than for others, the discord would be inflamed rather than allayed. (9) Appius Claudius (i.e. consul in 495 B.C.), harsh by nature and rendered savage by the hatred of the plebs on the one hand and and the praises of the Fathers on the other, said that so great a disturbance (had been) provoked not by miseries but by licence, and that the common people were impudent rather than full of rage. (10) So this (was) the evil (which had) arisen from the appeal; since the consuls could issue threats, but (had) no authority, when (people) were permitted to appeal to those who shared their crime. (11) "Come on," said he, "let us appoint a dictator, from whom there is no appeal; this frenzy, through which all (things) are now ablaze, will then subside. (12) Then, (let) me (see anyone) strike a lictor, when he shall know that the right to (scourge) his back and (to take) his life shall belong to that one (man), whose majesty he has violated."

Chapter 30. Valerius is appointed dictator; the invading Aequians and the Volscians are defeated. 

(1) To many, the opinion of Appius seemed terrible and cruel, as (indeed) it was; on the contrary, (those) of Verginius and Larcius (were) unsound as a precedent, especially (that) of Larcius, as it would destroy all credit. The advice given by Verginius was regarded as the most moderate and in between the other two; (2) but, through (the spirit of) faction and a regard for private interests, which always have obstructed, and (always) will obstruct, public deliberations, Appius prevailed, and he was also near to being appointed dictator (himself); (3) that event would have especially alienated the common people at a most dangerous moment, since the Volscians, the Aequi and the Sabines all happened to be in arms together. (4) But it was of concern to the consuls and the older senators, that an office (so) powerful in its authority should be entrusted to a (man of) mild disposition. (5) They appointed Manius Valerius, son of Volusus, (as) dictator (i.e. in 494 B.C.). The plebs, although they realised that the appointment of a dictator was aimed at them, yet, since they possessed the right of appeal through a law (proposed) by his brother (i.e. Publius Valerius Publicola in 509 B.C.), had no fear of anything harsh and tyrannical from (a member of) that family. (6) Then, an edict put forward by the dictator, confirmed their feelings, as it almost coincided with the edict of the consul Servilius; but, thinking (it) better to have confidence in the man and his authority, they gave their names (i.e. they enrolled) with any struggle overlooked. (7) Ten legions (were) enrolled - never before (had there been) so large an army; then, three (legions were) given to (each of) the consuls, (and) the dictator (had) command of four. 

(8) Nor could war be deferred any longer. The Aequi had invaded Latin territory. Envoys from the Latins begged the senate either to send (them) help or to allow them to take up arms themselves for the sake of defending their borders. (9) It seemed safer that the Latins should be defended without arming (them) than they should be allowed to resume their weapons. The consul Veturius was sent (to them); this brought the pillaging to an end. The Aequi left the plains, and, relying more on their position than their arms, they entrusted themselves to the summits of the mountain ridges. (10) The other consul (i.e. Verginius) proceeded against the Volscians, and lest he himself should waste his time, he provoked the enemy, chiefly by ravaging their lands, to bring their camp nearer and to engage in battle. (11) In the middle of the plain between their camps, they took up their positions with hostile standards (i.e. in battle order), each in front of its own stockade. (12) In size of numbers, the Volscians had somewhat the upper hand; accordingly, they rushed to enter the fight in a contemptuous manner. The Roman consul did not advance his battle-line, (but) ordered his (men) to stand with their spears fixed (in the ground); when the enemy had come to hand, then they were to arise with all their might and settle the matter with their swords. (13) The Volscains, wearied by running and shouting, hurled themselves upon the Romans, who seemed (to be) numb with fear, (but,) when they felt the resistance (that was) made against them and (saw) the swords flash before their eyes, just as if they had fallen into an ambush, the turned to flight in a state of disorder; and nor did (those) who entered into battle at the double even have enough energy to flee. (14) The Romans, on the other hand, because they had stood at ease at the beginning of the battle, (were) physically fresh, (and) readily overtook the exhausted (men) and too their camp in a rush, and pursuing the enemy (who had been) plucked out of their camp to Velitrae, the victors together with the vanquished burst into the city in a single body; (15) more blood (was shed) there in the promiscuous slaughter of all kinds (of people) than (had) occurred in the battle itself. Quarter (was) granted in a small (number of cases to those) without arms who came to surrender.

Chapter 31. The triumph of Valerius, who then resigns the dictatorship because he disapproves of the treatment of the plebs with regard to debt repayment.   

(1) While these events were taking place among the Volscians, the dictator (i.e. Valerius) routed the Sabines and stripped their camp, (at the place) where by far the most important part of the war lay. (2) By letting his cavalry loose (on them), he had thrown into confusion the centre of the enemy's battle-line, which, when they extended their wings too widely, they had not strengthened by a sufficient depth of files; (while they were) in a state of disorder, the infantry charged (them). By the same charge their camp (was) captured and the war was brought to an end. (3) Since the battle at Lake Regillus, no other battle in those years was more distinguished (than this one). The dictator rode into the city in triumph. In addition to the usual honours, a place in the Circus (was) assigned to him and his descendants (from which) to watch (the games), (and) a curule chair (i.e. an official seat) was placed on that spot. (4) The Volscians having been conquered, the territory of Velitrae (was) taken from (them); colonists (were) sent from the City to Velitrae, and a colony (was) settled (there). Quite soon after (this), a battle was fought with the Aequi, though the consul (i.e. Veturius) (had been) reluctant (to fight one), since it was necessary to approach the enemy from unfavourable ground; (5) but the soldiers, accusing (him) of prolonging the campaign, so that the dictator might lay down his office before they returned to the City, and his promises might fall to the ground without effect, as those of the consul (i.e. Publius Servilius Publicola) (had) previously (done), forced (him) to march his army up the mountain slopes, perhaps rashly. (6) The cowardice of the enemy turned this unwise venture into a success, (as) they, before they had come within range of a spear, (were so) astounded at the audacity of the Romans that they abandoned the camp which they had maintained in a highly defensible position and dashed down into the valleys on the opposite side. There ample booty and a bloodless victory were (gained).    

(7) So, while war had been successfully waged in three places, anxiety about the outcome of domestic affairs had not left the Fathers or the plebs; (for) with such great influence and artifice had the money-lenders made their arrangements to baffle not only the plebs but even the dictator himself. (8) For Valerius, after the return of the consul Veturius, brought to the senate (as) the first of all matters of business (one) on behalf of the victorious people, and he made a proposal as to what should be done with regard to (those) bound in debt. (9) When this proposal was rejected, he said, "I do not please (you as) an advocate of harmony; by heaven, you will very soon wish that the Roman plebs had spokesmen like me. As the (situation) relates to me, I will not disappoint my citizens any further, nor will I, myself, be a dictator to no purpose. (10) Internal strife (and) foreign war ensured that the state had need of this office: peace has been procured abroad, (but) at home it is being thwarted; at the mutiny I will be there (as) a private (citizen) rather than (as) dictator." So, he left the senate-house and abdicated from his dictatorship. (11) To the common people, the case seemed clear that he had left office in indignation at their circumstances. And so, as if his pledge (had been) fully discharged, since it had not been his fault that it had not been carried out, they escorted (him,) as he departed to his house, with applause and praises.  

Chapter 32. The Belly and the Limbs. 

(1) Fear then seized hold of the senators, lest, if the army should be disbanded, secret meetings and conspiracies would happen all over again. And so, although the levy had been held by the dictator, yet, because they had sworn obedience to the consuls, they (i.e. the senators) considered the troops were bound by their oath, and, under the pretext of warfare having been renewed by the Aequi, they ordered the legions to be led out of the City. This having been done, the mutiny was brought to a head. Now, at first, it is said there was talk of killing the consuls, in order that they might be released from their oath; then, having learned that no religious obligation should be absolved by a crime, on the advice of a certain Sicinius, (and) without orders from the consuls, they (i.e. the soldiers) withdrew to the Sacred Mount - this is across the River Anio, three miles from the City; (3) - this is a more generally accepted (version of) the story than (the one) of which Piso (i.e. the historian Lucius Calpurnius Piso, cos. 133 B.C.) is the author, (namely) that the secession occurred on the Aventine;  - (4) there, without any leader, they quietly fortified their camp with stockade and trench, and by taking nothing (with them) but (what was) necessary for their sustenance, they maintained themselves for several days, neither receiving nor giving any provocation. (5) (There was) great panic in the City, and all (activities) were suspended through mutual distrust. The plebeians (who were) left by their (comrades) dreaded the violence of the senators; the senators dreaded the plebeians remaining in the City, uncertain (whether) they would rather they remained or went away. (6) Besides, how long would the multitude that had seceded remain tranquil? What then would happen if some foreign war should break out in the meantime? (7) They reckoned, for sure, that no hope (was) left save in the concord of the citizens; this should be restored to the state by fair (means) or foul. (8) They therefore decided that Menenius Agrippa (i.e. Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, cos. 503 B.C.) should be sent as a spokesman to the plebs, (as he was) an eloquent man (and) dear to the plebs because he had been raised among them. On being admitted to the camp, he is reputed to have told (them) in the primitive and uncouth manner of speech of those days nothing other than the following: (9) in the days when a man's limbs did not all agree among themselves, as (they do) now, but each one had a mind of its own and its own voice, the other parts (of the body) were displeased that everything was procured for the belly by their care and their labour and service, (while) the belly, (lying) in their midst, (did) nothing other than enjoy the pleasured bestowed (upon it); (10) they therefore conspired that no hands should carry food to the mouth, and that the mouth should not accept (anything) given (it), and that the teeth should not chew what they had received. While they sought, in their anger, to subdue the belly by starvation, the limbs themselves, together with the whole of the body, were reduced to (a state of) extreme weakness. (11) Then, it became clear that even the belly performed no idle service, and was no more nourished than it nourished the blood, (which) henceforth restored to all parts of the body (that substance) by which we live and flourish (and) at the same time (was) distributed into our veins, after being hastened by the digestion of food.        

Chapter 33. Tribunes of the Plebs are first appointed; the fall of Corioli and the emergence of Marcius Coriolanus.

(1) Then, a beginning was made to (the achievement of) harmony, and agreement (was reached) on these terms, that  the plebs should have their own inviolable magistrates, who should have the right to bring help against the consuls, nor should any senator be permitted to take up this office. (2) And so, two tribunes of the plebs (were) chosen, Gaius Licinius and Lucius Albinus. They (then) appointed three (others to be) their colleagues. Among these was Sicinius, the promoter of the sedition: with regard to the (other) two, who they were is not agreed. (3) There are (some) who say that only two tribunes were elected on the Sacred Mount and that the sacred law (i.e. under the 'lex sacrata' offenders, together with their wives and children, were 'devoted' ['sacer'] to the infernal deities; this awful curse secured the inviolability of the tribunes of the plebs) was passed there.   

During the secession of the plebs, Spurius Cassius (Vecellinus) (i.e. cos. I in 502 B.C.) and Postumus Cominius (Auruncus) (i.e. cos. I. in 501 B.C.) entered into the consulship (i.e. in 493 B.C.). (4) When they (were) consuls, a treaty was made with the Latin peoples. In order to conclude this (treaty), one consul (i.e. Spurius Cassius) remained in Rome: the other (one) (i.e. Postumus Cominius), having been dispatched to the Volscian war, routed and put to flight the Volscians of Antium, and, having forced (them) into the town of Longula, he pursued (them) and took possession of its walls. (5) From there he immediately took Polusca, also belonging to the Volscians; then, he attacked Corioli with great force. Among the foremost of the young soldiers in the camp was Gnaeus Marcius, a young man resolute both in mind and body, to whom the surname Coriolanus was afterwards (given). (6) When Volscian troops coming from Antium suddenly attacked the Roman army (which was) besieging Corioli, and (which was) directing its attention to the townspeople, whom it knew to be shut up within (the walls), without any apprehension of an imminent assault from outside, and the enemy sallied forth from the town at the same time, Marcius happened to be on guard. (7) With a selected band of soldiers, he not only repelled the attack of those who had broken out, but he boldly rushed in through the open gate, and, after causing a slaughter in the nearest part of the city, he took up a fire-brand on the spur of the moment and hurled (it) at the buildings overhanging the wall. (8) At this, the shouts of the townspeople mingled with the wailing of the women and children, as is usual when terror is first raised, both increased the courage of the Romans and distressed the Volscians, seeing that the city, to which they had come to bring relief, (had been) captured. (9) Thus, the Volscians of Antium were routed and the town of Corioli (was) captured; and so completely did Marcius overshadow the reputation of the consul with his own glory, that were it not for the record, engraved upon a bronze column, of the treaty with the Latins, (which was) struck by Spurius Cassius alone, since his colleague was absent, the memory that Postumus Cominius had waged war with the Volscians would have been forgotten. 

(10) The same year (i.e. 493 B.C.) saw the death of Agrippa Menenius, a man, (who) throughout his whole life (had been) equally dear to senators and the plebs, and who after the secession became (even) dearer to the plebs. (11) This mediator and arbitrator of civic harmony, this envoy of the senators to the plebs, this restorer of the Roman people to the City, lacked the expenses for a funeral; the plebs buried him, a 'sextans' (i.e. the sixth of an 'as') being contributed per head. 

Chapter 34. The famine and its consequences.

(1) Then Titus Geganius (Macerinus) (and) Publius Minucius (Augurinus) (were) appointed consuls. In this year (i.e. 492 B.C.), when everything abroad was undisturbed by war and discord at home (had been) healed, (2) another much more serious evil fell upon the community, in the first place a scarcity of corn, (arising) from the fields being uncultivated during the secession of the plebs, then a famine such as is common to (those who are) besieged. (3) And it would have meant death to the people and to the slaves, at any rate, if the consuls had not made arrangements to send out (men) in all directions to buy up grain, not only into Etruria along the coast to the right of Ostia, and along the sea to its left through Volscian (territory) as far as Cumae, but (it was) even sought in Sicily; so had the dislike of their neighbours compelled (them) to seek distant help. (4) When grain had been purchased at Cumae, the ships were detained by the tyrant Aristodemus in return for the property of the Tarquinii, whose heir he was; the corn-merchants were even in danger of being attacked themselves by the local population; (5) from the Etruscans corn came by way of the Tiber; by this (means) the plebs were kept alive. Amid so great a scarcity of provisions, they would have been harassed by a disastrous war, if a mighty pestilence had not befallen the Volscians just as (they were) taking up arms. (6) The minds of the enemy (were so) alarmed by this disaster, that they were seized by some terror even when the (plague) had abated, and the Romans increased the number of colonists at Velitrae, and sent a new colony into the mountains at Norba, to serve as a stronghold in the Pomptine (district). 

(7) Then, when Marcus Minucius (Augurinus) and Aulus Sempronius (Atratinus) were consuls (i.e. in 491 B.C.; in both cases this was for the second time, as they had previously been consuls together in 497 B.C.), a large amount of grain (was) brought from Sicily, and there was a discussion in the senate as to the price at which it should be given to the plebs. (8) Many thought the time had come for repressing the plebs and for recovering the rights which had been extorted from the senate by the secession and by violence. (9) Foremost among (these was) Marcius Coriolanus, an enemy of tribunician power: "If they want corn at the old (price)," he said, " let them restore to the senate its former authority. Why do I, having been sent under the yoke, and having been redeemed, as it were, from brigands, see plebeian magistrates, (why do I see) Sicinius in power? (10) Shall I endure these humiliations any longer than is necessary? Should I who could not endure Tarquin (as) king, endure Sicinius? Let him now secede and call out the plebs; the way to the Sacred Mount and the other hills lies open. Let them seize the corn from our fields in the way that they seized (it) two years ago; let them have joy of the corn-price, which they have brought about by their madness. (11) I venture to say that they will be (so) tamed by this (situation) that they would rather be cultivators of the fields themselves than prevent (them) being cultivated by means of a secession under arms." (12) It is not so easy to say whether this should have been done than that it was possible, I think, for the Fathers to have made such conditions for reducing the price of corn so as to have removed the authority of the tribunes and all the terms (that had been) imposed upon them against their will. 

Chapter 35. Condemnation of Coriolanus and its consequences. 

(1) The proposal seemed too harsh even to the senate, and anger nearly drove the people to take up arms: (they said) that they were now being assailed with hunger as though (they were) enemies, and that they were being cheated of food and sustenance; the foreign corn, which fortune had unexpectedly given (them) as their sole (means of) nourishment, was being snatched from their mouths, unless the tribunes should be given up in chains to Gnaeus Marcius, (and) unless he should receive satisfaction on the back of the Roman plebs. In him a new executioner (had) risen up against them, who bade them die or become slaves. (2) An attack would have been made upon (him) when he came out of the senate-house, if the tribunes had not, in the nick of time, appointed a day (to try him). At this, their anger was suppressed; each man considered that he had become a judge and the master of life and death over his foe. (3) At first, Marcius heard the tribunes' threats with contempt: the right to help, not to punish, had been granted to that office, and they were tribunes of the plebs, not of the Fathers. But the plebs had risen up in such a hostile manner that the punishment of one (man) had to be accepted by the Fathers. (4) Yet, they resisted the resentment of their adversaries and each one made use of their own powers and those of the entire order. At first, a trial was made (to see) if they could upset the affair by posting their clients (as pickets) to deter individuals from (attending) secret meetings and assemblies. (5) Then, they all came out as one body - you would have said that everyone of the Fathers was on trial - imploring the plebs by entreaties  to release to them one citizen, one senator; if they were unwilling to acquit (him) as innocent, let them give him up as guilty. (6) When he himself was not present on the day appointed, anger against (him) persisted. Condemned in his absence, he went into exile among the Volscians, issuing threats against his country, and even then entertaining hostile feelings (towards it).   

The Volscians received (him) (i.e. Marcius Coriolanus) in a kindly manner, when he came (among them), and they cared for (him) the more kindly on a daily basis the greater his anger towards his own (people) stood out, and now complaints, (and) now threats, were frequently heard. He enjoyed the hospitality of Attius Tullius. (7) He was by far the chief (man) of the Volscian name, and ever hostile to the Romans. So, when inveterate hatred spurred on one (of them), and recent fury (spurred on) the other, they formed joint plans for a war with Rome. (8) They believed their people could not be easily impelled into taking up arms (which they had) so often unluckily essayed: their spirits, (it was felt,) had been broken by the loss of their young men in many frequent wars, and finally by the pestilence; in (a case where) animosity had now been weakened by a long period of time, it was necessary to adopt some artifice so that their minds might be exacerbated by some fresh (cause of) irritation, 

Chapter 36. Difficulties in holding the 'Great Games'.    

91) It so happened that preparations were being made at Rome for a repetition of the 'Great Games' (i.e. also known as the 'Circenses'). The cause of (them) being repeated was this. On the morning of the games, when the show had not yet taken place, a certain master of a household had driven a slave of his through the middle of the circus, flogging (him) with a pitch-fork (as they went); the games (had) then begun, as though this event had not affected their sanctity. (2) Not long afterwards, however, Titus Latinius, a plebeian man, had a dream; Jupiter appeared to say that the games' public dancer (i.e. the beaten slave) had displeased him; that, unless these games were repeated with due magnificence, the City would be in peril; (and) that he was to go and report this to the consuls. (3) Although his mind was not quite free of superstition, dread of the majesty of the magistrates and fear overcame (him), lest he should appear as a laughing-stock in the mouths of men. (4) The hesitation cost him dear; for within a few days he lost a son. Lest he should be in doubt as to the cause of this sudden calamity, that same figure seemed to show itself to his distressed mind in his sleep, and to ask (whether) he had had a great enough payment for rejecting (the will of) the divinity; (yet) a greater (recompense) was in store, unless he should go at once and inform the consuls. (5) The matter was now more pressing. As he still delayed and procrastinated, a severe stroke of illness attacked (him) with a sudden paralysis. (6) Then, indeed, the anger of the gods came as a warning (to him). So, worn out by his sufferings, past and present, he called a meeting of his kinsfolk, (and,) when he had explained (to them what he had) seen and heard, and (how) Jupiter had so often appeared (to him) in his sleep, (and how) the threats and anger of heaven (had been) realised in his own misfortunes, with the undoubted consent of all (those) who were present, he is conveyed in a litter to the consuls in the Forum. (7) Conveyed from there to the senate-house by order of the consuls, he told the same (story) to the Fathers, to the great amazement of (them) all. (8) It is committed to the record that he who was carried into the senate-house afflicted in all his limbs, having performed his duty, returned home on his own feet. 

Chapter 37. The Volscians are expelled from the City. 

