Livy (full name Titus Livius) was born in 59 B.C. and died in 17 A.D., and as such he was one of the foremost literary figures of the Augustan or Golden Age of Latin literature (40 B.C.-14 A.D.). But, whereas this age is renowned for the many famous poets which it produced - Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Propertius and Tibullus - Livy was almost its only prose writer of note. He was born in Patavia (Padua), but came to Rome in 30 B.C., where he seems to have remained for the rest of his long life. During this time he wrote the history of Rome from its legendary beginnings to the death of Augustus' step-son Drusus in 9 B.C. His works were published at intervals and comprised 142 books, of which only 35 books have survived. These include Books I-X, which cover the period from Rome's foundation in 753 B.C. down to the end of the Fourth Century B.C., and books XXI-XLV which cover the period of the Second Punic, or Hannibalic, War (218-201) and then continue Rome's history until the victorious end of the the Third Macedonian War in 168 B.C.
As with other famous historians of Antiquity, Livy did not write scientific history, that is history which seeks to pursue the truth with impartial objectivity, and as a historian he has many weaknesses. He makes errors of chronology, for which he had little excuse in view of the wealth of state records available to him, and he confuses his sources. Although for his ten books on the Second Punic War (Books XXI-XXX), Livy relies heavily on the more objective Second Century B.C. Greek historian Polybius, he also makes use of much less reliable anecdotes from later Latin annalists, such as Valerius Antias, and Coelius Antipater. But, while his reliablility as a historian depends almost entirely upon the source he is following at each particular moment, he often fails to record whom he is following, and indeed he moves from one source to another without making this clear. Furthermore, his descriptions of battle scenes, despite the dramatic intensity which he evokes, are often hopelessly confused. But Livy's weaknesses as a historian are more than compensated for by his exceptional artistic skills as a writer and moralist. His purpose was both to entertain and to educate. As a Latin stylist, the quality of his writing is almost unsurpassed, and he has been followed as an exemplar, both by Romans, and later by Europeans in general, as a Latin source in schools and universities. He brings history alive, almost in the way that a historical novelist of today might do. Indeed, there is a romantic quality to his writings, and he sees history as a conflict of personalities - in the case of Book XXX, between Scipio and Hannibal. Particularly remarkable are the rhetorical quality of the speeches which he puts into the mouths of the principal protagonists in his writings. Rhetoric was the basis of Greek and Roman education, and Livy's gifts here were astonishing. In their introduction to the text translated below, Butler and Scullard provide this ringing endorsement of Livy's qualities as a writer: "For he has every gift as a narrator. Other historians both ancient and modern have had a wider outlook, a more philosophical temperament, and a more scrupulously scientific intelligence. For richness and warmth of colour, for sheer eloquence and vividness of presentation, he has never been surpassed."
Apart from his ability to hold his readers spell-bound by the quality of his dramatic reconstructions, there is, however, a serious moral purpose behind his writings. He had a passionate belief in the qualities of the people of Rome, which he saw as the reason behind its phenomenal rise to imperial status. However, having lived his formative years during the chaotic period of the Civil Wars, he was also aware of how seriously the Romans of that time had departed from the much celebrated 'mos maiorum' (the customs of our ancestors), which, in his view, had underpinned the previous prosperity of the Roman people, and, indeed, had allowed them to triumph eventually in the war against Hannibal, despite their earlier overwhelming setbacks. He was strongly attached to the person of the Emperor Augustus, and fully supported his 'back to basics' programme of restoring ancient values. In his writings, therefore, he sought to embue in young Romans a strong sense of moral rectitude, and to inspire them with patriotic fervour by offering them stirring accounts of the Roman heroes of the past. In the preface to his first book, Livy writes as follows about Rome: "... no state was ever greater, none more righteous or richer in good examples; none ever where avarice and luxury came into the social order so late, or where humble means and and thrift were so highly esteemed and so long held in honour. Of late, riches have brought in avarice, and excessive pleasures have created the wantonness and licence to the point of ruin for oneself and destruction for the commonwealth." Livy's purposes, therefore, were moral and patriotic, and, when one takes this into account together with his artistic and stylistic skills as a writer, one can see why his writings provided such a rich seam for the Roman educationalist, and for others subsequently.