(1) The senate decreed that the games should be celebrated on as grand a scale as possible. A great host of Volscians came to the games at the suggestion of Attius Tullius. (2) Before the games had started, Tullius went to the consuls, as he had arranged (to do) when at home with Marcius: he said there was a matter of public interest which he wished to discuss (with them) in private. (3) When the bystanders had been removed, he said, "I say with reluctance (something) about my fellow-citizens which is rather disparaging. I do not, however, come with the accusation that any (offence) has been committed by them, but to put you on your guard lest they do commit (one). (4) The dispositions of our (people) are much more fickle than I could wish. (5) We have learned this from many disasters, since we are secure not through our own merit but through your patience. A great multitude of Volscians is now here; the games are going on; the community will be intent on the show. (6) I remember what was done on a similar occasion in this city by the young men of the Sabines; my mind shudders lest anything ill-advised and thoughtless should happen. I have thought, both for our own sake and for yours, that these (things) should be said to you, consuls, beforehand. (7) As the situation affects me, it is henceforth my intention to go back home at once, lest, (by) being on the spot, I may be implicated by my involvement with some act or statement." Having said these (words), he departed. (8) When the consuls laid before the senate this vague warning (coming) from so reliable a source, (it was) the source, as (often) happens, rather than the story (that) induced (them) to take precautions, even though (they might prove) unnecessary; and a decree of the senate was passed that the Volscians should leave the city, and heralds were sent out to command that all of them were to set out before nightfall. A great panic struck them at first as they rushed to their lodgings to pick up their (belongings); but then, when setting out, indignation arose that they were being driven away, like depraved and contaminated (persons) from the games on festival days, which were in a certain way a meeting between men and gods.    

Chapter 38. Tullius' speech persuades the Volscians to take up arms against Rome. 

(1) As they were going along in an almost unbroken line, Tullius, who had gone on ahead (of them) to the source of the Ferentina, met their chiefs, as each one arrived, with complaints and (words of) indignation, and he conducted these (men) themselves and, with their help, the rest of the throng, to a field lying below the road. (2) There he launched into a speech: "Even though," he said, "you should forget everything else, the former injuries caused by the Roman people, and the disasters of the nation of the Volscians, how on earth can you bear this insult of today, in which they commenced their games by treating us with ignominy? (3) Or did you not feel that they were triumphing over you today? (And) that, you, when you were departing, had become a spectacle to all (people, whether) citizens, foreigners, and so many neighbouring peoples, (and) that your wives (and) your children were being made an exhibition of in the eyes of all (men)? (4) What do you think were the thoughts of those who heard the voice of the herald, and who saw us go away, and of those who met this ignominious procession, but that there must have been some sin, through which, if we were present at the spectacle, we should pollute the games and earn atonement, and, for this reason, we were being expelled from the seat of the righteous, and from their place of meeting and council? (5) Now what? Does it not occur to you that that we are alive (only) because we hastened to depart? If this is (indeed) a departure and not a flight. And do you not regard this (as) a city of our enemies, when, if we had delayed for a single day, we should all have had to die? War has been declared upon you, to the great misfortune of those who have declared (it), if you are men." (6) And so, full of their spontaneous anger and inflamed (by this speech), they then departed to their homes, and, with each man instigating his own people, they brought it about that the entire Volscian name should revolt.   

Chapter 39. Coriolanus rejects the Roman envoys.      

(1) The generals for this war chosen by the opinion of all their peoples (were) Attius Tullius and the Roman exile, Gnaeus Marcius, in whom rather more hope was placed. (2) This hope he by no means disappointed, so that it was clearly apparent that the Roman state was stronger in its leaders than in its armies. Having first marched to Circeii, he expelled the Roman colonists from there, and handed over that city in a state of freedom to the Volscians; (3) he deprived the Romans of Satricum, Longula, Polusca, (and) Corioli, (all) these towns (which had) recently (been acquired); (4) then, he recovered Lavinium; after that, he crossed into the Latin Way, by crosswise footpaths, (and) then he took in succession Corbio, Vetellia, Trebium, Labici (and) Pedum. (5) Finally, he led (his army)  from Pedum to the City, and, pitching his camp at the Cluilian Trenches five miles from the City, from there he laid waste Roman territory, guards having been sent out among the plunderers, (6)  in order to preserve intact the lands of the patricians, whether because he was more antagonistic towards the plebs, or so that discord might arise between the senators and the plebs. (7) Undoubtedly it would have arisen - so greatly were the tribunes inciting the plebs, already headstrong in themselves, against their nation's leaders - , but fear of the outsider, the greatest bond of harmony, joined their minds together, however mistrustful and hostile (they were). (8) This (was) the only (matter) they did not agree on, that the senate and consuls put their hope nowhere else other than in arms, (whereas) the common people preferred everything other than war.  

(9) Spurius Nautius (Rutilus) and Sextus Furius were now consuls (i.e. in 488 B.C.; Livy has omitted the consuls for 490 and 489 B.C.). While they were reviewing their legions and distributing guards along the walls and at other places, where they had decided that there should be sentries and watchmen, a huge crowd demanding peace terrified (them) in the first place by their mutinous clamour, and then compelled (them) to call the senate to propose that envoys should be sent to Gnaeus Marcius. (10) The Fathers accepted the proposal, when it appeared that their courage was giving way, and spokesmen (were) sent to Marcius (to talk) of peace. (11) They brought back a harsh response: that, if their land was restored to the Volscians, (the question) of peace could (then) be considered: that, if they wished to enjoy the plunder of war at their ease, he, mindful of the wrong (inflicted on him) by his fellow-countrymen and the kindness of his hosts, would do his best to make it appear that his spirits had been aroused, not broken, by his exile. (12) Then, the same (envoys were) sent a second time, (but) they were not taken into the camp. Even priests, enveloped in their insignia, were said to have gone to the enemy's camp (as) suppliants; (but they were) no more (able) than the envoys to turn his mind around.  

Chapter 40. At the entreaties of his family and the women of Rome, Coriolanus withdraws his army.  

(1) Then, women gathered together in large numbers at (the house of) Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, and Volumnia, his wife. (Whether) this was public policy or a woman's fear I cannot find out; (2) at all events, they successfully arranged that both Veturia, a woman of great age, and Volumnia should take the two small sons of Marcius with them to the enemy camp, and that, since the men could not defend (it) with their arms, the women should defend (it) with their prayers and their tears. (3) When they reached the camp, and the word came to Coriolanus that a great column of women was at hand, (he) who had been moved neither by the majesty of the state in (the persons of) its ambassadors, nor by the sanctity of religion so strikingly offered to his eyes and mind in (the persons of) its priests, was much more resolute against the tears of the women. (4) Then, one of his friends, who had recognised Veturia (as) conspicuous in her sadness among the other (women), standing between her daughter-in-law and her grandsons, said, "Unless my eyes are deceiving me, your mother, your wife, and your children are approaching." (5) When Coriolanus, almost like (a man) demented (springing) in consternation from his seat, offered to embrace his mother as she met (him), the lady, turning from prayers to anger, said, "Before I receive your embrace, let me know (whether) I have come to an enemy or to a son, (and whether) I am (here) in your camp as your prisoner or as your mother. (6) (Is it) to this (that) my long life and unhappy old age have brought me, that I should behold you (as) an exile, (and) then (as) an enemy? (7) Could you ravage this land, which gave you birth and nourished (you)?  Though you had come with a hostile and vengeful mindset, did not your anger subside when you entered its borders? Did it not occur (to you), when Rome came in sight, "that within these walls are my home and my household gods, my mother, my wife and my children"? (8) So, if I had not given birth, Rome would not have been besieged; if I had not had a son, I should have died a free (woman) in a free country. But I can suffer nothing now that will not be more disgraceful to you than distressing to me, nor, however very wretched I may be, shall I be (so) for long; (9) think of those, whom, if you persist, either an untimely death or a long (period of) servitude awaits." Then, his wife and children flung their arms around (him), and the tears that arose from the entire company of women and their lamentation for themselves and for their native-land broke the man. (10) So then, he embraced (the members) of his (family), and sent (them) back: he himself moved his camp away from the City. Then, when he had withdrawn his troops from Roman territory, they say that he lost his life by one kind of death or another, overwhelmed by resentment in the circumstances. I find in Fabius, (viz. the historian Quintus Fabius Pictor lived 270-200 B.C.), by far the most ancient writer, that he lived right up to old age; (11) he states, at least, that in advanced old age he often used to employ the saying that exile is much more wretched for an old man. The men of Rome did not begrudge their praise to the women - so did they live without detracting from the glory of others - (12) and that it should serve as a monument, a temple to the Fortune of Women was built and consecrated.

The Volscians later returned to Roman territory in conjunction with the Aequi, but the Aequi no longer accepted Attius Tullius (as) their leader. (13) Hence, from the dispute as to  whether the Volscians or the Aequi should furnish the commander to the allied army, an insurrection and then a fierce battle arose. As a result, the (good) fortune of the Roman people brought about the destruction of the two armies of their enemies in a conflict no less ruinous than (it was) stubborn.  

(14) Titus Sicinius (Sabinus) and Gaius Aquilius (Tuscus) (became) consuls (i.e. in 487 B.C.). The Volscians came to Sicinius (as) a province, the Hernici  - for they too were in arms - to Aquilius. In this year the Hernici (were) conquered: with the Volscians, they came away from battle on level (terms). 

Chapter 41. Land grants proposed; the treason of Spurius Cassius.

(1) Next year (i.e. in 486 B.C.), Spurius Cassius (Vecellinus) and Proculus Verginius (Tricostus Rutilus) became consuls. A treaty (was) struck with the Hernici; two-thirds of their land (was) taken from (them). Then, the consul Cassius was wishing to apportion half (of this) to the Latins and half to the plebs. (2) To this gift he also wished to add some of the land, which, (though) public, he alleged had been occupied by private (citizens). Now this (proposal) alarmed several of the senators, (who were) themselves possessors (of this land), as a danger to their own interests; but among the senators there was also public anxiety that the consul, by this largess, was causing a very dangerous threat to liberty. (3) Then, for the first time, an agrarian law was promulgated, (and) from that day right up to our own remembrance (such a law has) never been put forward without (occasioning) very great disturbances to the state. (4) The other consul resisted the largess, with the senators supporting (him), nor were all the plebs opposing (him), and from the first they had begun to despise a gift which had been extended from citizens to allies; (5) then again, the consul Verginius was often heard in their assemblies prophesying, as it were, that the gift of his colleague was pestilential, and that those lands would bring slavery to all those who received (them), (and) that the way was being prepared for a throne. (6) So, for what (reason) had the allies and the Latin name been included? For what (reason) had it happened that a third part of the land (that had been) taken from the Hernici, our enemies shortly beforehand, had been given back (to them), unless (it was) that these nations might have Cassius as a leader instead of Coriolanus? (7) The dissuader and the opposer of the agrarian law now began to be popular. And now each consul, as if vying with each other, began to indulge the plebs. Verginius said that he would allow the lands to be assigned, so long as they were not assigned to anyone other than a Roman citizen; (8) Cassius, since in his agrarian donation he was seeking popularity among the allies, and, for that (reason), he was held in less regard among his citizens, in order that he might reconcile the minds of the citizens to himself by another gift, ordered that the money received in return for the Sicilian corn should be repaid to the people. (9) But the people rejected this as nothing other than a blatant attempt to purchase regal power; so strongly were his gifts spurned, as if all (things) were in abundance, on account of their innate suspicion that he was seeking the throne. (10) It is agreed that, as soon as he had laid down his office, he (was) condemned and put to death. There are (those) who say that his father was the agent of his punishment: that, having heard the case at home, he scourged (him) and executed (him) and consecrated his son's property to Ceres; that from this a statue was made and inscribed, "a gift from the Cassian family." (11) I find in certain (authors), and this is a more reliable account, that the day (of his trial) for high treason was assigned by the quaestors Kaeso Fabius (Vibulanus) and Lucius Valerius (Potitus), and that he was condemned by the judgment of the people, and that his house (was) demolished by the state. Its site is in front of the temple of Tellus. (12) But, whether it was a domestic or public trial, he was convicted when Servius Cornelius (Maluginensis) (and) Quintus Fabius (Vibulanus) (were) consuls (i.e. in 485 B.C.).        

Chapter 42. War with the Volscians and Aequi; agrarian unrest.  

(1) The people's anger towards Cassius was not longlasting. The attractiveness of the agrarian legislation appealed to their minds on its own account, once its author had been removed, and their desire for it was enhanced by the meanness of the Fathers, who, in the year when the Volscians and the Aequi were defeated (i.e. 485 B.C.), cheated the soldiers of their booty. (2) Whatever was taken from the enemy the consul Fabius sold and placed (the proceeds) into the treasury. The name of Fabius was hateful to the plebs on account of the latest consul (i.e. Quintus); the Fathers, however, arranged that Caeso Fabius (Vibulanus) should be appointed consul, together with Lucius Aemilius (Mamercus) (i.e. for the year 484 B.C.). (3) The common people, further incensed by this, produced an external war by creating a domestic disturbance. At that time, civil dissensions were interrupted by civil war. With a single purpose, the senators and the plebs conquered the rebellious Volscians and Aequi in a successful battle, with Aemilius as their leader. (4) Yet, their flight killed more of the enemy than the battle (did), so tenaciously did the cavalry pursue (them) as they fled. (5) The temple of Castor was dedicated in the same year (i.e. 484 B.C.) on the Ides of Quintilis (i.e. 15th July). It had been vowed during the Latin war by the dictator Postumius (i.e. in 496 B.C.): his son, appointed duumvir (i.e. member of a board of two) for this very (purpose), dedicated (it). 

(6) In that year also (i.e. 484 B.C.) the minds of the common people were thrilled by the charm of the agrarian law. The tribunes of the plebs sought to advertise democratic power by (promoting) the people's law. The senators, believing that there was enough, and more than enough, gratuitous frenzy in the multitude (as it was), shuddered at the largesses and the inducements to reckless behaviour. (7) The senators found the consuls (to be) the keenest leaders in offering resistance. So, that part of the commonwealth prevailed, and not with regard to the present only, but for the coming year (i.e. 483 B.C.) also they brought in (as) consuls Caeso's brother, Marcus Fabius (Vibulanus), and one more hateful to the plebs for the prosecution of Spurius Cassius, (namely) Lucius Valerius (Potitus). (8) In that year also there was a contest with the tribunes. The law (was) a vain (one), and the promoters of the law happened to be vain through boasting of a useless gift. From then on the Fabian name (was) held in high (regard) after three successive consulates (i.e. Quintus 485 B.C., Caeso 484 B.C., and Marcus 483 B.C.), all experiencing without a break, as it were, conflicts with the tribunes; and so, honour remained as well placed in that family for sometime. A Veientine war was then begun, and the Volscians waged war again. (9) But their strength (was) almost more than sufficient to (conduct) foreign wars, and they abused it by contending among themselves. (10) Now to the suffering minds of all (of them) were added heavenly prodigies, exhibiting almost daily threats in the City and the countryside; and so, the soothsayers consulted by the state and by private individuals, sometimes by (inspecting) entrails, (and) sometimes by (observing the flight of) birds, declared that (there was) no other cause of the divine anger, but that the religious rites were not being duly attended to.  (11) These terrors at last resulted in this, that a Vestal Virgin (named) Oppia (was) condemned for unchastity and given her punishment. 

Chapter 43. The Veientine and Aequo-Volscian Wars.

(1) Quintus Fabius (Vibulanus) and Gaius Julius (Iullus) were then made consuls (i.e. for the year 482 B.C.). In this year dissension at home (was) not abated and war abroad was fiercer. Arms (were) taken up by the Aequi: the Veientes also entered the territory of the Romans to ravage (it). While anxiety about these wars was growing, Caeso Fabius (Vibulanus) and Spurius Furius (Fusus) became consuls (i.e. for the year 481 B.C.). The Aequi were attacking Ortona, a Latin city; (2) the Veientes, (who) by now (had had) their fill of rapine, were threatening that they would attack Rome itself. (3) These alarms, although they ought to have restrained (them), increased the animosity of the plebs still further; and the custom of declining military service was returning, not of its own accord on the part of the plebs, but Spurius Licinius, a tribune of the plebs, thinking that the time had come, through extreme necessity, for imposing the agrarian law on the Fathers, had undertaken to obstruct the military preparations. (4) But all the resentment (attaching) to the power of the tribunes was turned against its author, nor did the consuls rise up against him more zealously than his own colleagues (did), and, with their assistance, the consuls hold the levy. (5) An army is enlisted for two wars at the same time: (the one) against the the Aequi (is) to be led by  Fabius, (the one) against the Veientines is given to Furius. Against the Veientes nothing worthy of memory (was) accomplished; (6) and indeed (in the campaign) against the Aequi, Fabius had somewhat more trouble with his fellow-citizens than with the enemy. That one man, the consul himself, upheld the (interests of) the republic, which the army, in its hatred of the consul, was seeking to betray, in so far as it lay in them (to do so). (7) For, when the consul, in addition to the very many other skills of a commander which he exhibited in preparing for the war and in conducting (it), had so drawn up the battle-line that he was able to rout the enemy's army by a cavalry charge alone, the infantry refused to pursue (them) when they fled; (8) not even the exhortation of the general they hated, nor even their own infamy, and their public disgrace in the present (circumstances) and their subsequent danger if courage were to return to the enemy, could compel them to quicken their pace, or, if nothing else, to stand in their ranks. (9) Contrary to orders, they retreated and returned to camp in dejection - you would have thought they had been defeated - , cursing now their commander, (and) now the diligent service (performed) by the cavalry. (11) The consul (i.e. Caeso Fabius) returned to Rome, with his glory in war not having been increased as much as the hatred of his soldiers towards him had been aggravated and exacerbated. Yet, the Fathers arranged that the consulship should remain in the Fabian family; they elect Marcus Fabius (Vibulanus) (as) consul (i.e. for the year 480 B.C.), and Gnaeus Manlius (Cincinnatus) is given to Fabius (as) a colleague. 

Chapter 44. Appius and the Tribunes.

(1) This year also had a tribune (as) the promoter of a land law. He was Tiberius Pontificius. He set out on the same path as had been trodden by Spurius Licinius, and for a time he obstructed the levy. (2) When the senators were again thrown into a state of alarm, Appius Claudius (i.e. cos. 495 B.C.) told (them) that the tribunician authority (had been) overcome in the previous year, for the present moment and as a precedent for the future, since a way had been found to make it ineffective by its own strength. (3) For (a tribune) would never be wanting who would be willing both to win a victory for himself over his colleague and the favour of the better party for the good of the state; and that more tribunes would be available to assist the consuls, if there were a need for more (of them), and that even one would be sufficient against all (the rest). (4) Only let the consuls and the leaders of the senate do the business of winning over at least some, if not all, of the tribunes to (the needs of) the state and the senate. (5) Advised by the precepts of Appius, all of the senators began to address the tribunes in a civil and kindly manner, and the men of consular rank, when anyone of them had any private claim against individual (tribunes), arranged, partly by personal influence, and partly by the authority (of their position), that the strength of tribunician power should be of benefit to the state; (6) and with the assistance of four tribunes against one obstructor of the public good, the consuls hold the levy.     

(7) They, then, set out to the Veientine war, in which auxiliaries had assembled from all parts of Etruria, not so much through favour being aroused towards the Veientines, as because they had come in the hope that internal dissension might destroy the Roman state. (8) And the leading men in the councils of all the peoples of Etruria were complaining that the power of the Romans would be endless, unless those very (people) should fiercely break into mutinous uprisings between themselves. This (was) the only poison, this (was the only) blemish (that could be) procured for powerful states, so that great empires should prove mortal. (9) This evil, for a long time checked, partly by the policies of the senate, (and) partly by the forbearance of the plebs, had now come to extremities. Two states (had now been) formed out of one, (and) each party had its own magistrates (and) its own laws. (10) (Though) accustomed at first to rage against the levies, yet these same (men) had obeyed their generals in war. Whatever the state of the City (might be), so long as military discipline were maintained, it had been possible to take a stand; (but) now the habit of not obeying their magistrates was even following the Roman soldier to his own camp. (11) In their last war, on the battle-line itself, in the very (heat of) the conflict, with the consent of the army, victory (was) voluntarily handed over to the vanquished Aequi, the standards (were) abandoned, the commander was left in the line of battle, and there was a return to camp without orders. (12) Without doubt, if they were to press on, Rome could be conquered by her own soldiers. There was no need for anything other than war to be declared and (for their weapons) to be displayed; fate and the gods would do the rest of their own accord. These hopes had roused the Etruscans to prepare for war, (people who) in their many vicissitudes had been defeated and victorious in turn.   

Chapter 45. Patriotism and Politics. 

(1) The Roman consuls dreaded nothing else other than their own forces and their own arms. The recollection of the disastrous precedent (set) in the last war deterred (them) from bringing matters to such a point that they should have reason to fear two battle-fronts at the same time. (2) And so they confined themselves to their camp, so avoiding this double danger: (they hoped) that time and circumstance might perhaps soften their (men's) anger and bring back good sense to their minds. (3) Their Veientine enemy and the Etruscans (were) all the more eager to act; (they sought) to provoke (them) to fight by riding up to their camp and challenging (them), (and) finally, as they had achieved nothing (by doing this), by jeering, both at the consuls themselves, and at the army: (4) (they said) that the pretence of internal dissension (had been) contrived as a remedy for cowardice, and that the consuls distrusted (the courage) more than they questioned (the loyalty) of their men; that silence and inaction among men at arms (were) a novel form of sedition. Besides this, they threw out (comments), partly false (and) partly true, on the upstart nature of their race and origin. (5) When they shouted out these (taunts) beneath the very rampart and the gates, the consuls bore (them) without difficulty; but now indignation, now shame disturbed the breasts of the ignorant multitude and diverted (their attention) from internal troubles; they were unwilling that the enemy (should go) unpunished, (and) they were unwilling that success (should be attributed) to patricians or consuls. (6) At length, (hatred) of foreigners prevailed, so arrogantly and insolently did the enemy make fun of them. They gather together in a crowd at the general's tent; they demand battle, (and) they require that the signal be given. (7) The consuls put their heads together and conversed for a long time. They wanted to fight, but this desire needed to be held back and concealed, in order that by opposition and delay they might increase the passion of the soldiers once (it had been) aroused. (8) The answer is given that the situation was premature, that it was not yet time for battle; they should remain within their camp. Then they gave an order that they must abstain from fighting; if anyone should fight without orders, he would be treated as though he were in the position of an enemy. (9) Having been thus dismissed, their ardour for fighting increases, the less they believe the consuls wish it. Besides, the enemy became much more exasperating, when it was known that the consuls had decided not to fight. (10) Indeed, (they thought) that they could insult (them) with impunity, that arms were not being entrusted to the soldiers, that the matter would finally erupt in a mutiny, and that the end had come for Roman power. Relying on these (convictions), they rush up to the gates and fling abuse, (and) scarcely abstain from attacking the camp. (11) Now indeed, the Roman (army) can no longer endure such insolence; they come running to the the consuls from all sides through the whole of the camp; they no longer make their demands quietly, as before, through the leading centurions, but they all rush forward from all directions with loud shouts. The time was ripe; (12) yet, they temporised. Then, Fabius, his colleague's fear of mutiny now yielding to the growing uproar, when he had created silence with (the blast of) a trumpet, (said): "I know that these (men) can conquer, Gnaeus Manlius; they themselves have caused (me) not to know whether they wish to. (13) I am therefore resolved and determined not to give the signal, unless they swear that they will return from the battle victorious. The soldiers once deceived a Roman consul on the battle-field, (but) the gods they will never deceive." The centurion Marcus Flavoleius was among the foremost demanding battle. (14) "I shall return victorious from the field of battle, Marcus Fabius," said he. If he should fail (to keep his word), he invokes the anger of Father Jupiter, and Mars Gradivus, and the other gods. The whole army swears the same (oath), each man in succession just as he did. After they have sworn, the signal is given; they take up arms; they go into battle, full of rage and hope. (15) Now they tell the Etruscans to cast their taunts, now that each one of them (is) armed, (they tell) the enemy, (so) ready with their lips, to present themselves. (16) On that day, exceptional courage was (shown) by all (of them); the name of the Fabii was especially distinguished. In that battle they are determined to recover the good opinions of the plebs (which had been) alienated in many civil disputes.  

Chapter 46. The Gallantry of the Fabii. 

(1) The line of battle is formed, and their Veientine foe and the Etruscan legions do not hold back. The almost certain hope was (entertained by them) that they would no more fight with them than they fought with the Aequi; some even more (serious) deed was not to be despaired of, with regard to such exasperated minds and the double opportunity (that now presented itself) (i.e. first to murder the consul and then to go over to the enemy). (2) The business turned out quite differently; for never before in any other war did Roman soldiers enter battle with more determination - so had the enemy exasperated (them) by their taunts on the one hand, and the consuls by the delay on the other. (3) The Etruscans had scarcely time to form their ranks, when, their javelins having been flung at random at the first alarm, rather than having been (carefully) aimed, battle had come now to close quarters, now to the (use of) swords, when fighting is at its fiercest. (4) Among the foremost, the Fabian family was distinguished by the spectacle (it offered) and the example (it gave) to its fellow-citizens. (One) of these, Quintus Fabius - he had been consul two years previously (i.e. in 482 B.C.) - as he was advancing at the head (of his men) against the closely-packed Veientes, regardless of the danger, while engaging with many companies of the enemy, an Etruscan, ferocious in his strength and skill at arms, pierced (him) through the chest with his sword; the weapon having been extracted, Fabius fell forward on to the wound. (5) Both armies felt the fall of this one man, and at this the Roman (one) began to give way, when the consul Marcus Fabius leapt over the body as it lay, and, holding up his buckler, he cried: "Was this what you swore, men, that you would return to the camp as fugitives? (6) So, are you more afraid of your most cowardly enemy than of Jupiter and Mars, by whom you have sworn? But I, (who have) not sworn, will either return victorious, or will fall fighting here beside you, Quintus Fabius." Then, Caeso Fabius, consul in the previous year (i.e. 481 B.C.), (said) to the consul: "(Is it) by these words, brother, (that) you think you will make (them) fight? (7) The gods, by whom they have sworn, will make (them do that); and (as for) us, let us, as befits noblemen, (and) as is worthy of the name of Fabius, incite the courage of our soldiers by fighting rather than by exhortation!" Thus, the two Fabii rush forward to the front with levelled spears, and they carried the whole line with them.  

Chapter 47. Despite the deaths of Quintus Fabius and the consul Gnaeus Manlius, a glorious victory over the Etruscans is secured.       

(1) After the battle had been resumed on one part (of the field), the consul Gnaeus Manlius encouraged the fight on the other wing, where an almost similar experience occurred. (2) For, as the soldiers actively followed Quintus Fabius on one wing, so (did they follow) the consul Manlius on this (one), as he was driving the enemy, now almost routed, when he (was) struck with a serious wound and withdrew from the battle, and they fell back when they thought (he had been) killed. (3) And they would have yielded their position, if the other consul had not upheld the wavering situation, (by) riding up on a galloping horse to this part (of the field) with some troops of cavalry, and calling out that his colleague was alive and that he had come victorious, having routed (the enemy) on the other wing. (4) Manlius also presents himself in person, so as to restore the battle-line. The well-known faces of the two consuls rekindle the courage of the soldiers. At the same time too, the enemy's battle-line was now weaker, when, relying on their abundant numbers, they had withdrawn their reserves and sent (them) to storm the camp. (5) Having made an attack on it with no great struggle, while they were frittering away their time with their minds on plunder rather than on fighting, the Roman third line troops (i.e. veteran reservists), who had been unable to withstand the first assault, having sent a report to the consuls on what position their affairs were (placed in), return to the commander's tent in a compact body, and they themselves renew the battle of their own accord. (6) The consul Manlius had also ridden back to the camp, and, having stationed troops at all the gates, he had blocked the enemy's passage. Their desperate situation incited madness in the Etruscans rather than bravery. For, while rushing around wherever hope held out any (prospect of) escape, they advanced several times in a fruitless charge, (and) one group of young men made an attack on the consul himself, conspicuous by his arms. The first (discharge of) missiles (was) parried by (the men) standing around (him); (7) but after that their force could not be withstood. The consul fell, struck by a fatal wound, and all (the men) around (him were) scattered in flight. (8) Among the Etruscans daring grows; terror drives the Romans in panic through the whole of the camp, and this would have come to extremities, if the staff officers, having snatched up the consul's body, had not opened up a passage for the enemy at one gate. (9) Through that they burst out, and, departing in a confused column, they fall into (the path of) the other victorious consul. There (they were) again cut to pieces, and scattered in all directions. An outstanding victory (had been) won, yet (it was) saddened  by two distinguished funerals.     

(10) And so, when the senate voted (him) (i.e. Marcus Fabius) a triumph, he responded that, if the army could triumph without its commander, he would readily go along with (it), on account of their distinguished operations in that war, (but as for) himself, with his family in mourning due to the death of his brother Quintus Fabius, and with the republic partly orphaned by the loss of the other consul (i.e. Manlius), he would not accept a laurel (that was) blighted by public and private grief. (11) This triumph (thus) declined was more famous than any triumph (actually) celebrated; so glory spurned at the time has sometimes returned with (even) greater lustre. He then conducts the two funerals of his colleague and of his brother one after the other, (and) he (acts as) the eulogist in both cases, when, by granting them his own praises, he received the greatest share of them himself. (12) Nor (was he) forgetful of that (policy) which he had adopted at the beginning of his consulate, (namely that) of regaining the affections of the plebs, (and) he distributes the wounded soldiers among the patricians to be looked after. A great number (of them) were given to the Fabii, nor were they treated with greater care anywhere else. From that time the Fabii had already become popular, nor (was) this (achieved) by any methods except (those that were) of benefit to the republic. 

Chapter 48. Caeso Fabius works for unity. 

(1) Therefore, Caeso Fabius (Vibulanus) having been elected consul, together with Titus Verginius (Tricostus Rutilus) (i.e. for the year 479 B.C.), no more due to the zeal of the senators than to (that of) the plebs, neither wars, nor levies, nor any other prior concern drove (him) on, save that, with the prospect of harmony having already commenced to some extent, the feelings of the plebs might come together with (those) of the senators at the very first opportunity. (2) He therefore proposed at the start of his term that, before anyone of the tribunes should emerge (as) the advocate of an agrarian law, the senators themselves should take the opportunity to make (it) their gift and bestow the captured land on the common people with the utmost impartiality: (for) it was right that they should possess (it) by whose blood and sweat it had been won. (3) The senators rejected (the proposal) scornfully; some even complained that the once brilliant intellect of Caeso had been spoiled and enfeebled by his glory. At that time there were no factions in the city. The Latins were being harassed by the incursions of the Aequi. (4) Having been dispatched there with an army, Caeso crossed into the territory of the Aequi themselves in order to ravage (it). The Aequi withdrew into their towns and kept within their walls. For this (reason) there was no battle worthy of mention. 

(5) But a defeat was received at the hands of the Veientine foe through the rashness of the other consul, and it would have been all up with his army, if Caeso Fabius had not come to his assistance in time. From that time (onwards) there was neither peace nor war with the Veientines; their behaviour had come close to (that of) brigands. (6) In the face of the Roman legions they retreated into their city; when they perceived that the legions (had been) withdrawn, they made incursions into the countryside, evading war by peace, (and) peace by war in turn. So, the matter could neither be dropped nor brought to an end. And other wars were impending, either in the present, as in the case of the Aequi and the Volscians, who remained quiet no longer than until the recent suffering caused by their latest defeat should pass away, or until it became apparent that the ever hostile Sabines and the whole of Etruria would soon be in motion. (7) But their Veientine foe, persistent rather than oppressive, disturbed their feelings with insults more often than risk, (something) which could not be neglected at any time or allow their attention to be turned elsewhere. (8) Then, the Fabian clan went to the senate. The consul (i.e. Caeso Fabius) spoke on behalf of his family: "As you know, Conscript Fathers, the Veientine war requires a constant rather than a strong contingent. You take care of the other wars, and assign the Fabii to the Veientines (as) their enemy. We guarantee that the majesty of the Roman name will be safe in their hands. (9) It is our intention to wage this war at our own private expense, as if (it were) a family (feud): the state may dispense with (the provision of) men and money for that purpose." (10) Hearty thanks (were) addressed (to them). Going from the senate-house, the consul returned home with a column of the Fabii, who had stood in the porch of the senate-house, accompanying (him). Having been instructed to meet the next day fully armed at the entrance to the consul's (house), they departed from there to their homes.         

Chapter 49. The Fabii at the Cremera. 

(1) The news spreads across the whole of the city; (the people) extol the Fabii to the sky with praises: (they say) that one family had taken upon itself the burden of the state, (and) that the Veientine war (had been) turned into a private concern and a private battle. (2) If there were two clans of the same strength in the city, let one of them demand the Volscians (and) the other the Aequi, (so that) all the neighbouring peoples could be subdued, with the Romans enjoying a profound peace. On the next day, the Fabii take up arms; they assemble (at the place) where they have been ordered (to go). (3) The consul (i.e. Caeso Fabius), clad in his military cloak, goes out into the porch and sees the whole of his clan drawn up in column of march; taking his place in the centre, he gives (them) the order to march. Never has an army marched through the city, smaller in number, and more distinguished in reputation and in the admiration of (all) men. (4) Three hundred and six soldiers, all (of them) patricians, all of one clan, none of whom you would have rejected (as) a leader, (and who would have made) an excellent senate at any time, were going out, threatening the people of Veii with ruin. (5) A crowd followed (them), some their own kinsmen and friends, contemplating nothing moderate in their minds, neither hope nor care, but everything on the highest scale, others aroused by concern for the public (welfare) and enraptured by their enthusiasm and admiration. (6) They bid (them) go with their valour, go with their good fortune, and bring back results equal to their beginnings; then they bid (them) expect consulships and triumphs, and every reward and every honour from them. (7) As they go past the Capitol, and the citadel, and the other sacred buildings, they beseech whatever gods (meet) their eyes, (and) whatever (gods) come into their minds to send that band good fortune and success, and shortly to restore (them) to their homeland and their parents. In vain were these prayers dispatched. (8) Setting out by the Unlucky Way (i.e. the name afterwards given to the arch from the result of this expedition), the right-hand arch of the Carmental Gate, they come to the River Cremera. This seemed a suitable place for a fortress to be built.  

(9) Then, Lucius Aemilius (Mamercus) and Gaius Servilius (Structus Ahala) (are) appointed consuls (i.e. for the year 478 B.C.). And, so long as there was nothing other than the business of plundering (afoot), the Fabii were (strong) enough, not only to protect their fortress, but throughout that region where the Etruscan territory borders the Roman, (by) spreading (their forces) along both frontiers, they made the whole (district) safe for themselves and hostile to the enemy. (10) Then, there was a brief interruption to these depredations, when the Veientines, having summoned an army from Etruria, attacked the fortress at the Cremera, and the Roman legions, led by the consul Lucius Aemilius, fought in battle at close quarters with the Etruscans. And yet, there was scarcely time for the Veientines to draw up their battle-line; (11) so, at the first alarm, while their troops were getting behind their standards and they were posting their reserves, a brigade of Roman cavalry suddenly charged (them) on the flank and deprived (them) not only of commencing the fight, but (even) of standing their ground. (12) And so, they were driven back to the Red Rocks - there they pitched their camp - and, as suppliants, they sued for peace; through the natural inconsistency of their minds, they regretted this being obtained, before the Roman garrison (was) withdrawn from the Cremera. 

Chapter 50. The annihilation of the Fabii. 

(1) And again (i.e. in 477 B.C.) there was a contest of the Veientine people with the Fabii without any preparations (being made) for a greater war, and there were not only incursions into (each other's) territories or sudden attacks upon those invading, but they fought several times in the open field and in pitched battles, (2) and a single clan of the Roman people often won a victory over that most powerful Etruscan state, as the place (i.e. Veii) then was at that time. (3) At first, this seemed to the Veientines (to be something) bitterly undignified; but then, in the circumstances, a plan (was) adopted of trapping their bold enemy in an ambush; and they were even glad that the audacity of the Fabii was growing due to their frequent success. (4) And so, herds of cattle (were) driven into the path of the plunderers, as if they had come there by accident, and the devastated lands (were) deserted by the flight of the farmers, and the reserves of armed men, (who had been) sent to prevent the plundering, fled in a panic more often pretended than genuine. (5) And now the Fabii had developed such a contempt for the enemy that they believed their arms (were) invincible and could not be withstood at any place or time. This presumption carried (them so far) that, at the sight of some cattle some distance from the Cremera across a great expanse of plain, they ran down (to secure them), although few enemy arms were visible (i.e. and so a ruse should have been suspected). (6) And when, incautious and in a disorderly course, they passed the point of ambush placed on either side of the road, and, wandering about, they were catching the cattle (that had) strayed in all directions, as happens when they are infected with fear, suddenly the enemy arise from their place of ambush and were in front of (them) and on every side. (7) Firstly, the shout (that was) raised around (them) frightened (them), then missiles fell on (them) from every side; as the Etruscans closed around (them), and, hemmed in, (as they) now (were), by a continuous body of armed men, the more the enemy pressed upon (them), (the more) they were forced to compress their own circle within a narrower space, (8) something which revealed the remarkable paucity of their (numbers) and the crowd of the Etruscans (whose) ranks were enlarged in the narrow (space). (9) Then, having given up the fighting, which they had directed equally on all sides, they all incline themselves to one spot. Thither, (by means of nothing) but their bodies and their weapons, their forced their way in a wedge. (10) The way led gently to the top of a hill. There, at first, they took a stand; soon, when their higher position had given (them) a breathing space, and (the opportunity) to recover their spirits from such great anxiety, they repelled (them) even as they were climbing up, and their handful of men would have been victorious with the help of their position, if (a party of) Veientines, sent around the ridge, had not come to the summit of the hill. So, the enemy again gained the higher (position). (11) The Fabii were slain to a man and their fortress (was) stormed. It is generally agreed that three hundred and six (men) perished, that one (who was) almost a boy in age survived (i.e. Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, cos. 467 B.C.) and that the stock of the Fabian clan was destined to be the greatest help at home and in war amid the uncertain affairs of the Roman people.   

Chapter 51. The Etruscans threaten Rome. 

(1) When this disaster was suffered, Gaius Horatius (Pulvillus) and Titus Menenius (Lanatus) were now consuls (i.e. in the year 477 B.C.). Menenius (was) immediately sent against the Etruscans, elated (as they were) by their victory, and the enemy occupied the Janiculum; and the City would have been besieged with a shortage of corn in addition to the war - for the Etruscans had crossed the Tiber, - if the consul Horatius had not been recalled from (the territory of) the Volscians. And so close did that war come to its very walls that there was fighting firstly at (the Temple) of Hope on level terms, and secondly at the Colline gate. There, although the position of the Romans was advantageous for (only) a short time, yet that engagement made their soldiers better (prepared) for future battles by restoring their former courage 

(4) Aulus Verginius (Tricostus Rutilus) and Spurius Servilius (Structus) are made consuls (i.e. for the year 476 B.C.). After the defeat (they had) suffered in the last fight, the Veientines avoided battle; they took to pillaging, and from the Janiculum they made raids on Roman territory in all directions; nowhere were the cattle or farmers safe. Then, they were caught by the same stratagem, by which they had entrapped the Fabii. (5) Having pursued the cattle (that had been) driven here and there with the purpose being given to entice (them), they fell into an ambush. As there were more (of them), (so) the slaughter was greater. (6) Their violent rage (arising) from this defeat was the cause and the beginning of a greater disaster. For, having crossed the Tiber at night, they set about attacking the camp of the consul Servilius. Having been repulsed from there, they retreated with difficulty into the Janiculum. (7) The consul immediately crosses the Tiber also himself, (and) fortifies a camp at the foot of the Janiculum. At daybreak the next day, somewhat emboldened both by the success of the battle on the previous day, but more because the scarcity of corn forced (him) to adopt measures, (which), while they were more expeditious, (were) still inclined to danger, he rashly took the battle to the enemy's camp on the top of the Janiculum, (8) and, having been repulsed from there with more disgrace than (had occurred, when) he had repelled (them) on the previous day, he himself and his army were saved by the intervention of his colleague. (9) When the Etruscans, (caught) between the two battle-lines, showed their backs to the one and to the other in turn, they were cut down in a massacre. So the Veientine war came to a close due to some fortunate rash behaviour.   

Chapter 52. Impeachment of former consuls by tribunes of the plebs. 

(1) Together with peace, more abundant provisions returned to the City, both because corn was brought from Campania, and (because), as soon as the fear of a future shortage left each one of them, that which had been hidden was brought out. (2) Then, their minds became irresponsible again on account of abundance and idleness, and they began to look for their old troubles at home, when they were not to be found abroad. (3) The tribunes aroused the plebs with their own poison, an agrarian law; (and) they incited (them) against the senators, when they opposed (it), not only against (them as) a body, but (also) against (them as) individuals. Quintus Considius and Titus Genucius, the promotors of the agrarian law assign a day to try (i.e. they impeach) Titus Menenius (i.e. cos. 477 B.C.). (The reason) for his unpopularity was the loss of the fortress at the Cremera (i.e. the prelude to the massacre of the Fabii), since, (as) consul he had occupied a standing camp not far away from there; (4) this oppressed (him), although the senators exerted themselves (on his behalf) no less than (they had done so) on behalf of Coriolanus, and the popularity of his father Agrippa (cos. 503 B.C.) had not yet passed away.  (5) With regard to the penalty, the tribunes showed restraint; although they had arraigned (him) on a capital charge, they (only) imposed a penalty of two thousand asses, when he was found guilty. (But) this (still) led to his death. They say that he could not endure the disgrace and the sorrow; (and) that for this reason he was carried off by a fatal disease. (6) Then, another accused (man), Spurius Servilius (i.e. cos. 476 B.C.), impeached by the tribunes Lucius Caedicius and Titus Statius, as he retired from the consulship right at the beginning of the year, (in which) Gaius Nautius (Rutilus) and Publius Valerius (Publicola) (were) consuls (i.e. 475 B.C.), did not meet the tribunes' charges like Menenius, by his own and the senators' entreaties (for mercy), but with great faith in his innocence and popularity. (7) The battle with the Etruscans at the Janiculum  was also (the basis) of his charge. But, (being) a man of intrepid spirit, as (he had) previously (demonstrated) in relation to public peril, so now (he did) so in relation to his own, (and) by refuting not only the tribunes but the plebs also in a fiery speech, and, by reproaching (them) for the condemnation and death of Titus Menenius, by the good offices of whose father (i.e. Agrippa) the plebs (had) previously (been) restored to the position in the state, by which they could now savagely attack the magistrates, he dispelled his perilous position by his daring. (8) His colleague, Verginius (i.e. cos. 476 B.C.), coming forward (as) a witness, helped (him) too, by sharing (with him) the praises (he himself had received); but the trial of Menenius benefited (him) more - so much had public opinion changed.   