Book XXX is an excellent example of Livy's writing at its best. It is dominated by the titanic characters of Scipio and Hannibal, and their supposed speeches before the battle of Zama (see Chapters XXX and XXXI below) are wonderful examples of the rhetorical brilliance of which Livy was capable. Another highlight, frequently utilised as a source for abridged extracts in Latin source materials, is the extraordinary and tragic love affair between the volatile Moorish prince Masinissa and the Carthaginian 'femme fatale' Sophonisba (see Chapters XII-XV).
The text of this work translated below comes from the edition published under the Methuen Classical Texts series, edited by H.E. Butler and H.H. Scullard, 1939.
Gnaeus Servilus (Caepio) and Gaius Servilius (Geminus), the consuls - this year was the sixteenth of the Punic war - , when they brought to the Senate (questions) about the (state of the) republic, the (conduct of the) war and the (assignment of the) provinces, the senators (lit. fathers) decreed that that the consuls should come to an agreement between themselves, or draw lots, (as to) who should have (as) his province the (land of the) Bruttii against Hannibal, (and) who Etruria and the (land of the) Ligurians; that (he) to whom the Bruttii should fall, should receive his army from Publius Sempronius (Tuditanus): Publius Sempronius - for his command was also extended for a year (as) a proconsul - should succeed Publius Licinius (Crassus Dives); he was to return to Rome, having been highly rated in war also in addition to the other (fields), in which no (other) citizen was considered better equipped at that time. All the advantages of mankind having been heaped (upon him) by nature and by fortune, he was also of noble birth and wealthy; he excelled in appearance and in strength of body, he was considered most eloquent, whether a legal case was (lit. was needing) to be pleaded, or whether there might be an opportunity of persuading or dissuading in the Senate and before the people; he was very knowledgeable in pontifical law; (and) on top of these things his consulship had made (him) the possessor of renown in war also. What (was decided) in respect of the province among the Bruttii, the same was decreed in respect of Etruria and the Ligurians: Marcus Cornelius (Cethegus), having been ordered to hand over his army to the new consul, himself gained the province of Gaul, with those legions which Lucius Scribonius (Libo) had held in the previous year. Then they cast lots for their provinces: the Bruttii fell to Caepio, Etruria to Servilius Geminus. Then the provinces of the praetors were put to the lot: (Publius) Aelius Paetus secured by lot the urban jurisdiction, Publius (Cornelius) Lentulus Sardinia, Publius Villius (Tappulus) Sicily, (and) (Publius) Quinctilius Varus Ariminum (i.e. Cisalpine Gaul) with two legions - these had been under Spurius Lucretius. And Lucretius' command (was) extended, so that he could rebuild the town of Genoa destroyed by the Carthaginian Mago. Publius (Cornelius) Scipio's command was prolonged, not with a limit of time but of a task being undertaken, (that is) until there was an end to the war in Africa; and (it was) decreed that a supplication should be made, that, as he had crossed into his province of Africa, this event might prove (lit. be) salutary for the Roman people and for the general himself and his army.
Chapter II.
Three thousand soldiers were enlisted for Sicily, since the pick (of the troops) which that province had had, had been transported into Africa; and, since, before a fleet might cross over from Africa, it had been agreed that the maritime coast of Sicily should be guarded by forty ships, Villius took thirteen new ships with him to Sicily, and the rest (of the ships) in Sicily (were) old ones, having been repaired. Marcus Pomponius (Matho), praetor in the previous year, with his command having been extended, having been placed in command of this fleet, put into the ships fresh soldiers brought from Italy. The senators assigned an equal number of ships to Gnaeus Octavius, likewise praetor in the previous year (N.B. Livy is in error here: Octavius was praetor in 205, not 204), with an equal right of command, in order to defend the coast of Sardinia (lit. for the purpose of the coast of Sardinia being defended): the praetor Lentulus (was) ordered to furnish two thousand soldiers for these ships. And the duty of defending the coast of Italy (lit. the coast of Italy needing to be protected), because it was uncertain whither the Carthaginians would send their fleet [yet they thought they would attack any (quarter) which was unguarded (lit. bare of protection)], was entrusted to Marcus Marcius (Ralla), praetor in the previous year, with the same number of ships. The consuls enrolled three thousand soldiers for this fleet in accordance with a decree of the senators, and two urban legions for the uncertainties of war. The Spains were assigned to their former generals, Lucius (Cornelius) Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus with their armies and their authority. In that year the Roman war effort (lit. thing) (was) waged by twenty legions in all, and a hundred and sixty war (lit. long) ships.