Chapter 53. War with Veii and the Sabines. 

(1) Strife at home (was) over: but war broke out with Veii, with which the Sabines had joined arms. The consul Publius Valerius, having been dispatched to Veii with an army, auxiliaries having been summoned from the Latins and the Hernici, at once advanced upon the Sabine camp, which had been established in front of their allies' walls (i.e. at Veii), and this caused such great consternation that, while they sally forth, dispersed in small groups, some in one direction, some in another, to repel the enemy's assault, the gate which he had attacked first was captured. (2) Then, within the stockade a massacre rather than a battle took place. The commotion from the camp spreads into the city as well; the Veientines rush to (gather) arms. Some go to the assistance of the Sabines, others attack the Romans, (who are) wholly preoccupied with the attack on the camp. (3) For a short time, they were disconcerted and thrown into disorder; then, facing in both directions also, they take a stand, and the cavalry, let loose by the consul, rout the Etruscans and drive (them) into flight; and in the same hour two armies and two of the most powerful and the most important of their neighbouring peoples were vanquished. 

(4) While these (things) were done at Veii, the Volscians and the Aequi had pitched their camp in the territory of the Latins and had laid waste their borders. These the Latins, joined by the Hernici, drove from their camp without either a general or assistance from Rome; (5) immense booty, in addition to their own property (which had been) recovered, fell into their possession. Nevertheless, the consul Gaius Nautius (was) sent from Rome against the Volscians; the practice of allies waging wars without a Roman general and army was not welcome, I suppose. (6) (There was) no kind of catastrophe and indignity (that) was not visited upon the Volscians, and yet they could not be compelled to fight on the field of battle.   

 Chapter 54. The assassination of Genucius. 

(1) Then, Lucius Furius (Medullinus) and Gaius (?Aulus) Manlius (Vulso) (became) consuls (i.e. for the year 474 B.C.). The Veientines fell to Manlius (as) his province. No war took place however; a truce for forty years (was) granted (to them) at their request, with corn and pay (for the soldiers) being demanded (of them). (2) Discord at home immediately follows peace abroad. The plebs were goaded into madness by the tribunes' stimulus of an agrarian law. The consuls, in no way discouraged by the condemnation of Menenius, nor by the peril of Servilius, resist with their utmost strength. On their retiring from office, the tribune of the plebs, Gnaeus Genucius arrested (them).  

(3) Lucius Aemilius (Mamercus) and Opiter Verginius (Tricostus Esquilinus) enter into the consulship (i.e. for the year 473 B.C.); I find Vopiscus Julius (Iullus) (named as) consul in some annals. In this year - whatever consuls it had - Furius and Manlius, summoned for trial before the people (as they had been), go around in mourning clothes among the younger senators as much as the common people. (4) They advise, they warn (them) to abstain from public offices and from the administration of public business; for, in truth, they should regard the consular fasces, the purple-bordered toga and the curule chair as nothing other than the trappings of a funeral; that, when covered with fine insignia, like fillets, they were doomed to death. (5) But if the allure of the consulship were so great, so now they must understand that the consulship was held captive and was being crushed by the power of the tribunes; that everything was being done by the consul at the beck and call of a tribune, as if (he were) the tribune's attendant; if he should bestir himself, (6) if he should have regard for the senators, if he should consider that there was any other (power) in the state than the plebs, let him call to mind the exile of Gnaeus Marcius (i.e. Coriolanus), (and) the conviction of Menenius and his death. (7) Incensed by these speeches, the senators then held meetings, not public (ones), but in private and removed from most (people's) knowledge, where, when this (one point) only was agreed, that the accused must be rescued by just or unjust (means), every most desperate measure was especially approved, nor was a doer lacking for a deed, however daring (it was). (8) So, on the day of the trial, when the plebs were standing in the Forum upright with expectation, there was amazement at first, because the tribune did not come down; then, when his delay now began to look rather suspicious, they thought he had been deterred by the nobles and complained that the public cause (had been) abandoned and betrayed; (9) finally, those who had been hovering around the tribune's vestibule announce that he has been found dead in his house. When this report spread through the whole gathering, just as an army takes to flight at the death of its general, so they dispersed in all directions, some in one way, some in another. A particular panic had taken hold of the tribunes, as they had been warned by the death of their colleague that the sacred laws (i.e. the laws designed to guarantee the sanctity of the tribunes) provided no help (to them). (10) Nor did the senators exhibit their satisfaction with sufficient moderation; and so far was anyone showing no regret at the crime, that even those who were innocent wished to appear to have done (it), and openly asserted that the power of the tribunes must be curbed by evil (means).  

Chapter 55. Volero resists the consuls.  

(1) Just after the victory of this most ruinous precedent, a levy is proclaimed, and the consuls accomplish the task without any veto by the fearful tribunes. (2) But now the plebs were more angered by the silence of the tribunes than by the power of the consuls, and they said that this was the end of their liberty, that they had returned again to the old (situation), and that tribunician power was dead and buried together with Genucius; that something else must be devised and implemented, by means of which they might resist the senators; (3) but that the only method (for doing so) was this, that the plebs should defend themselves, since they had no other help (but this). That twenty-four lictors waited upon the consuls and these very men (came) from the plebs; nothing (was) more contemptible and more feeble, if there were anyone who would condemn (them); yet each man made them tremendous and awe-inspiring in his own mind. (4) When they had incited one another by these arguments, a lictor was sent by the consuls to (detain) Publilius Volero, a man of the plebs, since he was saying that he ought not to be made a common soldier, because he had commanded men in the ranks (i.e. he had been a centurion). (5) Volero appeals to the tribunes. When no one came to his assistance, the consuls order the man to be stripped and the rods to be let loose. "I appeal to the People," said Volero, "since the tribunes would rather that a Roman citizen should be scourged with rods, than that they themselves should be murdered by you in their beds." The more stridently he shouted, the more roughly did the lictor tear off his clothes and strip (him). (6) Then, Volero, himself a powerful (man), when the lictor had been repelled by those whom he had called to his assistance, betook himself into the thickest (part of) the crowd, where the uproar of those who were angry on his behalf was most virulent, from there crying out: "I appeal to, and implore, the protection of the common people. (7) Help (me), my fellow-citizens, help (me), my fellow-soldiers; (for) there is nothing which you can expect from the tribunes, who themselves have need of your help." (8) In their excitement, men prepare themselves as if for battle; it was apparent that a most critical point had been reached, that no respect would be (shown) by anyone to either public or private rights. (9) When the consuls encountered this most violent storm, they readily knew from experience that majesty without strength is not safe. With the lictors maltreated, (and) their fasces broken, they (i.e. the consuls) are driven out of the Forum into the senate-house, without knowing how far Volero might make use of his victory. (10) Afterwards, with the disturbance subsiding, when they had ordered (the Fathers) to be summoned to (a meeting of) the senate, they complained of the insults they (had suffered), the violence of the plebs, and the audacity of Volero. (11) Though many opinions (were) boldly expressed, (the views of) the older senators prevailed, (those) who did not wish there to be a conflict of the senators' anger against the rashness of the plebs.    

Chapter 56. Volero's proposal.

(1) Their favour having been gained (by him), at the next elections the common people appoint Volero tribune of the plebs for the year which had Lucius Pinarius (Mamercinus Rufus) and Publius Furius (Medullinus Fusus) as consuls (i.e. 472 B.C.). (2) And contrary to the expectation of all who believed that he would make use of his tribuneship in order to harass the consuls of the previous year, (by) subordinating his personal resentment to the public interest, and, without even attacking the consuls with a word, he brought a bill to the people (proposing) that plebeian magistrates should be appointed by the tribal assemblies. (3) No small matter (though it was), it was brought forward under a title (which) at first sight (was) by no means alarming, but which deprived the patricians of all power to elect those tribunes they wished through the votes of their clients. (4) Although this measure was welcome to the plebs, the senators opposed (it) with their utmost strength, but not one member of the college (of tribunes) could be induced, by the influence either of the consuls or the leading (members of the senate), to interpose his veto, and yet the matter itself, important as it was in its own right, is drawn out by disputes throughout the year. (5) The plebs re-elect Volero tribune: the senators, thinking that the matter would come to the extremity of a struggle, elect (as) consul (i.e. for the year 471 B.C.) Appius Claudius (Crassus Inregillensis Sabinus), son of Appius, (who) ever since his father's contests (with them) (had been) detested by, and hostile to, the plebs. Titus Quinctius (Capitolinus Barbatus) is assigned to him (as) his colleague.  

(6) Right from the start of the year nothing was discussed in precedence to this law. But, just as Volero (was) the author of the law, so his colleague Laetorius was both a more recent and a more enthusiastic advocate of it. (7) His great reputation in war, in that no man of his age was more hardy in fighting, made (him) more daring. When Volero would talk of nothing apart from the law, while refraining from any abuse of the consuls, he, himself, began to accuse Appius and his family of tyranny and cruelty towards the common people of Rome, (8) when he argued that he had been appointed by the senators not (as) a consul, but as an executioner to persecute and torture the plebs, (but) the untrained tongue in the (mouth of) a military man was not equal to expressing his feelings freely. (9) And so, when words began to fail (him), he cried out, "Since I do not speak so easily, Citizens, as I make good what I have said, come here tomorrow. I shall either die here in your sight, or I shall carry through this law." On the following day, the tribunes take possession of the speakers' platform; (10) the consuls and the nobility take their place in the assembly to obstruct (the passing of) the law. Laetorius orders the removal (of everyone) except (those) who are going to vote. (11) The young nobles stood their ground, conceding nothing to the official. Then, Laetorius orders some of them to be seized. The consul Appius denied that the tribune had any jurisdiction over anyone except over a plebeian; for he was not a magistrate of the people (as a whole) but (only) of the plebs; (12) nor, according to the custom of their ancestors, could he himself remove any (person) by virtue of his authority, because it is so stated: "If it seems good to you, depart, Citizens!" He could easily throw Laetorius into a fury by speaking contemptuously of his rights. (13) So, while burning with anger, the tribune sends his official to the consul, the consul (sends) his lictor to the tribune, declaring (him) to be a private (citizen) without authority and without office; (14) and the tribune would have been maltreated, if the whole assembly had not risen up angrily against the consul on behalf of the tribune, and there had (not) been a rush of men to the Forum from all (parts of) the City in an excited throng. Appius, however, withstood so great a storm with obstinacy; (15) and the contest would have ended in a battle not without blood, if the other consul, Quinctius, having given to men of consular rank the task of removing his colleague from the Forum by force, if they could not (do so) otherwise, had not now mollified the enraged plebs with entreaties, and now implored the tribunes to disband the assembly: (16) let them give a breathing space to their anger (he said); time would not rob them of their power, but would add wisdom to their strength, and the senators would be subject to the power of the people, and the consul (would be) subject to (the power) of the senate. 

Chapter 57. A victory for the Commons.

(1) While the common people were calmed by Quinctius with some difficulty, the other consul was calmed by the senate with much more difficulty. (2) The people's assembly having at last been adjourned, the consuls hold (a meeting of) the senate. At that meeting, when fear and anger had given rise to various opinions in turn being expressed, the more they were diverted by the lapse of time from confrontation to consultation, the more their minds began to shrink from conflict, so that they gave thanks to Quinctius, because the discord had been reduced by his exertions. (3) Agreement was sought from Appius that he should wish consular sovereignty to be as great as could be achieved within a harmonious commonwealth: that, while tribunes and consuls were each trying to draw all (powers) to themselves, no strength was left in between; that the state was being torn apart and destroyed; that there was more concern about in whose hands it lay than that it should be safe. (4) Appius, on the other hand, called the gods and men to witness that the state was being betrayed and abandoned through fear, that the consul was not failing the senate but the senate the consul; that harder terms were being accepted than had been accepted on the Sacred Mount (i.e. during the 'Secession of the Plebs' in 494-493 B.C.). Overcome, however, by the unanimous feeling of the senate, he kept quiet. The law was passed in silence (i.e. without opposition). 

Chapter 58. War with the Volscians and the Aequi.

(1) Then, for the first time, the tribunes were elected in the tribal assembly. According to Piso (i.e. Lucius Calpurnius Piso the historian, who was consul in 133 B.C.), three were also added to their number, whereas previously there had (only) been two. (2) He also names the tribunes: Gnaeus Siccus, Lucius Numitorius, Marcus Duillius, Spurius Icilius (and) Lucius Maecilius.  

(3) During the disturbance at Rome, war broke out with the Volscians and the Aequi. They had laid waste the fields, so that if any secession of the plebs occurred, they might find a refuge with them; then, when these (differences) had been settled, they moved their camp backwards. (4) Appius Claudius (was) sent against the Volscians; the Aequi fell to Quinctius as his province. Appius showed the same severity in the field, as (he had shown) at home, but he had more freedom because he was free of the fetters of the tribunes. He hated the plebs with more hatred than that of his father: (5) what (was the reason for this)? Was it that he had been beaten by them, after he had been elected as the sole consul to oppose tribunician power, and a law had been passed, which former consuls had managed to obstruct with less effort amid hopes of the senate by no means as great (as in his case)? (6) This wrath and indignation of his fired his fierce mind to harass the army with a savage exercise of authority. Yet he was not able to subdue (them) by any (use of) force, so great (was) the struggle they had conceived in their minds. (7) They did everything slothfully, idly, with neglect and with obstinacy; neither shame nor fear held (them) back; if he wished the column to advance more speedily, they deliberately went more slowly; if he came up to urge (them) on in their work, they all relaxed the diligence which they had exerted of their accord; (8) in his presence they lowered their gaze, (and) they silently cursed (him) as he passed by, so that his courage, unconquerable by the hatred of the plebs, was sometimes shaken. (9) Having vainly tried every kind of harsh measure, he no longer had any contact with the soldiers; he said that the army (had been) corrupted by the centurions, (whom) he sometimes jeeringly called 'tribunes of the plebs' and 'Voleros'.    

Chapter 59. Insubordination in the army.      

(1) The Volscians were not unaware of any of these (things), and they pressed on all the more, hoping that the Roman army would entertain the same spirited opposition towards Appius as it had shown towards Fabius. (2) But it was much more violent towards Appius than towards Fabius; for it was not only unwilling to conquer, like Fabius' army (had been), but it (actually) wished to be conquered. Brought to the battle-field, it made for the camp in shameful flight, nor did it stand its ground, until it saw the Volscian (army) attacking the fortifications, and the dreadful slaughter of the rear of the column. (3) Then, the energy to fight was wrung from (it), in order that the victorious enemy might now be dislodged from the rampart; yet it was sufficiently clear that the Roman soldiers were only unwilling that their camp should be taken: otherwise they rejoiced in their defeat and disgrace. (4) The bold spirit of Appius was not at all daunted by these (things), (but,) when he wished to exercise severe measures still further, and he summoned a meeting, the legates and tribunes gathered around him, warning that on no account should he put his authority to the test, when its strength all lay in the consent of those who were obedient to (him). (5) (They reported) that the men were publicly saying that they would not go to a meeting, and that on all sides the voices were heard of (those) demanding that the camp be removed from Volscian territory. That the victorious enemy had but a short time before been almost in their gates and on their rampart, and that not only the suspicion but the clear vision of a great disaster was hovering before their eyes. (6) Giving way at last, since (the men) were gaining nothing except a postponement of their punishment, he relinquished the assembly, and, after he had ordered that a march should be proclaimed for the following day, he gave the signal for departure at dawn by (the sound of) a trumpet. (7) Just as the column was deploying from the camp, the Volscians, as if aroused by the same signal, fell upon their rear. From them, the confusion spread to the vanguard, and so disordered were the standards and the ranks with panic that no orders could be heard nor a battle-line drawn up. No one thought of anything but flight. (8) So confused was the column, as they made their way through a heap of bodies and arms that the enemy ceased their pursuit before the Roman (army ceased) fleeing. (9) At last, when the soldiers had been gathered up from their scattered flight, the consul, after he had followed his men in a vain attempt to call (them) back, pitched his camp on friendly soil; and, having called an assembly, he inveighed, not without good reason, against an army (that was) a betrayer of military discipline, (and) a deserter of its standards, asking each one of them in turn where (were) their standards, where were their arms, (and) he scourged with rods and (then) struck with an axe (i.e. beheaded) the soldiers who had dispensed with their arms, the standard-bearers who had lost their standards, (and,) in addition to these the centurions and the men receiving double pay, who had quitted the ranks; with regard to the rest of the multitude, every tenth (man was) chosen by lot for execution (i.e. they were decimated).  

Chapter 60. Quinctius' successful campaign against the Aequi. 

(1) Contrary to these (things), in (the land of) the Aequi there was a competition between the consul and his soldiers with regard to affability and acts of kindness. For Quinctius was milder by nature, and the unfortunate severity of his colleague caused him to find all the more pleasure in his own disposition. (2) The Aequi did not dare to encounter such outstanding cordiality between the general and his army, and they allowed the enemy to wander through their territory to lay (it) waste; nor in any previous war had plunder been gathered from it more widely. (3) This was all given to the troops. Praises were also added, to which the minds of the soldiers find no less pleasure than in their booty. The army returned more reconciled not only to their leader, but also, for the sake of their leader, to the Fathers too, declaring that a father (had been) given to them by the senate, (but) a tyrant to the other army. 

(4) The tribal assembly renders especially memorable the year just passed (i.e. 471 B.C.) with varying fortune in war (and) bitter disharmony at home and in the field, an event more important because a victory had been won in the struggle than because any advantage (had been achieved by it); (5) for by removing patricians from the meeting there was more dignity lost by the assembly itself than there was strength either added to the plebs or taken away from the senate.    

Chapter 61. The impeachment, and the funeral, of Appius Claudius. 

 (1) A more turbulent year then followed (i.e. 470 B.C.), with Lucius Valerius (Potitus) and Titus Aemilius (Mamercus) (as) consuls, both on account of the struggle of the orders concerning the agrarian law, and because of the trial of Appius Claudius, whom, (2) as the bitterest opponent of the law, and since he was upholding the claim of those who possessed public land, as if (he were) a third consul, Marcus Duillius and Gnaeus Siccius impeached. (3) Never before had an accused man, so hateful to the plebs, been brought to trial before the people, sated with resentment on his own account, and on account of his father (i.e. the consul of 495 B.C.). (4) The Fathers also had hardly ever made equal exertions on behalf of anyone: (in their view) the defender of the senate and the champion of its majesty, (who was) opposed to all the disturbances of the tribunes and the plebs is being exposed to the resentment of the common people merely for having gone beyond the limits in the struggle. (5) Alone of the Fathers, Appius Claudius himself regarded the tribunes and the plebs and his own trial as of no account. Neither the threats of the plebs, nor the entreaties of the senate could ever force him not only to change his costume or to clutch at people (as) a suppliant, but even to soften and moderate in any way the sharpness of his language, when he had to make his case to the people. (6) There was the same expression on his face, the same arrogance in his glance, the same fire in his speech, to such an extent that a great part of the plebs feared Appius no less (as) a defendant than they had feared (him as) consul. (7) He pleaded his cause (just) once in the aggressive tone in which he had always been accustomed to adopt on all (occasions); and his firmness so dumbfounded both the tribunes and the plebs that they themselves adjourned the trial of their own accord (and) they allowed the matter to be protracted. (8) The interval of time was not so long, but before the date of the adjourned (trial) came round, he died from an illness. (9) When the tribunes of the plebs tried to stop his eulogy, the plebs were unwilling that the last day of so great a man should be defrauded of the usual honour, and they listened to the panegyric of the dead (man) with ears as attentive as they had heard the indictment of (the man when he was) alive, and they attended his burial in large numbers. 

Chapter 62. War with the Aequi and the Sabines. 

In the same year (i.e. 470 B.C.), the consul Valerius, having advanced with an army against the Aequi, when he could not entice the enemy to an engagement, set about attacking their camp. A dreadful storm foiled (them), as it descended from the sky with hail and claps of thunder. (2) The signal to withdraw having been given, the return of a tranquil and cloudless (sky) then so increased their astonishment that they had scruples about attacking for a second time a camp (that was) defended, as it were, by a divine power. All the rage of war turned to the devastation of the countryside. The other consul, Aemilius, waged war on the Sabines. (3) There too, because the enemy kept within their walls, the fields were ravaged. (4) Then, having set fire not only to farmhouses but also to villages, which were closely inhabited, the Sabines, having been aroused, met (in battle) with their predators, (but,) after a drawn battle, they separated, and on the following day they moved their camp back to  a safer location. (5) This seemed to the consul a sufficient (reason) why he should relinquish an enemy that was as good as conquered, and withdraw from them while the war was (still) fresh.       

Chapter 63. Further campaigns against the Volscians and the Sabines. 

(1) During these wars, with discord continuing at home, Titus Numicius Priscus and Aulus Verginius (Caeliomontanus) (were) elected consuls (i.e. for the year 469 B.C.). (2) It was clear that the common people would endure no further delay (in the passing of) the agrarian law, and extreme violence was being prepared, when it was perceived from the smoke from burning farmhouses and from the flight of countryfolk that the Volscians were present. This situation suppressed the insurrection (that was) now about to break out. (3) The consuls, having been commanded at once (to do so) by the senate, led the young men out of the city to war, (and this) made the rest of the plebs more tranquil. (4) As for the enemy, having filled the Romans with nothing other than a needless panic, they departed in a speedy column of march: (5) Numicius set out against the Volscians, Verginius against the Aequi. Here a great disaster nearly resulted from an ambush, (but) the courage of the soldiers restored the situation (caused) by the negligence of the consul. (The campaign) against the Volscians was better conducted; (6) routed in the first engagement, the enemy (were) driven in flight to Antium, a most opulent city, as its circumstances then were. The consul did not venture to attack it, but he did capture from the Antiates another town (called) Caeno, (which was) by no means as wealthy. (7) While the Aequi and the Volscians kept the Roman armies (at bay), the Sabines advanced right up to the gates of the City plundering. Then, after a few days, when both consuls invaded their borders in anger, they themselves suffered greater losses than they had inflicted.  

Chapter 64. The campaigns continue.

(1) Right at the end of the year there was some peace, but as (had) always (happened) on other (occasions, it was) disturbed by the struggle between the senate and the plebs. The angry plebs refused to take part in the consular elections; (2) Titus Quinctius (Capitolinus Barbatus) (and) Quintus Servilius (Priscus) (were) elected consuls (i.e. for the year 468 B.C.) by the senators and the dependants of the senators. They have a year similar to the previous (one), a seditious beginning, then made tranquil due to external warfare. (3) The Sabines crossed the Crustuminian plains in a rapid march, after they had caused fire and slaughter around the river Anio, (and, although they were then) repulsed near the Colline Gate and the walls, yet they carried off immense spoils of men and cattle. (4) The consul Servilius pursued them with a hostile army, and, although he could not overtake the column itself on level ground, he caused such widespread devastation that he left nothing untouched by the (ravages of) war, and he returned with a great amount of captured plunder. (5) And in the (country of) the Volscians the public cause was conducted with great success by the exertions of both the general and of his troops. In the first place, battle having been joined on level ground, they fought with great slaughter and bloodshed on both sides. (6) As for the Romans, because their small number had made (them) feel their losses more keenly, they would have retreated, if the consul (by) calling out that the enemy on the other wing were in flight, had not roused the army to a fresh effort. A charge was made, (and,) while they thought they were conquering, they did conquer. (7) The consul, fearing that, by pressing (them) too hard, he might renew the conflict, gave the signal to retire. (8) A few days intervened, with a rest being taken on both sides, as if by a secret truce, and during those (days) a huge force of men from all the tribes of the Volscians and the Aequi came to the camp, not doubting that the Romans would depart at night, if they should perceive (them). (9) Accordingly, at about the third watch, they came to attack the camp. (10) Quinctius stilled the tumult, which the sudden alarm had aroused, and, after he had ordered the soldiers to remain quietly in their tents, he led out a cohort of the Hernici to an outpost, and ordered the horn-blowers and trumpeters to mount horses and to sound their instruments in front of the rampart, and (so) keep the enemy in suspense until daybreak. (11) For the rest of the night everything was so quiet in the camp that the Romans even had plenty of sleep. The sight of the armed infantrymen, whom they considered to be both more numerous (than they were) and (to be) Romans, (and) the snorting and neighing of the horses that were enraged at the unaccustomed rider sitting (on their backs) and also by the sound (that was) disturbing their ears, kept the Volscians on the alert for an expected enemy attack. 

Chapter 65. The defeat of the Volscians and the capture of Antium.   

(1) When it was light, the Roman (army), fresh and invigorated by sleep, were brought into the line of battle, and overpowered the Volscians, weary, (as they were,) from standing and keeping watch; (2) and yet the enemy were in retreat rather than being routed, because there were hills in their rear, to which there was a safe retreat, and their ranks behind the front line (were) unbroken. The consul (i.e. Quinctius) halted the line, when they came to rising ground. The soldiers could hardly be restrained, (and) they shouted out and demanded that they should be permitted to pursue the fleeing (enemy). (3) The cavalry acted (even) more violently; crowding round the general, they cried out that they would go before the standards. While the consul hesitated, confident in the valour of his troops, (but) not trusting in the ground, they exclaimed that they would be going, and action followed their words. Planting their javelins in the ground, so that they might climb up the slopes more easily, they went up at a run. (4) The Volscians, having discharged their missile weapons at the first onset, flung the stones that lay under their feet at (them) as they were climbing upwards, and, having thrown (them) into confusion by the incessant blows, they drove (them) from the higher ground. Thus the left wing of the Romans was nearly overwhelmed, (and so it would have been), if the consul, just as they were retreating, had not cast out their fear by rebuking them in a shameful voice for their rashness and their cowardice. (5) Firstly, they took a stand with resolute minds. Then, after holding their ground and returning blow for blow, they ventured to advance of their own accord, and, by renewing the battle-cry, they set the battle-line in motion; then again, they made a great effort, and, by seizing the initiative, they overcame the unevenness of the ground. (6) Now they were almost at the point of climbing to the top of the ridge of the mountain, when the enemy showed their backs, and the pursued and their pursuers dashed into the camp at great speed and almost in a single column. In the panic, the camp was captured. (Those) of the Volscians who managed to escape made for Antium. (7) The Roman army (was) also led to Antium. Besieged for a few days, it surrenders, not because of any additional force of attackers, but because their spirits had sunk ever since the unsuccessful battle and the loss of their camp.     

APPENDIX I: EXTRACTS FROM LORD MACAULAY'S "LAYS OF ANCIENT ROME".  

A. FROM "HORATIUS": 

Lars Porsena of Clusium / By the Nine Gods he swore / That the great house of Tarquin / Should suffer wrong no more. / By the Nine Gods he swore it, / And named a trysting day, / And bade his messengers ride forth / East and west and south and north / To summon his array. 

But the Consul's brow was sad, / And the Consul's speech was low, / And darkly looked he at the wall, / And darkly at the foe. / 'Their van will be upon us / Before the bridge goes down; / And if they once may win the bridge, / What hope to  save the town?' 

Then out spoke brave Horatius, / The Captain of the gate: / 'To every man upon this earth / Death cometh soon or late: / And how cam man die better / Than facing fearful odds, / For the ashes of his fathers / And the temples of his Gods?

Hew down the bridge, Sir Consul, / With all the speed ye may; / I, with two more to help me, / Will hold the foe in play. / In yon strait path a thousand / May well be stopped by three. / Now who will stand on either hand, / And keep the bridge with me?'                                                                                                

Then out spoke Spurius Lartius, / A Ramnian proud was he: / 'Lo, I will stand at thy right hand, / And keep the bridge with thee.' / And out spoke strong Herminius, / Of Titian blood was he: / 'I will abide on thy left side, / And keep the bridge with thee.' 

Alone stood brave Horatius, / But constant still in mind, / Thrice thirty thousand foes before, /And the broad flood behind.

'O Tiber! father Tiber! / To whom the Romans pray, / A Roman's life, a Roman's arms, / Take thou in charge this day!' / So he spake, and speaking sheathed / The good sword by his side, / And with his harness on his back / Plunged headlong in the tide.

No sound of joy or sorrow / Was heard from either bank; / But friends and foes in dumb surprise, / With parted lips and straining eyes, / Stood gazing where he sank; / And when above the surges / They saw his crest appear, / All Rome sent forth a rapturous cry, / And even the ranks of Tuscany / could scarce forbear to cheer.

It stands in the Comitium, / Plain for all to see; / Horatius in his harness, / Halting upon one knee: / And underneath is written, / In letters all of gold, / How valiantly he kept the bridge / In the brave days of old. 

B. FROM "THE BATTLE OF LAKE REGILLUS."

Ho, trumpets, sound a war-note! / Ho, lictors, clear the way! / The Knights will ride in all their pride, / Along the streets today. / To-day the doors and windows  / Are hung with garlands all, / From Castor in the Forum, / To Mars without the wall. / Each Knight is robed in purple, With olive each is crowned; / A gallant war-horse under each / Paws haughtily the ground. / While stands the Sacred Hill, the proud Ides of Quintilis / Shall have such honour still. / Gay are the Martian Kalends: / December's Nones are gay: But the proud Ides, when the squadron rides, / Shall be Rome's whitest day. 

Mamilius spied Herminius, ? And dashed across the way. / 'Herminius, I have sought thee ? / Through many a bloody day. / One of us two, Herminius, ? Shall never more go homre ? I will lay on for Tusculum, / And lay thou on for Rome!' 

All round them paused the battle, / While met in mortal fray / The Roman and the Tusculan, / The horses black and grey. / Herminius smote Mamilius / Through breast-plate and through breast; / And fast flowed out the purple blood / Over the purple vest. / Mamilius smote Herminius / Through head-piece and through head: / And side by side those chiefs of pride / Together fell down dead.   

APPENDIX II.  LIST OF ROMAN CONSULS 509 - 468 B.C.

The following names and dates are taken from T.R.S. Broughton's "The Magistrates of the Roman Republic", published in three volumes 1951-1986. 

509. L. Junius Brutus; L. Tarquinus Collatinus. (Suffecti: P. Valerius Publicola; Sp. Lucretius            Tricipitinus; M. Horatius Pulvillus.)

508. P. Valerius Publicola II; T. Lucretius Tricipitinus.

507. P. Valerius Publicola III; M. Horatius Pulvillus II.

506. Sp. Larcius; T. Herminius Aquilinus.

505. M. Valerius Volusus; P. Postumius Tubertus.

504. P. Valerius Publicola IV; P. Lucretius Tricipitinus II.

503. Agrippa Menenius Lanatus; P. Postumius Tubertus II.

502. Opiter Verginius Tricostus; Sp. Cassius Vecellinus.

501. Post. Cominius Auruncus; T. Larcius.

500. Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus Cornutus; M'. Tullius Longus.

499. T. Aebutius Helva; C. Veturius Geminus Cicurinus. 

498. Q. Cloelius Siculus; T. Larcius II.

497. A. Sempronius Atratinus; M. Minucius Augurinus.

496. A. Postumius Regillensis; T. VerginiusTricostus Caeliomontanus.

495. Ap. Claudius Sabinus Inregillensis; P. Servilius Priscus Structus.

494. A. VerginiusTricostus Caeliomontanus; T. Veturius Geminus Cicurinus.

493. Post. Cominius Auruncus II; Sp. Cassius Vecellinus II. 

492. T. Geganius Macerinus; P. Minucius Augurinus.   

491. M. Minucius Augurinus II; A. Sempronius Atratinus II.

490. Q. Sulpicius Camerinus Cornutus; Sp. Larcius II.

489. C. Julius Iullus; P. Pinarius Mamercinus Rufus. 

488. Sp. Nautius Rutilus; Sex. Furius.

487. T. Sicinius Sabinus; C. Aquillius Tuscus.

486. Sp. Cassius Vecellinus III; Proculus Verginius Tricostus Rutilus.

485. Q. Fabius Vibulanus; Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis. 

484. L. Aemilius Mamercus; K. Fabius Vibulanus. 

483. M. Fabius Vibulanus; L. Valerius Potitus. 

482. C. Julius Iullus; Q. Fabius Vibulanus II.

481. K. Fabius Vibulanus II; Sp. Furius Fusus. 

480. M. Fabius Vibulanus II; Cn. Manlius Cincinnatus. 

479. K. Fabius Vibulanus III; T. Verginius Tricostus Rutilus.

478. L. Aemilius Mamercus II; C. Servilius Structus Ahala. (Suffectus: Opiter Verginius Tricostus Esquilinus.)

477. C. Horatius Pulvillus; T. Menenius Lanatus. 

476. A. Verginius Tricostus Rutilus; Sp. Servilius Structus.

475. P. Valerius Publicola; C. Nautius Rutilus.

474. L. Furius Medullinus; A. Manlius Vulso.

473. L. Aemilius Mamercus III; Vopiscus Julius Iullus.

472. L. Pinarius Mamercinus Rufus; P. Furius Medullinus Fusus.

471. Ap. Claudius Crassus Sabinus Inregillensis; T. Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus.

470. L. Valerius Potitus II; Ti. Aemilius Mamercus.

469. T. Municius Priscus; A. Verginius Caeliomontanus. 

468. T. Quinctius Capitolinus Barbatus II; Q. Servilius Priscus.  

Dictators. The following were appointed as dictators - their 'magistri equitum' are shown in brackets:  

501. T. Larcius Flavus (Sp. Cassius Vecellinus).

496. A. Postumius Albus Regillensis (T. Aebutius Helva).

494. M'. Valerius Volusus Maximus (Q. Servilius Priscus Structus).  

 

HOMER: "ODYSSEY": BOOK XVI: ODYSSEUS MEETS HIS SON TELEMACHUS.

HOMER: "ODYSSEY": BOOK XVI: ODYSSEUS MEETS HIS SON TELEMACHUS.

Introduction:

The focal point of Book XVI is the reunion of Odysseus with his son Telemachus, and it is significant that for quite some time after this Telemachus is the only person on the island of Ithaca who knows that his father has returned. (In fact, it is not until towards the end of Book XIX that anyone else (i.e. his former nurse Eurycleia) recognises him.) After he arrives at the swineherd's hut, Telemachus sends Eumaeus off to the town to inform his mother that he has returned. In Eumaeus' absence, Odysseus is transformed by the goddess Athene into his true shape and Telemachus eventually realises that he is his father; after their emotional reunion, they begin to make plans for the destruction of the Suitors. In the meantime, a messenger from Telemachus' anchored ship meets Eumaeus on his way to Penelope, and together they give her the news that her son has returned from Pylos. The Suitors, having learned that their plan to ambush Telemachus has failed, begin to make alternative arrangements to deal with him. Penelope enters the Hall of her palace and denounces Antinous, one of the Suitors' leaders, for planning to kill her son, but another one of the Suitors, Eurymachus, then seeks to placate her. Meanwhile, the swineherd Eumaeus returns to his hut and rejoins Telemachus and Odysseus, whom Athene has now changed back into the form of a beggar again, so that Eumaeus should not recognise him. 

A particular feature of Book XVI is the attention given by Homer to the speeches made by the Suitors Antinous and Eurymachus towards the end of the Book. In a remarkably long speech (ll. 364-392) Antinous tries to gain the Suitors' support for the murder of Telemachus and the division of his property between them. After Penelope has publicly rebuked Antinous for his villainous plans, Eurymachus seeks to reassure her in a speech remarkable for its falseness, exaggeration and hypocrisy (ll. 435-447) that Telemachus has nothing to fear, while in fact he too is minded to kill him. The inclusion of these speeches at this point in the "Odyssey" can best be explained by the deaths of the two speakers in the dreadful slaughter of the Suitors in Book XXII. Perhaps Homer felt that revealing the wicked nature of these two men would help to justify the extreme punishment subsequently to be inflicted on them by his hero Odysseus. 

Ll. 1-43. Telemachus at Eumaeus' hut. 

Then, in the hut the two of them, Odysseus and the goodly swineherd, kindled a fire and were getting their breakfast ready at day-break, and they sent off the herdsmen with the pigs (they had) assembled; and the hounds were fawning around Telemachus yelping, but they did not bark as he approached. And godlike Odysseus noticed the hounds (were) fawning, and the sound of his footsteps came to (his ears). And, at once, then, he spoke these winged words to Eumaeus: "Eumaeus, surely some comrade of yours is about to arrive here, or, at least, someone well-known (to you), for the dogs are not barking but are fawning around (him); and I hear the sound of footsteps." 

Nor were these words yet fully spoken, when his dear son stood in the doorway. Then, the swineherd sprang up, full of amazement, and the vessels, with which he was engaged, as he mixed the flaming wine, fell from his hands. And he went to meet his lord, and kissed his forehead and both his sparkling eyes and his two hands; and he shed a big tear. And as a loving father greets his own dear son, coming from a far-off land in the tenth year, his darling only (son), for whom he has suffered much pain, so did the goodly swineherd then cling to godlike Telemachus and kiss (him) all over, like one who has escaped from death; and, as he wept, he addressed these winged words to (him): "You are come, Telemachus, sweet light of my eyes. I thought I should not see you any more, once you had gone in your ship to Pylos. But come now, come in, dear child, so that I may delight in my hear to see you are (here) in (my home), (having) recently (come) from somewhere else. For you do not often visit the farmstead and the herdsmen, but you stay in the town; for so it now gratifies your mind to look upon destroying that gang of suitor-men."

Then did wise Telemachus speak to him in reply: "So shall it be, father; for I came here on account of you, so that I might see you with my own eyes and hear your word as to whether my mother still abides in the palace, or whether some other man has already wedded (her), and Odysseus' bed doubtless lies covered with foul cobwebs for want of bed-clothes." 

Then did the swineherd, that leader of men, answer him:" Yes truly, she abides in your palace with a patient spirit; but the nights and days continue to pass by in sadness as she sheds tears."

So saying, he took his bronze spear from him; and he went inside and stepped over the stone threshold. And, as he entered, his father Odysseus got up from his seat; but Telemachus, from the other side (of the room), checked him and said, "Be seated, stranger; for we shall get a seat from elsewhere in our farmstead; and here (is) the man who will set (one) down." 

Ll. 46-89. Telemachus and Eumaeus discuss what arrangements should be made for the stranger.

So he spoke. And he went and sat down again; and the swineherd spread some green brushwood under him and a fleece on top. Then, Odysseus' dear son sat down there. Now the swineherd put beside them some slices of roast meat, which they had left over from their meal on the previous day, and they hurriedly heaped up bread in wicker baskets and then mixed sweet wine in a rustic wooden bowl; and he himself sat down opposite the godlike Odysseus. and they put out their hands (i.e. they helped themselves) to the food lying ready before (them). But when they had satisfied their desire for food and drink, then did Telemachus address the goodly swineherd: "Father, where does this guest of yours come from? How did sailors bring him to Ithaca? Who did they claim to be? For in no way do I think that he came here on foot."

Then, swineherd Eumaeus, you said to him in reply: "Now then, everything I tell you, (will be) the truth, my child. He claims (to be) a native of the broad (island of) Crete, and says that he has roamed around as an outcast among many of the cities of mankind. For so (he said) has heaven spun the thread of his destiny. But just recently he managed to escape from a ship belonging to men of Thesprotia and came (here) to my farmstead, but I shall hand (him) over to you; you may do with him as you wish; and he claims to be your suppliant."

Then again, the wise Telemachus said to him in reply: "Eumaeus, in very truth these words you speak (are) mortifying (to me); for how then can I receive the stranger in my house? For I am young myself, and cannot yet rely on (the strength of) my hands to ward a man off, when someone older is angry (with me); the heart in my mother's breast is caught in two minds as to whether she should stay here with me and keep my house, out of respect for her husband's bed and public opinion, or whether she should go away with whichever man of the Achaeans is best at wooing her in the palace, and has offered the most wedding gifts. But I promise you, with regard to this stranger, that, since he has come to your house, I shall clothe him in fair raiment, a cloak and a tunic, and I will give (him) a two-edged sword and sandals for his feet, and I shall send him wheresoever his heart and soul tell (him to go). But, if you wish, you may keep (him here) at the farmstead and care for him, and there I shall send the clothes and all the food (for him) to eat, so he shall not exhaust you and your men. But I shall not permit him to come here and meet the suitors, for their reckless violence goes beyond all bounds; should they taunt him, that would be a terrible (source of) distress to me. It is difficult for a man to accomplish anything amongst a crowd, however strong he may be, since they are much more powerful (than he is)."  

Ll. 90-134. Odysseus expresses his opinion, and Telemachus plans to send Eumaeus to Penelope.