The praetors (were) ordered to go to their provinces; orders were given (lit. it was ordered) to the consuls, before they set out for from the city, to celebrate the great games, which the dictator Titus Manlius Torquatus had vowed for the fifth year (after his command), if the republic should remain in the same condition. And prodigies, having been reported from several places, were exciting fresh religious fears in the minds of men. Crows (were) believed not only to have torn with their beaks (some) gold on the Capitol, but also to have eaten (it): at Antium mice gnawed a golden crown: at Capua a huge swarm of locusts filled the whole countryside, to such an extent that there was little agreement (as) to where they had come from: at Reate a foal (was) born with five feet: at Anagnia, first (there were) scattered fires in the sky, then a huge torch blazed: at Frusino a bow encircled the sun with a thin line; then a larger solar halo outside (it) shut in this circle itself: at Arpinum the earth on level ground sank into an immense hole: as one of the consuls was sacrificing (lit. with one of the consuls sacrificing) the first victim, the head of the liver was lacking. These prodigies were expiated by greater victims; the gods to whom sacrifices were made (lit. it was sacrificed) were published by the college of pontiffs.
Chapters III-VI. Operations in Africa. The attack on the camps of Syphax and Hasdrubal.
Chapter III.
These matters having been completed, the consuls and the praetors set out for their provinces; for all. however, their concern is for Africa, as if having been allotted it (themselves), whether because they saw that the supreme (issue) of affairs and of the war was directed there, or in order to oblige Scipio, to whom the whole state had then turned. And so, not only from Sardinia, as has been mentioned before, but also from Sicily and Spain, clothing and corn, and from Sicily also arms and every kind of supplies were conveyed thither. Nor had Scipio at any time during the winter slackened in respect of the labours of war, many of which beset him simultaneously from all sides: he continued; to besiege Utica; his camp was within sight of Hasdrubal; the Carthaginians had launched their ships; and they had a fleet prepared and equipped in order to intercept their supplies (lit. for the purpose of their supplies being intercepted). Among these (activitites), he had not even forgotten (lit. sent from his mind) his concern for Syphax to be reconciled, if by (any) chance, satiety of love for his wife had taken hold (of him) on account of much access. From Syphax terms of peace with the Carthaginians (were proposed), such that the Romans would evacuate Africa and the Carthaginians Italy, rather than any hope was proposed of (him) deserting (the Carthaginians), if the war were to continue. For my own part I should rather prefer to believe that these (negotiations) (were) carried on through messengers - and a greater part of writers are of this view - than that Syphax himself came to the Roman camp for a conference, as Valerius Antias relates. At first the Roman general scarcely allowed these terms to be heard (lit. permitted these terms to [people's] ears); (but) afterwards, in order that there should be a plausible pretext for his (emissaries) for going to and from to the enemy's camp, he rejected these same (terms) in a more qualified manner, and fostered the hope that the matter would be agreed by their constantly discussing (it) on this side and on that side.
The winter-quarters of the Carthaginians, having been constructed from material hastily collected from the countryside, were almost entirely (made) of wood. The Numidians, in particular, (were living) in huts built for the most part with pole-reed and straw, (placed) up and down in no order, (and) some, as in places occupied without orders, were even living outside the ditch and rampart. These (circumstances), having been reported to Scipio, had caused (him) hope of setting fire to the enemy's camp through a (favourable) opportunity.
Chapter IV.