Then, the much-enduring godlike Odysseus addressed him once more: "My friend, it is surely now right for me to say something too, as verily my heart was rent asunder when I heard of the reckless conduct such as you say the suitors have committed in your halls, despite you being so (fine a man). Tell me, whether you are willingly oppressed, or whether the people hate you throughout the land, because they are complying with the oracle of a god, or whether you have cause to cast some of the blame upon your brothers, in whose fighting a man should trust, even if a great strife should arise. For if (only) I in my present spirit were as young as you are, (being) either the son of blameless Odysseus, or even (Odysseus) himself, having returned from his wanderings; for (there is) still room for hope; then let some strange man cut off my head at once, if I did not prove myself the bane of (i.e. kill) them all, when I came to the palace of Laertes' son, Odysseus. But, if they should overwhelm me by their numbers, alone as I was, I would rather die, slain in my own halls, than continually behold these shameful deeds, strangers being mistreated, and (men) dragging handmaidens in a shameful manner through these fair halls, and wine being wastefully drawn, and (men) endlessly devouring my bread to no purpose in the same way, with no end to the business (in sight)."

Then, wise Telemachus said to him in reply: "Well then, stranger, I will tell you (everything) totally in accordance with the truth. The people as a whole do not hate me, or bear (me) a grudge, nor have I any reason to blame my brothers, in whose fighting a man may trust, even if great strife should arise. For thus has the son of Cronos made single birth (the rule) in our (family): Arceisius (i.e. son of Zeus) begat Laertes (as) his only son, and, again, did his father begat Odysseus (as) his only (son), and Odysseus begot me (as) his only (son) and left (me) in these halls and had no joy (of me). So foes beyond counting are now in the house. For all the chieftains who hold sway over the islands, Dulichium, and Same and wooded Zacynthus, and those who lord (it) over rocky Ithaca, all these woo my mother and lay waste my house. And she neither rejects a hateful marriage, nor can she make an end (of it); and in their feasting they consume my property; and me myself they will soon bring to ruin also. But, in truth, these (things) lie on the knees (i.e. in the lap) of the gods; but do you go quickly, father (i.e. Eumaeus), and tell the prudent Penelope that she has me safe and sound, and that I have returned from Pylos. But I shall remain here, and do you come back here when you have told (her) alone; and no one of the other Achaeans can learn of (it); for (there are) many (who) are planning evil (things) for me."  

Ll. 135-185. Athene restores to Odysseus his proper appearance. 

Then, swineherd Eumaeus, you said to him in reply: "I see, I understand; you are saying these (things) to a thoughtful (man). But come, tell me this and declare (it) truly, should I go on the same journey (as) a messenger to Laertes also, that unlucky (man), who, in his great grief for Odysseus, used for a while to keep an eye on his farm and eat and drink with the farmhands in his house, when the spirit in his breast moved him; but now, ever since you went on a ship to Pylos, they say that he no longer eats and drinks as before, nor does he keep watch on the farm, but, with groaning and wailing, he sits in sorrow and the flesh withers around his bones."

Then, the wise Telemachus said to him again in reply: "(That's) too bad, but, despite our regrets, we must let him be; for, if it were possible for all (things) to be left to the choice of (us) mortals, we should choose first (of all) the day of my father's return. But do you come (straight) back after you have delivered your message, and do not go wandering across the fields in search of him; but ask my mother to send her busy housekeeper to (him) in secret as quickly as possible; for she might tell the old man." 

So he spoke, and he aroused the swineherd; and he took his sandals in his hands and bound (them) beneath his feet, and went to the city. Nor did it escape the notice of Athene that the swineherd Eumaeus had gone, but she drew near; and she came forth in the shape of a woman, tall and beautiful, and skilled in glorious accomplishments. And she stood just opposite the door of the hut, having made herself visible to Odysseus; but Telemachus neither saw (her) in front of him, nor became aware of her presence, for the gods appear in bodily shape to by no means all (men), but Odysseus and the dogs saw (her), and the (latter) did not bark but they retreated to the other side of the farmstead. Then, she signalled with her eyebrows; and godlike Odysseus noticed (this) and went out of the hall past the great wall of the courtyard and stood before her; then Athene addressed him: "Zeus-sprung son of Laertes, ever-resourceful Odysseus, now tell your story to your son and do not conceal (it), so that, when you have planned together the death and destruction of the suitors, you may go into the renowned city; nor will I myself be away from you for long, eager (as I am) for the battle."

As she spoke, she touched (him) (i.e. Odysseus) with a golden wand. First of all, she placed a well-washed cloak and tunic about his breast, and increased his stature and his youthful bloom. And again he grew dark in colour, and his jaws filled out (lit. stretched) and the beard grew dark around his chin. And, when she had done these things, she went away again; but Odysseus went into the hut; and his son marvelled at him, and, struck with fear, he turned his eyes aside, lest it should be a god, and he spoke to him and addressed (him) with these winged words: "Stranger, you seem to me (to be a person) other than (the one that you were) just a moment ago. In truth, you are a god, one (of those) who hold broad heaven; but be gracious, so that we may give you acceptable offerings and golden gifts, finely wrought; but (please) spare us."  

Ll. 186-224. Odysseus reveals his true identity to Telemachus. 

Then, the much-enduring godlike Odysseus said to him: "To be sure, I am not a god; why (then) do you liken me to the immortals? But I am your father, on whose account you have suffered many sorrows that have made you groan, and you have had to put up with men's violence."

So saying, he kissed his son, and tears ran down his cheeks to the ground; before that, he had always kept his feelings constantly under control.  Then, Telemachus, for he did not yet believe that it was his father, addressed him once more and said these words: "You are not my father Odysseus, but some demon is playing a trick on me, so that I may weep and wail still more. For no mortal man could possibly arrange these (things) through his own mentality, unless a god were to come (to him) himself, readily wanting to make (him) young or old. For just now, to be sure, you were an old man and you were wearing shabby (clothes); but now you are like the gods, who hold broad heaven."

Then, Odysseus, the man of many wiles, said to him in reply: "Telemachus, it is not right that you should be in any way surprised, or so exceedingly taken aback, that your father is inside (the house); for you can be sure that no other Odysseus will ever come here, but I, the man such as you see, after suffering misfortunes and much wanderings, have come in the twentieth year to my native land. But this, let me tell you, (is) the work of Athene, driver of the spoil, and she is accustomed to make me just as she pleases, for she has the power (to do so), at one moment like a beggar and then at another, (like) a young man and (one) wearing fine clothes around his body. And easy (it is) for the gods, who hold broad heaven, both to glorify a mortal man and to debase (him)."   

So saying, down he sat, and Telemachus, having embraced his noble father, cried out and shed tears, and in both of their (hearts) there arose a longing for lamentation; and they wailed aloud more vehemently than birds of prey, vultures or sea-eagles with crooked talons, whose chicks countryfolk have taken from (their nests) before they were fully fledged; thus did they let tears fall piteously from beneath their brows. And now would the light of the sun have gone down upon their weeping, if Telemachus had not suddenly said to his father: "But in what kind of ship, dear father, have sailors now brought you here to Ithaca? (And) who did they say they were? For in no way do I think that you came here on foot."    

Ll. 225-265. Odysseus and Telemachus make plans.

And the much-enduring godlike Odysseus answered him once more: "Well then, I shall tell you the truth. The Phaeacians brought me (here), those renowned sailors, who also send other men on their way, whoever lands on their (coasts). They brought me, even while I was asleep, across the sea in their swift ship and landed (me) on Ithaca, and they gave me splendid gifts, heaps of bronze and gold, and woven garments. And, by the grace of the gods, these (gifts) are lying in caves; now I have come here at the bidding of Athene, so that we could plan the destruction of our enemies. But come now, count up the suitors, and list (them) for me, so that I may know how many, and what kind of men, they are, and so that I may ponder thoughtfully in my noble heart whether we two will be strong enough to take them on alone without others, or whether we shall need to look for others also."

Then, wise Telemachus addressed him in reply: "O Father, I have always heard of your great fame, that you are strong in arm and sage in counsel; but (what) you have said (is) too great; amazement takes hold of me: it cannot be that two men could fight so many (men) and such strong (ones); and of the suitors (there are) not exactly ten or twice that number, but many more: you shall quickly know their number here and now. From Dulichium (there are) fifty-two selected young men, and six working men accompany (them); and from Same there are twenty-four young men, and from Zacynthus there are twenty Achaean youths, and from Ithaca itself there are twelve, all its best, and with them there is Medon, the herald and divine minstrel, and two attendants skilled in carving meat. If we shall encounter all of these within (the halls, take care), lest bitter and dire will be the consequences when you come to take revenge on their violence. But, see if you can think of any helper, who could assist the two of us with a ready heart."

Then, the much enduring godlike Odysseus replied to him once more: "Well then, I will tell (you), and do you take heed and hearken to my (words); now consider whether Athene with her father Zeus can protect the two of us, or whether I should have another helper in mind."

Then, wise Telemachus spoke to him again in reply: "Good indeed (are) those two helpers, of whom you speak, though high in the clouds do they sit; and they rule over all other men and the immortal gods alike."

Ll. 266-307. Odysseus gives Telemachus his orders. 

Then, the much-enduring godlike Odysseus answered him: "For sure, it will not be a long time (before) those two are in the thick of the battle, whenever the warlike spirit is put to the test in my halls between the suitors and ourselves. But, as soon as dawn appears, do you now go to your home and join the company of the haughty suitors. But the swineherd will lead me to the city later on, in the likeness of a wretched old beggar. And, if they should insult me in your house, let the heart in your breast endure me being mistreated, even if they drag (me) by the feet through the house to the door, or throw missiles (at me). But you shall indeed bid (them) cease their folly, seeking to dissuade (them) with soothing words; but in no way will they listen to you; for their fateful day is at hand. And another (thing) will I tell you, and do you lay (it) in your heart: when Athene, rich in counsel, shall put (it) in my mind, I shall nod to you with my head, and, when you see (this), do you take up absolutely all of these war implements that lie in your halls and stow (them) in a corner of the upstairs store-room; but you must reassure the suitors with placatory words, when they shall miss (them) and question you; (You can say:) 'I have rescued (them) from the smoke, since they are no longer like those that Odysseus once left behind when he went to Troy, but they have been badly damaged, inasmuch as the breath of the fire has reached (them). And, furthermore, the son of Cronos has even put this greater (fear) in my heart, that, in a drunken state, you might perhaps start a quarrel among yourselves, and wound one another, and (so) put to shame your feasts and your wooing; for iron itself lures men on.' But for us two alone you must leave behind two swords and two spears, and two ox-hide shields for us to grasp in our hands, so that we may rush upon (them) and seize (them); and then Pallas Athene and Zeus the counsellor will beguile (them). And another (thing) will I tell you, and do you lay (it) in your heart: if indeed you are my (son) and of our blood, then let no one hear that Odysseus is at home, and so neither let Laertes know it, nor the swineherd, nor any of the household, nor Penelope herself, but you and I, by ourselves, will learn the attitude of the women (servants); let us also make trial of any of the serving men (that are) still (here), (to see) whether anyone of them honours us and fears (us) at heart, and who has no concern for us, and has no respect for you, such as you are."       

Ll. 308-350. Telemachus' ship makes harbour. 

Then, his noble son answered him and said: "You will surely come to know of my spirit by and by, I think; for thoughtlessness does not possess me in any way; but I do not think that this (plan) of yours will be to the benefit of us both; so, I bid you reconsider. For you will vainly go about for a long time, making trial of each man as you visit the farms; but in your halls those (men) are blithely devouring your substance in a wanton manner, and with (them) there is no sparing. But, of the women, I do indeed bid you learn both (those) who dishonour you, and (those) who are guiltless; yet, of the men in the farmsteads, I do not want us to make trial (of them), but to deal with these (things) later on, if you really do know of some portent of Zeus, who bears the aegis." 

Thus they spoke to each other about the situation, and then the well-built ship that brought Telemachus and all his companions from Pylos began to come in to land at Ithaca. And, when they came into its very deep harbour, they hauled the black ship on to the land, and proud squires carried away their gear, and straightway they brought the very beautiful gifts to (the house) of Clytius (i.e. the father of Peiraeus, the friend of Telemachus). Then, they sent out a herald to the house of Odysseus to bring a message to the prudent Penelope, that Telemachus (was) in the country, and had commanded the ship to sail on to the city, lest the noble queen might grow anxious in her heart, and let gentle tears drop down, and the two of them, the herald and the goodly swineherd, met face to face, while they were bearing the same message to the lady. But, when they reached the palace of the godlike king, the herald spoke out in the midst of the handmaids: "Now, let me tell you, my queen, your son has come back."    

But the swineherd came close to Penelope and told (her) everything that her son had told him to say. But, when he had said all (the things) that he had been told to say, he went his way among the pigs, and left both the courtyard and the hall.  

But the suitors were dismayed and downcast in spirit, and out of the hall they came past the great wall of the courtyard, and there they sat down before the gates. Then, Eurymachus, son of Polybus, began to speak to them: "My friends, surely a great deed has arrogantly been performed by Telemachus in this journey (of his); we did not think it could be achieved by him. But come (now), let us launch a black ship, the best one (we have), and let us gather seamen as rowers, that they may send word most quickly to those (men who are out there) to return home soon."

Ll. 351-392. Antinous suggests to the suitors that they should kill Telemachus. 

He had not yet said everything, when Amphinomus, turning around in his place, saw a ship in the very deep harbour, and men taking in the sail, and holding their oars in their hands. Then, with a burst of merry laughter, he addressed his comrades: "Let us not send a message any more; for they (are) back home. Either one of the gods told them of this, or they themselves saw the ship going past, but they could not catch her." 

So he spoke, and they arose and went to the shore of the sea, and they quickly dragged the black ship on land, and the high-spirited squires carried off their gear; then, they themselves went as a body to the place of assembly, and no one else would they allow to sit with them, either young (men) or old (ones).  Then, Antinous, son of Eupeithes, spoke among them: "What a shame it is that the gods have saved that man from destruction. All day long watchmen sat on the windswept mountain peaks one after another in a line; and, whenever the sun went down, we never slept ashore at night, but, sailing on the sea in our swift ship we awaited the bright dawn, lying in wait for Telemachus, so that we might catch and kill (the man) himself; and, in the meantime, some god has brought him home, but here and now let us devise a woeful death for him, Telemachus (that is), and let him not escape us; for, while that man lives, I do not think this business of ours will be accomplished. For (he) himself (is) shrewd both in council and in scheming, and the people no longer speak of us with any favour at all. But come (now), before he calls the Achaeans together to the place of assembly - for I do not think that he will let things go at all, but he will be full of wrath and will rise up among (them) all and tell how we planned his utter destruction, but did not catch (him); and, when they hear of our misdeeds, they will not approve of (them); there is a risk that they will do us some harm and drive us away from our native-land, and we shall come to the land of strangers; but let us act first and seize (him) in the country far from the city, or on the road; and we should keep his livelihood and his property, dividing (it) properly between us, but the house we should give back to his mother to hold, and (to the man) whom she should marry. But, if this suggestion is displeasing to you, and you want him to live and to keep all his father's (possessions), then let us not continue to gather together there in that house and consume his store of pleasant goods, but let each one of us seek to woo (her) from his own hall with his bridal gifts; and she would then wed the one who shall offer the most and (who) comes appointed by fate."  

Ll. 393-433. Penelope rebukes the Suitors. 

So he spoke and they all became hushed in silence. And Amphinomus sat in debate with them and spoke to (them); (he was) the splendid son of lord Nisus, son of Aretias, and he led the suitors from grassy Dulichium, rich in wheat, and he especially pleased Penelope with his words; for he was endowed with a kind disposition; he addressed (them) with good intent and spoke (these words) to them: "My friends, I surely would not wish to kill Telemachus; a dreadful (thing) it is to slay (one) born of royal blood; but first let us seek to know the will of the gods. If the oracles of almighty Zeus should acquiesce (in it), I myself will slay (him) and bid all the others (do so); but if the gods should turn away from (this), I bid you desist."  

So spoke Amphinomus, and his words were pleasing to them. Then they rose at once, and went to the house of Odysseus, and, going in, they sat down on the polished seats. 

Then, the wise Penelope had another thought, to show herself to the suitors in (all) their arrogant pride. For she had learned of the (intended) destruction of her son in their halls; for the herald Medon, who had heard of the plot, told her (about it). So she went on her way to the hall with her attendant women. But, when that most divine of women came to the wooers, she stood by the pillar of the strongly-built roof, and, having put her glistening veil before her cheeks, she addressed Antinous by name, and reproved (him) in these words: "Antinous, you (are) a pride-bearing schemer of evil, and yet (men) say that you are foremost among your contemporaries in the land of Ithaca in counsel and in speech; but (now we know that) you were not such (a man) after all. (You) madman, why do you plot the death and destruction of Telemachus, yet you show no care for the suppliants, for whom Zeus (is) witness? For (it is) a sacrilege for one (suppliant) to plot evil (things) against another. Or do you not know (of the time) when your father (i.e. Eupeithes) came to this house as a fugitive, in terror of the people? For, at that time, they were very angry with (him), because he had accompanied the Taphian pirates in harrying the Thesprotians; for the (latter) were in league with us; so, they wanted to slay him and deprive (him) of his life, and to devour his great and pleasant livelihood; but Odysseus held (them) back and protected (him), despite their eagerness. Now you are consuming his household without charge, and you are wooing his wife and seeking to slay his son, and you are causing me great distress; but (now) I am commanding you to stop (all this) and to tell the others (to stop as well)." 

Ll. 434-481. Eurymachus makes a treacherous speech; Eumaeus brings Telemachus the latest news about the Suitors' ship. 

Then did Eurymachus, son of Polybus, say to her in reply: "Daughter of Icarius, wise Penelope, keep your courage up; indeed, do not let these (things) cause your mind anxiety. The man does not exist, nor will he exist, nor will he (ever) be born, who shall lay his hands upon your son Telemachus, while I live (and breathe) and see (the light of day) upon the earth. For so I assure you, and it will surely come to pass: his black blood will soon be gushing around my spear, since Odysseus, the sacker of cities, often used to set me on his knees and put roasted meat in my fingers and offer (me) red wine. So, Telemachus is the dearest of all (men) to me, and I bid him have no fear of death at all, at least with regard to the suitors; but from the gods there is no escape." 

Thus he spoke to encourage (her), but he himself was plotting his death. So then, she went up to her glittering upper chamber, and, then, she wept for her beloved husband, until bright-eyed Athene cast sweet sleep upon her eyelids. 

In the evening the goodly swineherd returned to Odysseus and his son; now, they were busily preparing supper, having killed a yearling pig. Then, Athene came close to Laertes' son, Odysseus, and smote (him) with her wand and made (him) an old man once more, and she put dirty clothes around his body, lest the swineherd might recognise him if he saw (him) face to face, and go to prudent Penelope with the news, and not keep it secret in his mind. Now, Telemachus spoke to him first: "You have come, goodly Eumaeus. What, then, is the news in the town? Are those heroic suitors already back at home from that ambush, or are they still out there watching for me on my way home?"

Then, Eumaeus the swineherd, you said to him in reply: "I was not inclined to go down to the town, asking and inquiring about these (things); my heart bade me come back here, as soon as I had delivered my message. And a swift messenger from your companions accompanied me, a herald who was the first to give the news to your mother. And I know something else, let me tell you; for I saw it with my own eyes. As I was going on my way, I was now high above the city, where the hill of Hermes is, when I saw a swift ship coming into our harbour; and there were many men in her, and she was laden with shields and double-pointed spears; and I thought it was those very (men), but I do not know for sure."

So he spoke, and the supernaturally strong Telemachus smiled as he glanced with his eyes at his father, but he avoided (the eyes of) the swineherd. 

Now, when they had ceased from their labour and had prepared the meal, they feasted, nor did their hearts stand in any need of an equal feast. But, when they had satisfied their desire for food and drink, they thought of rest and took the gift of sleep. 

HOMER: "ILIAD": BOOK XV: THE ACHAEANS AT BAY.

HOMER: "ILIAD": BOOK XV: THE ACHAEANS AT BAY.

Introduction:

This book completes the three-book 'retardation' of the plot of the "Iliad" for the purpose of entertainment, which began with Book XIII, and like the previous two books Book XV is immensely enjoyable to read. The Book's structure is relatively complex, and divides into the following five sections: i) Zeus awakes on Mount Ida and arranges to reverse the situation (ll. 1-280); ii) the Achaeans are driven back to their defensive positions (ll. 281-366); iii) interludes involving Nestor and Patroclus (ll. 367-404); iv) the fighting at the ships (ll. 405-591); and v) Hector's breakthrough to the ships (ll. 592-746). The first of these five sections is especially significant because it includes within it Zeus' speech to Hera, in which the future outcome of the siege of Troy is revealed (see ll. 49-77). The last two of these sections are almost entirely taken up with details of fighting, and make good reading for Trojan enthusiasts, since it is in this book that the Trojans enjoy their greatest moments of success in the whole of the 'Iliad'. Sabidius has not made use of the ancient title of the Book, παλίωξις παρὰ τῶν νεῶν ("The Repulse from the Ships"), since this applies only to the situation at the beginning.

Ll. 1-33. Zeus' fury at the rout of the Trojans. 

But, when they (i.e. the Trojans), in their flight, had crossed the stakes and the trench, and many had been brought down at the hands of the Danaans, then, as they stayed by their chariots, they were brought to a halt, panic-stricken and pale with fear. And Zeus awoke on the peaks of (Mount) Ida, beside Hera of the golden throne, and he sprang up and stood (erect), and he saw the Trojans and the Achaeans, the former thrown into confusion, and the Argives behind (them) driving (them) on, and the lord Poseidon among them; and he saw Hector lying on the plain, and his comrades were sitting around (him), and he was gripped with painful breathing, dazed in mind, (and) vomiting blood, for it was not the feeblest of the Achaeans who had smitten him (i.e. he had in fact been smitten by Ajax the Greater.) Seeing him, the father of men and gods felt pity, and, frowning terribly, he said these words to Hera: "Now in very truth (it is) your artful trick (that) has taken Hector out of the battle and put his army to flight. I truly know not whether you are to be the first to reap the results of your grievous ill-contrivance, and I shall scourge you with stripes. Or do you not remember when you were hung up on high and I suspended two anvils from your feet and placed an unbreakable golden band around your wrists? And in the air and amid the clouds you did hang; and throughout high Olympus the gods were indignant, but they were not able to set you free. And whomever I caught I would seize and hurl from the threshold, so that they fell to earth with little strength (in them) (i.e. this seems to be referring to the fate of Hephaestus, punished by Zeus for trying to come to the aid of his mother); yet not even so would that ceaseless pain for godlike Heracles let go of my heart: you, together with the North Wind, prevailed on the blasts and sent him over the barren sea, and then, in your evil scheming, you carried him off to the well-inhabited (island of) Cos (i.e. an island off the south-west coast of Asia Minor). From there I rescued him and brought (him) back again to horse-rearing Argos (i.e. the Peloponnese), even though he had suffered many hardships. I will remind you of these (things) again, in order that you may desist from your deceitful ways, to the end that you may see whether love-making and the bed, where you lay (with me), were of any help to you, when you came from the gods and tricked me." 

Ll. 34-77. Zeus prophesies the course of the war. 

So he spoke, and the ox-eyed queenly Hera shuddered and, in speaking, she said these winged words to him: "May Earth now witness this, and broad Heaven above, and the downstreaming water of the Styx, which is the greatest and most dread (basis of) an oath for the blessed gods, and your own sacred head, and the marriage-bed belonging to the two of us, something on which I would never swear a false oath - (it is) not by my will that Poseidon, the earthshaker, is doing harm to the Trojans and Hector, and giving succour to the (others) (i.e. the Achaeans), but methinks it is his own heart that drives (him) on and prompts (him), and, when he saw the Achaeans in sore distress by their ships, he took pity on (them). But, let me tell you, I would exhort even him to walk in that way in which you, lord of the dark clouds, may lead (him)." 

So she spoke, and the father of gods and men smiled, and spoke these winged words to her in answer: "If you, (O) ox-eyed queenly Hera, are now thinking the same as me, as you sit among the immortals, in that case Poseidon, even if he wants (something) very different, would quickly alter the direction of his mind to follow your heart and mine. But, if you are speaking truly and honestly, go now among the tribes of the gods and summon Iris and Apollo, renowned for his bow, to come here, so that she may go amid the host of the bronze-clad Achaeans, and tell lord Poseidon to stop fighting and return to his own house, and let Phoebus Apollo spur Hector into battle, and breathe strength into (him) once more, and make him forget the pains which are now distressing (him) around the heart, and may he turn the Achaeans back again and push (them) into feeble flight, and, as they flee, they shall collapse into the well-benched ships of Peleus' son, Achilles; and he will send his comrade Patroclus into action; and glorious Hector will slay him with his spear in front of Ilium, after he has slain many other vigorous (men), and among them my son, godlike Sarpedon. And in his anger for his (friend), godlike Achilles will slay Hector. Then, from that time forth, let me tell you, I shall ensure a continuous return pursuit from the ships right up until the Achaeans shall take steep Ilium through the schemes of Athene. But before then, I shall not cease my rage, or allow any other of the immortals to bring help here to the Danaans, until the desire of Peleus' son has been fulfilled, just as I promised him in the first place, and gave the nod to with my head, on that day when the goddess Thetis clasped my knees, as she begged me to show honour to Achilles, sacker of cities." 

Ll. 78-112. Hera warns the gods to obey Zeus.  

So he spoke, and the white-armed goddess Hera did not disobey, and she went forth from the mountains of Ida to high Olympus. As when the mind of a man, who has travelled over many lands, shoots thoughts into his subtle imagination, and he calls many (things) to mind, (saying to himself) "Let me be here, or there," so did queenly Hera fly swiftly on her way in her eagerness; and she came to steep Olympus and found the immortal gods gathered together in the house of Zeus; and, when they saw (her), they all sprang up and welcomed her with cups (of drink). She let the others be, but took a cup from Themis with the fair cheeks; for she came running to meet (her) first, and, in addressing her she spoke these winged words: "Hera, why have you come? You look distraught; now in very truth, the son of Cronos, (he) who (is) your husband, must have alarmed you."   

Then, the white-armed goddess Hera answered her: "Do not ask me about this, goddess Themis; you know yourself how overbearing and harsh his nature (is). But do you now make preparations for a shared banquet for the gods in the palace; and you will hear, together with all the immortals, of those evil deeds which Zeus is proposing; nor do I think there will be any joy in the hearts of all alike, either mortals or gods, even if anyone is still now feasting happily." 

Having spoken thus, queenly Hera sat down, and throughout Zeus's house the gods are angered; and she laughed with her lips, but the forehead above her eye-brows was not relaxed; and in her annoyance she said to all (of them): "We who rage foolishly against Zeus are idiots; indeed, we still have it in mind to draw near (to him) to try to stop him, either by argument or by force; but he, sitting apart (from us), neither notices (us) nor cares about us; for he says that he is by far the best among the immortal gods, both in power and in strength. Therefore, you must endure whatever evil (thing) he may send to each of you. For now I believe that sorrow has already been inflicted upon Ares; for his son, to him the dearest of men, has perished in battle, Ascalaphus (i.e. co-commander of the Minyan contingent from Orchomenos), (that is), (he) whom mighty Ares declares to be his own."

Ll. 113-148.  Athene rebukes Ares. 

So she spoke, but Ares slapped his sturdy thighs with the flat of his hands, and, in his sorrow, spoke these words: "(O you) who have your dwellings on Olympus, do not blame me now for going to the ships of the Trojans to avenge my son, even if (it is) my fate to be struck by a thunderbolt of Zeus and to lie with the corpses amid blood and dust."

So he spoke and he bade Terror and Rout (i.e. the sons of Ares and Aphrodite) to harness his horses, while he himself put on his gleaming armour. Then, an even greater and more bitter rage and fury would have broken out between Zeus and the other immortals, if Athene, seized with great fear for all the gods, had not gone out through the doorway and left the chair where she was sitting, and taken the helmet from his (i.e. Ares') head and the shield from his shoulders, and, taking the bronze spear from his sturdy hand, she stood (it) up (against a wall); then, she rebuked the angry Ares with these words: "You deranged madman, you are out of your mind; in vain do you have ears to hear, and your understanding and sense of right are gone from you. Did you not hear what the white-armed goddess Hera said, she who has just now come from the side of Olympian Zeus? Do you yourself wish to endure many woes and to be forced to go back to Olympus despite your grief, and to sow the seeds of suffering for all the rest (of us)? For he will instantly leave the high-spirited Trojans and the Achaeans, and he will come back to Olympus to wreak havoc on us, and to deal with us one after the other, the guilty and the guiltless alike. Therefore, I bid you now to let go of your anger for your good son; for (many) a man, (who is) better in might and (strength of) hand than he, has either been struck down already or will be felled hereafter; and hard (it is) to protect all men's family and offspring."

So saying, she made the angry Ares sit down on his seat. Then, Hera called Apollo and Iris, the messenger of the gods, out of the hall, and she spoke to them, and addressed these winged words (to them): "Zeus bids you go to Ida as quickly as possible; and when you have come, and looked upon the face of Zeus, you are to do whatever he may urge and command."

Ll. 149-183. Iris carries Zeus' message to Poseidon. 

When she had spoken thus, queenly Hera came back and sat down on her chair, and the two of them darted off in flight. They came to Ida with its many fountains, the mother of wild beasts, and found the far-seeing son of Cronos seated on the top of Gargaron (i.e. the central peak of Mount Ida, and one of Zeus's favourite vantage points); and a fragrant cloud was wreathed around him. And the two came before Zeus the cloud-gatherer; and, when he saw them, he was not angered in his heart, as they had promptly obeyed his dear wife's instructions. And he spoke these winged words to Iris first: "Go away with you, swift Iris, bear all these (tidings) to lord Poseidon, and do not bring (him) a false message. Tell him to cease from war and battle, and go to join the tribes of gods or into the bright sea. And, if he will not obey my words, but pays no regard to (them), let him then consider in his mind and heart that, even though he is strong, he may not be able to withstand my attack, for I declare that I am much better than him in strength and that I was born before (him); yet in his heart he does not take heed of this, when he says that he is on equal terms with me, of whom even the other gods are in dread."    

So he spoke, and Iris, with her feet as swift as the wind, did not disobey, but she went down from the hills of Ida to sacred Ilium. And, as when snow or chilly hail flies from the clouds, (driven) by a blast of the air-born North Wind, even so did swift Iris fly, rushing eagerly, and she drew near to and addressed the renowned earthshaker: "I have come here, bringing a certain message for you, (O) dark-haired upholder of the earth, from aegis-bearing Zeus. He commands you to cease from war and battle, (and) to go to join the tribes of gods or into the bright sea. And if you will not comply with his words, but pay no regard (to them), then he threatens to come here himself to fight against (you); and (he warns) you to keep out of his hands, since he says that he is far better than you in strength and that he was born before (you); yet your heart does not take heed (of this), but you declare that you are equal with him, of whom even the other gods are in dread."

Ll. 184-219. Despite his anger, Poseidon is persuaded by Iris to comply with Zeus's instructions.   

Then, greatly disturbed, the renowned Earthshaker, spoke to her: "For shame, strong though he may be, he has spoke arrogantly if he seeks to restrain me by force against my will, when I am equal (to him) in honour. For we are three brothers, whom Rhea begot by Cronos, Zeus and I, and the third (is) Hades, lord of those who live beneath the earth. And everything has been divided into three parts, and each one (of us) has obtained his share of honour. When (we) shook the lots, it is indeed the case that I obtained possession of the grey sea as my eternal habitation, and Hades won the murky darkness, and Zeus won the broad heaven amid the air and the clouds; but the earth and lofty Olympus (were) yet common to (us) all. Therefore, I shall in no way live according to the will of Zeus, but however strong he is, let him abide quietly in his own third share. Let him try not to frighten me like (I was) some utter coward; for it would be better (for him) to threaten with his fearful words the daughters and sons, whom he himself begot, and they will be forced to listen to his goadings."

Then Iris, with her feet as swift as the wind, answered him: "(O) dark-haired upholder of the earth, is this then really the message, harsh and unyielding, that I am to bear to Zeus, or will you alter (it) in some way? For the hearts of the good (are) pliable. You know how the Furies always follow (the interests of) the elder-born." 

Then, the Earthshaker Poseidon addressed her again; "Goddess Iris, you have spoken these words very much in accordance with the truth; and a good thing it is, when a messenger thinks sensibly. But this dread distress comes over my heart and soul, when he is willing to abuse with angry words (someone) who has an equal share with him, and (who is) destined to have a common endowment. But now indeed I shall give way, despite my anger; but let me tell you something else, and I make this threat in my wrath; if, despite myself and Athene, driver of the spoil, (and) Hera, and Hermes, and lord Hephaestus, he shall spare lofty Ilium and shall be prepared not to utterly destroy (it), and not to give great might to the Argives, let him know this, that between us two there shall be an incurable anger."

So saying, the Earthshaker left the host of the Achaeans, and went to the sea and plunged (into it), and the Achaean warriors missed (him) sorely.    

Ll. 220-252. Apollo goes to revive Hector.  

And then cloud-gathering Zeus addressed Apollo: "Go now dear Phoebus to bronze-armoured Hector; for now indeed has the Upholder and Shaker of the Earth gone into the bright sea to avoid our utter wrath, for others too would have heard our great strife. That is the gods who are in the lower regions (of the earth) (i.e. the Titans), (gathered) as they are around Cronos. But it was much better both for me and for him that, before (that happened), he escaped my hands, despite his anger, since (the matter) could not have been resolved without sweat. But do you take in your hands the tasselled aegis, and shake it hard so as to strike fear into the Achaean warriors; and for yourself, far-shooter, let glorious Hector be your concern. for now you must arouse his great might, until the Achaeans come fleeing to their ships and the Hellespont. Then, I myself shall consider what is to be said and done, so that the Achaeans may once more get a respite from their toil." 

So he spoke, and Apollo did not fail to obey his father, but down he went from the hills of Ida like a swift dove-killing hawk, which is the swiftest of winged creatures. He found the son of thoughtful Priam, godlike Hector, sitting up, and no longer lying (on the ground), and he was just beginning to recover his consciousness and to recognise the friends around him, while his gasping and sweating ceased, as the will of aegis-bearing Zeus revived him. Then, Apollo, who works from afar, drew near and said to (him): "Hector, son of Priam, why are you sitting (here) powerlessly, apart from the others? Has some trouble perhaps come upon you?" 

Then, in his feeble state, Hector of the shining helmet said to him: "Which of the gods are you, most mighty one, who asks me this face to face? Do you not know that, as I was slaying his comrades by the sterns of the Achaeans' ships, Ajax, good at the war-cry (i.e. Ajax the Greater, or Ajax, son of Telamon), struck me on the chest with a large stone, and put a stop to my impetuous might? Then I thought that I should behold the dead and the house of Hades on that day, when I had breathed out my life."    

Ll. 253-280. Hector revives and leads the Trojans into battle once more. 

Then, lord Apollo, who works from afar, spoke to him again: "Be of good cheer now; (for) the son of Cronos has sent you such a helper from Ida, to stand by your side and assist (you), (namely) Phoebus Apollo of the golden sword, and I will keep you safe, as I did before, yourself and your lofty citadel alike. But come now, tell your host of charioteers to drive their swift horses to the hollow ships; and I will go ahead and smooth the whole way for the horses, and turn the Achaean warriors to flight."

So saying, he breathed great strength into the shepherd of the host. And, as when a stalled horse, fully fed with barley at the manger, breaks his halter and gallops over the plain, stamping (his feet), and, being wont to bathe in the waters of the fair-flowing river, he exults; and he holds his head on high and his mane streams around his shoulders; and, relying as he does on his splendour, his knees nimbly bear him to the haunts and pasture of the mares, so does Hector lightly ply his feet and knees, urging on his charioteers, since he has heard the voice of a god. But, as when dogs and men of the countryside pursue a horned stag or a wild goat, but a sheer rock-face or a shadowy thicket save him (from them), nor was it destined for them to catch (him), then, due to their clamour, a bearded lion appears in their path, and at once it turns them all away, despite their eagerness; so, for a time, the Danaans constantly followed them in droves, thrusting with their swords and their two-headed spears, but, when they saw Hector going up and down the ranks of his men, they were alarmed, and the spirits of (them) all sank down to their feet. 

Ll. 281-311. Thoas rallies the Achaeans. 

Then, Thoas, the son of Andraemon, addressed them, (he who was) by far the best of the Aetolians, skilled at throwing the javelin and in close fighting, and few of the Achaeans could surpass him in the place of assembly, when young men competed in debate; he addressed them in a well-meaning manner and spoke these words among (them): "Well this (is) certainly a great marvel that I behold with my eyes, how Hector has avoided the fates and is back on his feet once more; for sure, the heart of each one (of us) had really hoped that he had died beneath the hand of Ajax, son of Telamon. But one of the gods has again rescued and saved Hector, (he) who has loosened the knees of many Danaans, as I think will now happen again; for not without (the help of) Zeus the thunderer could he stand forth so eagerly as their foremost man. But come, even as I say, let us all obey. Let us order the bulk of our troops to go back to the ships; but we who declare ourselves to be the best (men) in the army, let us take our stand, (to see) if we can meet (him) first and hold (him) off with our outstretched spears; for I think that, despite his eagerness, he will fear in his heart to enter the throng of the Danaans."

So he spoke, and they readily listened to him and obeyed; those who were in the company of Ajax and lord Idomeneus (i.e. king of Crete), Teucer (i.e. half-brother of Telamonian Ajax and the best archer in the Achaean army) and Meriones (i.e. second-in-command of the Cretan contingent) and Meges (i.e. leader of the men from Dulichium and the Echinades), peer of Ares, summoned their best (men) and formed a battle-line to face Hector and the Trojans; but behind (them) the bulk of the troops made their way back to the ships of the Achaeans. 

The Trojans charged forward in a mass, and Hector was at their head, taking long strides; and before him went Phoebus Apollo, wrapping a cloud around his shoulders, and he bore the impetuous aegis, a fearful (thing) distinguished by its shaggy tassels, which the coppersmith Hephaestus gave to Zeus to put men to flight; bearing this in his hands, he (i.e. Apollo) led on the host. 

Ll. 312-342. Apollo and Hector inflict serious losses on the Achaeans.

But the Argives, packed together, held their ground, and a shrill war-cry arose from both sides, and arrows leapt from the bow-string; many spears (were propelled) by bold hands, and some lodged in the flesh of vigorous (young men), swift in battle, but many, (though) longing to taste flesh, stuck in the earth between (them), before they could reach white skin. Now, as long as Phoebus Apollo held the aegis motionless in his hands, so missiles from both sides readily reached their target and men continued to fall. But, when he looked straight into the faces of the Danaans with their swift horses and shook the aegis, and he himself shouted very loudly at (them), then he bewitched the hearts within their breasts, and they forsook their fighting spirit. As when two wild beasts drive a herd of cattle or a great flock of sheep in confusion, coming upon them suddenly in the dead of a black night when their herdsman was not present, so in their enfeebled state were the Achaeans put to flight; for Apollo had put fear into (them), and granted glory to the Trojans and to Hector.      

Then man slew man as the battle-line broke in pieces. Hector struck down Stichius and Arcesilaus, the latter a leader of the bronze-coated Boeotians, and the former a trusty comrade of great-hearted Menestheus (i.e. the commander of the Athenians); and Aeneas (i.e. son of Anchises and the leader of the Dardanians) slew Medon and Iasus. Now Medon was a bastard son of godlike Oïleus (i.e. king of the Locrians) and a half-brother of Ajax (i.e. Ajax the Lesser); but he dwelt in Phylace (i.e. a town in Thessaly), away from his native-land, for he had slain a man (who was) a kinsman of his step-mother Eriopis; and Iasus had been made a leader of the Athenians, and he was called the son of Sphelus, son of Boucolus. And Polydamas slew Mecisteus, and Polites (i.e. son of Priam) (slew) Echius in the forefront of the battle, and godlike Agenor (i.e. son of Antenor, the renowned  Trojan elder) slew Clonius. And Paris (i.e. son of Priam and husband of Helen) struck Deïochus from behind on the base of his shoulder, as he fled among the front-fighters, and he drove the bronze (point) right through. 

Ll. 343-378. Apollo and Hector drive the Achaeans back to their ships. 

While they were stripping the (bodies) of their armour, so the Achaeans were falling into the trench they had dug and on to its stakes, and they were fleeing in all directions and were forced to dive down behind their wall. Then, Hector called out to the Trojans, shouting loudly, "Fall upon their ships and leave the blood-stained spoils alone. Whomever I shall espy on the other side, far away from their ships, there I shall contrive his death, nor then will his kinsmen and kinswomen win the rite of burning his body, (when he is) dead, but dogs will tear (it) apart in front of our city."

So saying, he drove on his horses from his shoulder with a whip, calling on the Trojans along the ranks; and they all called out together with him and guided their chariot-drawing horses with wondrous sounds; and before (them) Phoebus Apollo easily dashed down the banks of the deep ditch with his feet and cast (their pieces) into the space between, and he piled up a causeway long and broad, with (a width) as great as is the flight of a spear (i.e. ten to  twenty paces), whenever a man should make a trial of his strength. So they poured across this in their massed ranks, and before (them went) Apollo, bearing the precious aegis; and very easily did he cast down the wall of the Achaeans, as when a boy (knocks down) a sandcastle near the sea, and so, when he makes a plaything in his childishness, then again he flattens (it) with his hands and feet as he plays. So did you, lord Phoebus, disturb the great toil and hardship of the Argives and send (them) into flight. 

And so they halted and stood by the side of their ships, and they called out to one another, and, raising their hands to all of the gods, they prayed aloud, each one (of them); and Nestor, the Gerenian, warden of the Achaeans, prayed most of all, stretching out his hands to the starry sky: "(O) father Zeus, if ever anyone of us in Argos, very rich in corn, burned the fat thigh-bones of an ox or a ram, and prayed that he might return, and you nodded in assent and promised (it), be you mindful of these (things) and ward off, (O) Olympian, the pitiless day (of doom); and do not allow the Achaeans to be vanquished by the Trojans."

So he spoke in prayer, and Zeus the counsellor thundered loudly, as he heard the prayers of the aged son of Neleus.  

Ll. 379-404. The fighting at the ships.

But, when the Trojans heard the thunder of Zeus, who bears the aegis, they leapt all the more on the Argives, and filled their minds with the joy of battle. As a huge wave of the broad-pathed sea sweeps down over the sides of a ship, when the force of the wind drives it on - for it swells the waves especially; so did the Trojans sweep over the wall with a great cry, and, driving their horses, they (fought) at close quarters from their chariots by the sterns (of the ships) with their double-pointed spears, while the (Achaeans) climbed up high (and fought) from their black ships with their long javelins which lay on board the ships, jointed (i.e. held together by metal clasps) and shod in bronze at their tips. 

And Patroclus, as long as the Achaeans and the Trojans were fighting around the the wall outside the swift ships, then he sat in the hut of the manly Eurypylus and gladdened him with talk, as he was applying medicines on his grievous wound as a remedy for his dark pains. But now, when he saw the Trojans charging at the wall, and there was a cry of panic from the Danaans, then he let out a groan and slapped his two thighs with the flat of his hands, and, in his sorrow spoke these words: "Eurypylus, I cannot stay beside you here any longer, however much you may need (it); for now a mighty struggle has arisen. But may your squire bring you comfort, while I shall hasten to Achilles to urge (him) to go into battle. But who knows, perhaps with a god's (help) I may stir his spirit and win (him) over? For the encouragement of a comrade is a good (thing)."   

Ll. 405-441. Men on both sides continue to die by the ships. 

As he (i.e. Patroclus) spoke, his feet carried him away; now the Achaeans firmly withstood the Trojans (who were) attacking (them), but they could not push (them) back from their ships, even though they were lesser (in number); nor could the Trojans ever break up the ranks of the Danaans and get among their huts and their ships. But, as the carpenter's line keeps straight the (cutting of) a ship's timber in the hands of an experienced workman, who is well-skilled in all (aspects of) his craft through the inspiration of Athene, so was their war and battle stretched tightly on level (terms); and one side fought a battle around the other (men's) ships, but Hector went straight for glorious Ajax. Then, the two of them struggled around a single ship, nor could the one (i.e. Hector) drive back the other (i.e. Ajax) and set the ship on fire, nor could the other push him back, since a god (i.e. Apollo) had brought (him) there. Then did glorious Ajax strike Caletor, son of Clytius (i.e. the brother of Priam), on the breast as he was bringing fire to the ship. And he fell with a crash and the firebrand dropped from his hand. But, when Hector beheld with his eyes that his cousin had fallen in the dust in front of the black ship, he called to the Trojans and Lycians, shouting loudly: "(You) Trojans and Lycians, and (you) Dardanians that fight in close combat, do not give any ground in this phase of the battle, but you must rescue the son of Clytius, so that the Achaeans do not strip him of his armour, now that he has fallen among the assembly of the ships." 

So saying, he took aim at Ajax with his bright spear. Him he missed, but then (he did hit) Lycophron, son of Mastor, a squire of Ajax from Cythera, who lived with him, as he had slain a man in sacred Cythera, and he smote him on the head above the ear with his sharp bronze, as he stood near Ajax; and he fell to the ground on his back in the dust from the stern of the ship, and his knees were loosed. Then, Ajax shuddered and said to his brother: "Dear Teucer, our faithful comrade has now been slain, (namely) the son of Mastor, whom, when he came to our household from Cythera, we honoured in our halls, (as did) our parents equally; him has great-hearted Hector slain. Where now (are those) quick-killing arrows of yours, and that bow that Phoebus Apollo gave you?" 

Ll. 442-477. Hector receives divine protection from Teucer's arrows.

So he (i.e. Ajax) spoke, and the other one (i.e. Teucer) heard him and ran and stood near to him, holding in his hand his bent-back bow and his quiver full of arrows; and very quickly did he begin to fire his darts at the Trojans. And he hit Cleitus, the glorious son of Peisenor, the comrade (i.e. he was also his charioteer) of Polydamas, the noble son of Panthoüs, as he was holding the reins in his hands; and he was busy with the horses, for he was guiding (them) to the place where by far the most of the battalions were fleeing in confusion, so as to please Hector and the Trojans; but evil swiftly came upon him, and not one (of them) could ward it off, eager though they were (to do so). For the fatal arrow landed on the back of his neck; and he fell from the chariot, and the horses swerved aside, rattling the empty carriage. And lord Polydamas saw (this), and (was) the first to go over to the horses. These he gave to Astynoüs, the son of Protiaön, and he told (him) to keep an eye on the horses and to hold (them) closely; and he himself went back and mingled with the foremost fighters.  

Then, Teucer drew another arrow for bronze-armoured Hector, and would have made (him) cease from battle by the ships of the Achaeans, if he had hit him in all his glory and taken away his life. But this had not escaped the notice of the cautious mind of Zeus, who was keeping watch on Hector, and he deprived Telamonian Teucer of his triumph, and broke the well-twisted string in his excellent bow; and his arrow loaded with bronze went off course in another direction, and the bow fell from his hand. Then, Teucer shuddered and said to his brother: "For shame, in truth a god is utterly destroying out battle plans, and he has cast the bow from my hands and he has broken the newly-twisted string that I bound on (it) this morning, so that it would withstand the arrows that would frequently spring from (it)." 

Then, great Telamonian Ajax answered him (thus): "Very well, my friend, but let your bow and your cluster of arrows lie (where they are), since some god, out of antipathy to the Danaans, has rendered (them) useless; but take a long spear in your hands and a shield upon your shoulder and do battle with the Trojans, and urge on the rest of your host. Even though they may be victorious over (us), they shall not take our well-benched ships without a real struggle, so now let us turn our minds to battle."

Ll. 478-513. Hector and Ajax rally their men. 

So he spoke, and he (i.e. Teucer) laid down the bow within the hut, and then he slung a four-layered shield around his shoulders, and upon his stout head he placed a well-wrought helmet with a plume of horse-hair, and its crest nodded fearfully from its top; then, he grasped a mighty spear, sharply tipped with bronze, and went his way, and he ran most quickly to stand at the side of Ajax. 

And, when Hector saw that Teucer's shafts were blighted, he called out to the Trojans and Lycians with a loud shout: "(You) Trojans, and Lycians, and Dardanians who fight in close combat, be you men, my friends, and remember your fighting spirit amid the hollow ships; for with my own eyes I have beheld how Zeus has blighted the shafts of their leading warrior. The strength that comes from Zeus is easily recognised by men, both (those) to whom he has granted the glory of victory, and (those) whom he belittles and is unwilling to protect, as he is now belittling the strength of the Argives and is helping us. But do you fight at the ships in throngs; and whichever one of you, having been hit (with an arrow) or stabbed (by a sword), shall incur death and fate, let him die; but his wife (is) safe and his children after (him), and his house and his plot of land (are) unimpaired, if the Achaeans shall be gone with their ships to their native-land."

So speaking, he (i.e. Hector) stirred the strength and spirit of each one (of them). And again Ajax, on the other side, called out to his comrades: "Shame on you, Argives; (for) now (it is) certain that we either perish, or we save ourselves and beat back disaster from our ships. Or do you have any reason to think that, if Hector of the shining helmet takes our ships, anyone of us will will come back on foot to his native-land? For sure, he is not ordering (them) to come to a dance, but to fight. And for us there is not any counsel or plan (that is) better than this, that we intertwine our hands and our might (with theirs) in hand-to-hand (battle). (It is) better to die or to live once and for all, than to be drained of our strength like this for so long in this grim conflict beside our ships by men (who are) weaker (than us)." 

Ll. 514-558. The Achaeans and the Trojans fight in close combat. 

So saying, he aroused the strength and the courage of each (man). Then, Hector slew Schedius, son of Perimedes, a leader of the Phocians, and Ajax slew Laodamas, a captain of the foot-soldiers, (and) the glorious son of Antenor; then, Polydamas slew Otus of Cyllene (i.e. a town in Elis), comrade of Phyleus' son (i.e. Meges), (and) the leader of the great-hearted Epeians. And, seeing (this), Meges sprang at him; but Polydamas ducked down underneath (him); and so he missed him; for Apollo would not suffer the son of Panthoüs to be vanquished amid the foremost fighters; but he did strike Croesmus in the middle of his chest with his spear. And he fell with a crash; and (his adversary) began to strip the armour from his shoulders. Meanwhile, Dolops, the son of Lampus (i.e. a brother of King Priam), well-skilled with his spear, leapt upon him, (he) whom Lampus, the son of Laomedon, had fathered (as) his bravest son, well-known for his fighting spirit, and he then rushed near to the son of Phyleus and struck the middle of his shield with his spear; but the thick corselet which he wore, with its front and back plates joined together, protected him; Phyleus had once brought this out of Ephyre from the river of Selleëis (i.e. in Elis). For his guest-friend Euphetes, lord of men (i.e. a king of Ephyre), had given (it) to him to wear in battle (as) a defence against his adversaries; now it also warded off destruction from the body of his son. Then, Meges stabbed with his sharp-pointed spear at the top of the crest of his bronze helmet thick with horse-hair, and he sheared off a tuft of horse-hair from it; and, bright with its freshly (dyed) purple, all (of it) fell to the ground in the dust. Now, while he (i.e. Meges) stayed and fought with him, and still hoped for victory, Menelaus, meanwhile, came to him (as) a helper, and he stood on one side with his spear unnoticed, and smote him (i.e. Dolon) on the shoulder from behind; and the point of the spear sped through his chest, pressing eagerly forwards; and he sank (to the ground) head-foremost. Then the two of them (i.e. Menelaus and Meges) went to strip the bronze armour from his shoulders; Then, Hector called out especially to all of his kinsmen, and in the first place he reproached Hicetaon's son, the sturdy Melanippus. Now, at one time, he had tended his cattle with their shambling gait in Percote (i.e. a town in Asia Minor to the north-east of Troy), while their enemies were (still) far away; but, when the balanced ships of the Danaans arrived, he went back to Ilium and acquired a distinguished position among the Trojans, and he lived beside Priam, who honoured him equally with his children; now, Hector reproached him, and addressed these words to him and called him by name: "Are we really going to be so slack, Melanippus? Does your heart feel no shame that your first cousin has been slain? Do you not see how they are busying themselves around Dolops' armour? But (come), follow (me); for it is no longer possible (for us) to do battle with the Argives from afar, (but we must fight,) until we either slay (them), or they take steep Ilium entirely and her citizens are slaughtered."     

Ll. 559-591. The death of Melanippus.

Thus speaking, he led the way, and the godlike man (i.e. Melanippus) followed after (him); and great Telamonian Ajax urged on the Argives, (saying): "Be men, my friends, and put pride in your hearts, and have respect for one another throughout this mighty conflict: of the men who take pride in themselves, more are saved than are slain. And of those who flee, there comes neither glory nor any courage." So he spoke, and even they themselves were eager to ward off (the foe), and they took his words to heart, and they fenced in the ships with a wall of bronze (i.e. their shields); and Zeus stirred up the Trojans against (them). Then, Menelaus, good at the war-cry, exhorted Antilochus (i.e. the son of Nestor): "No one else among the Achaeans (is) younger than you (are), Antilochus, nor swifter of foot, nor as valiant in battle as you; if only you would leap out and strike down one of the Trojan men."  

So saying, he darted away again, but (his words) encouraged him (i.e. Antilochus); and he sprang forward from among the foremost fighters, and, looking sharply around him, he flung his shining spear; and the Trojans shrank back from the man as he threw (it); nor did he cast his missile in vain, but he smote Hicetaon's son, the high-spirited Melanippus, on the breast beside the nipple, as he was coming into battle. And he fell with a crash, and darkness covered his eyes. Then, Antilochus sprang upon (him) like a hound that pounces on a smitten fawn, whom a hunter happened to hit with his shot as he sprung from his lair, and he loosened his limbs; so did Antilochus, staunch in battle, spring at you, Melanippus, in order to strip off your armour; but he did not escape the notice of godlike Hector, who came running through the battle to meet him. And Antilochus, swift warrior though he was, did not stand his ground, but he fled like a wild beast that has done (something) bad; for instance it has killed a hound or a herdsman beside his cattle, and it flees just before a throng of men can be gathered together; so fled the son of Nestor, and the Trojans and Hector let flow their grievous missiles with a wondrous noise; but, when he reached the body of his comrades, he turned around and stood fast.   

Ll. 592-652. Hector reaches the ships.

But the Trojans rushed at the ships like flesh-eating lions, and they were fulfilling the behests of Zeus, who constantly aroused great might in them, but he bewitched the hearts of the Argives and took away their glory, while he urged on the (others). For his heart wished to give glory to Hector, son of Priam, so that he might cast untiring supernatural fire upon the beaked ships and wholly bring about the unjust prayer of Thetis; for Zeus the counsellor was waiting to behold with his eyes the blaze of a burning ship. For, from that (time), he was destined to institute a return pursuit of the Trojans from the ships, and to grant glory to the Danaans. With these (things) in his mind, he was spurring on Hector, son of Priam, against the hollow ships, though he himself was very eager too. He was raging, like when Ares  brandishes his spear, or when deadly fire rages in the mountains in the thickets of a deep forest; and there was foam around his mouth, and his two eyes shone out beneath his grim bushy brows, and Hector's helmet shook terribly around his temples as he fought; for his ally Zeus was himself in the sky, and he was also giving him honour, as he was alone among a multitude of warriors. For he was going to be short-lived; for Pallas Athene was already advancing the day of his doom beneath the might of the son of Peleus. And now he was wishing to break the ranks of men, putting (them) to the test, wherever he could see the greatest throng and the best armour; but even so he could not break (them) despite all his eagerness; for they stood firm fixed like a tower, as a huge steep rock is near to the grey sea, that firmly meets the swift tracks of the shrill winds, and the swelling waves that break foaming against it; so the Danaans firmly stood their ground against the Trojans, and were not put to flight. But he, gleaming with fire (i.e. a reference to Hector's shining bronze armour), leapt into the throng, and falls upon (them), as when, beneath the clouds, a fierce-rushing wave, swollen by the winds, falls upon a swift ship; and she is all hidden by the foam, and the dreadful blast of the wind roars in the sail, and the sailors tremble in their hearts with fear; for they narrowly escape from death; so were the hearts of the Achaeans torn asunder within their breasts. But he (i.e. Hector) (fell on them) like a baneful lion coming across cattle that are grazing in large numbers in the pastures of a great marsh-meadow, and among them (is) a herdsman, who does not yet clearly know (how) to fight with a wild beast about the slaying of a cow with crumpled horns; for he (i.e. the herdsman) always walks together with the foremost or the hindmost (of the cattle), but it darts upon, and devours, a cow among those in the centre, and then they all shrink back in terror. So were all the Achaeans then put to flight in a wondrous manner by Hector and father Zeus, but he (i.e. Hector) slew one man only, (namely) Periphates of Mycenae, the dear son of Copreus, (the man) who had been accustomed to go (as) a messenger from king Eurystheus to the mighty Heracles. From him, a much worse father, was born a son much better in all sorts of fine qualities, both (speed) of foot and fighting, and mentally he was among the foremost of the Myceneans; (he it was) who now then granted the higher glory (i.e. the glory of victory) to Hector. For, as he turned back (in flight), he tripped on the rim of the shield which reached down to his feet, which he himself bore (as) a defence against spears; stumbling upon it, he fell on his back, and his helmet clashed fearfully round about his temples as he fell. And Hector quickly noticed (this), and ran and stood close beside him, and stuck his spear in his breast and slew him near to his comrades; and they could not prevent (this), despite their grief for their comrade; for they themselves were absolutely terrified of godlike Hector.   

Ll. 653-695. Nestor exhorts the Achaeans to be courageous, and Ajax stands firm. 

Now they (i.e. the Achaeans) came into the spaces between the ships, but the outer (line) of ships, the ones which had been hauled up first (on to the shore), outflanked (them); but (still) they (i.e. the Trojans) came on. And the Argives were compelled to pull back from the outermost ships, but remained there in a crowd beside their huts, and not scattered throughout the camp; for shame and fear held (them) back; for they called out continuously to one another. And Gerenian Nestor, the warden of the Achaeans, appealed (to them) most of all, beseeching each man (as follows) in the name of his parents: "Be men, my friends, and put regard for other men in your hearts, and, besides, let each one (of you) be mindful of your children and your wives, and of your property and your parents, both (the man) whose (parents) are (still) living and (he) whose (parents) are dead. For the sake of those that are not here (with us), I beseech you to stand firm, and not to turn around in flight."

So he spoke, and he roused the strength and courage of each (man). For Athene dispersed the wondrous cloud of mist from their eyes; and bright light came to them from both sides, both from the direction of the ships and of the equally-balanced fighting. And they perceived Hector, good at the war-cry, and his comrades, both (those) who stood in the background and were not fighting, and (those) who were fighting the battle beside the swift ships. 

Now, it was not at all gratifying to the soul of great-hearted Ajax to stand (in the place) where the rest of the sons of the Achaeans stood aloof; but he kept traversing the decks of the ships (i.e. these were raised half-decks at the prows and the sterns of the ships) with long strides, and he wielded a great sea-fighting pike in his hands, fitted with clamps, (and) twenty-two cubits (i.e. twelve feet) in length. And, as (happens) in the case of a man well-skilled in riding horses, when he has hitched together four horses (chosen) from many, he drives (them) from the plain and presses on towards a great city along a highway; many (people), both men and women, marvel at him; and he, with steady poise and sure feet, continually springs from one (horse) to another in turn, while on they go. So did Ajax keep going backwards and forwards over many of the decks of the swift ships with huge strides, and his voice went up to the sky, and, shouting fearfully on a constant basis, he ordered the Danaans to defend their ships and huts. Nor did Hector remain among the crowded throng of the heavily-armoured Trojans; but, as a tawny eagle swoops down upon a flock of winged birds that are feeding beside a river, (whether they are) wild geese, cranes or long-necked swans, so Hector pushed straight towards a dark-prowed ship, dashing (himself) against (it); and Zeus pushed him on from behind with his most mighty hand, and urged on the host together with him.   

Ll. 696-746. The bitter fighting continues by the ships. 

Then again, keen fighting took place beside the ships; you would have thought (they were) fresh and unwearied to meet one another in warfare, so eagerly did they fight. And such were their thoughts as on they fought: in truth, the Achaeans did not think they could escape from disaster, but expected to die, and, in the case of the Trojans, the heart in the breast of each (man) hoped to set the ships on fire and slay the Achaean warriors. These were their thoughts as they opposed one another; but Hector took hold of the stern of a sea-going ship, a fine (vessel) swift on the water, that had brought Protesilaus (i.e. the first of the Achaeans to land from his ship on Trojan soil, but he was slain as soon as he did so) to Troy, but did not take him back again to his native-land. Now, around his ship the Achaeans and the Trojans were slaying one another in close combat; nor could they keep their distance from one another any longer amid the flights of arrows and darts, but they fought standing close to one another in oneness of heart (i.e. with a single purpose) with sharp hatchets and battle-axes, and long swords and double-headed spears. And many fine black-bound hilted swords fell to the ground, some from their hands, others from the shoulders of men as they fought; and the earth ran black with blood. But Hector, when he had taken hold of (the ship) by the stern, would not let go (of it), (but,) gripping the curved poop-end with his hands, he called out to the Trojans (as follows): "Bring fire and at the same time raise the war-cry all together yourselves; now has Zeus granted us a day worthy of (i.e. in compensation for) all (our former toils), - to take the ships that came here against the will of the gods and brought us many woes, through the cowardice of the elders, who stopped me, when I myself wished to fight by the sterns of the ships and held back the army; but if Zeus, who sees from afar, was then dulling our wits, now he is urging (us) on and giving (us) orders."  

So he spoke and then they leapt on the Argives all the more. But Ajax was no longer standing his ground; for he was beset with darts; but, thinking he would be killed, he gave ground a little on to the seven-foot thwart (i.e. this is probably a bench in the middle and the widest part of the ship) and left the poop-deck of the well-balanced ship (i.e. it had oars on both sides). There he stood on watch and constantly repelled from the ships whichever one of the Trojans sought to bring untiring fire; and all the time he called out to the Danaans with terrible cries: "My dear Danaan heroes, squires of Ares, be men, my friends, and be mindful of  your fighting spirit. Or do you think there are men behind (us, who will be) our helpers, or that there is some better wall that could save men from disaster? There is no nearby city fitted with battlements, in which we may defend ourselves with (a mass of) people who might turn the tide of battle. But (that is not to be), seeing that we are set here on the plain of the thickly-armoured Trojans with our backs to the sea, far from our native-land; so, our deliverance (lies) in (the strength of) our hands, not slackness in battle." 

He finished speaking, and lashed out furiously with his sharp spear. And whichever one of the Trojans would come up to the hollow ships with blazing fire in accordance with Hector's commands, Ajax would wait for (him) and stab him with his long pike, and twelve men did he (so) wound at close quarters in front of the ships.