With the envoys whom he sent to Syphax, he sent in humble dress (some) senior centurions of proven valour and ability in the position of servants, so that, while the envoys were in conference, they, (while) wandering about the camp, one (in one direction), others (in other directions), might observe all the approaches and outlets, the position and layout of the camp in general and of its parts, where the Carthaginians (and) where the Numidians had (their quarters), (and) how far was the distance between Hasdrubal's camp and that of the king, and, at the same time, that they might enquire into their practice of (placing) outposts and watches, (whether) they were more suitable for surprise attacking at night or by day, and, among the frequent conferences, more and more were sent on purpose, in order that everything might be known to more (people). When the matter, having been frequently discussed, gave both Syphax, and the Carthaginians through him, daily a more certain hope of peace, the Roman envoys declare that they have been forbidden to return to their general unless a definite answer was given: therefore, if his decision was already settled, he should disclose this decision, or, if Hasdrubal and the Carthaginians had (lit. were needing) to be consulted, he should consult (them): that it was time either for peace to be arranged or for the war to be vigorously waged. While Hasdrubal was consulted, and the Carthaginians (by him), the spies had the time for inspecting everything and Scipio (had the time) to arrange those things which were in his project (lit. for the purpose of those things which were in his project to be arranged). And due to the mention and expectation of peace, neglect to take precautions, in order that they should not suffer any hostile (action) in the meantime, arose among the Carthaginians and the Numidians, as (usually) happens. At length, an answer was returned, certain unreasonable conditions having been added through a (favourable) opportunity, since the Roman (general) seemed to desire peace too much, which opportunely provided a pretext to Scipio, (as he was) desiring (this), to lift the truce; and, when he had said that he would refer (the matter) to his council, he responded to the king's messenger the next day, (saying) that with him alone striving vainly for peace, it had seemed good to no one else: so he must report back to Syphax that there was no hope for peace, other than if they had abandoned the Carthaginians (lit. the Carthaginians having been abandoned). So he lifts the truce, so that he can execute his designs with a clear conscience; and, his ships having been launched - it was now the beginning of spring - , he placed his siege-engines and catapults on board, as though he was about to attack Utica; he also sends two thousand men for the purpose of the hill overlooking Utica, which he had occupied before, being taken, (and), at the same time, to divert the enemy's attention from what he was preparing with regard to his management of another project, (and), at the same time (also), lest at any (point) a sortie from the town or an attack on his camp, (which had been) left with a light garrison (only), might be made, when he himself had set out in the direction of Syphax and Hasdrubal.
Chapter V.
These things having been prepared in advance, and a council having been summoned, and the spies and Masinissa, to whom everything about the enemy was known, having been ordered to speak (about) what discoveries they could report, lastly he himself put before (them) what he was preparing for the following night; he gives (orders) to the tribunes that, when, the council-of-war having been dismissed, the signal had been sounded, they were to lead the legions out of the camp. So, as he had instructed, the standards began to be carried out at around sunset. At about the first watch they formed their column-of-march; at mid-night - for there were seven miles to the journey - they arrived ( lit. it was arrived) at the enemy's camp at a moderate pace (lit. step). There Scipio assigns a part of his forces and Masinissa and his Numidians to (Gaius) Laelius, and orders (him) to attack the camp of Syphax and to throw flames (upon it). Then, each of them having been taken aside, he implores Laelius and Masinissa separately to make good, by their diligence and care, just that amount of foresight as the night deprived (them) of; (he said) that he would attack Hasdrubal and the Carthaginian camp; however, he would not begin before he had caught sight of the fire in the king's camp. This decision did not delay (him) for long: for, when the fire thrown upon the nearest huts took hold, immediately catching (lit. embracing) whichever ones (were) next (to them), and (then those) continuously (connected to them) in succession, it spread (lit. scattered) in all directions throughout the whole camp. The alarm, (that) arose due to the fire spreading so widely during the night, (was) indeed (as great) as would inevitably (have arisen): but, (as) they thought the fire (was) fortuitous, (and) not due to enemy action or connected to the war, having rushed out to extinguish the fire (lit. with the purpose of the fire being extinguished), they fell in with an armed enemy, especially the Numidians, (who had been) placed by Masinissa, due to their knowledge of the king's camp, in convenient locations at the exits to the passageways. The fire engulfed many half-asleep in their beds; many, rushing in headlong flight, some (tumbling) over others, were crushed in the narrow (spaces) of the gateways.
Chapter VI.
First the watchmen of the Carthaginians, and then others, were aroused by the nocturnal tumult when they had caught sight of the reflecting fire, they themselves also believed, due to the same error, that the fire had arisen accidentally (lit. of its own accord); and the shout, raised amidst slaughter and wounds, (being) confused, took away their understanding of the truth (as to) whether it was (occasioned) from a nocturnal alarm. So each man on his own account rushed unarmed, as (men) by whom nothing hostile had been suspected, from every gate, for each one from the one which was nearest (to him), carrying (with him) only such things as might be suitable for extinguishing fire (lit. for fire being extinguished), (and ran) into the Roman column. All of these men having been killed, not only due to that enemy's hatred but also lest anyone might escape (as) a messenger, Scipio at once assailed the gates, (which were) unguarded, as (as to be expected) in such a commotion; and fires having been thrown on to the nearest huts, at first the flames, having spread, shone out, as if scattered in several places, then creeping through the connected (huts), suddenly engulfed everything in one fire. Men and beasts-of-burden, singed (by the flames) blocked the passages of the gateways by their frantic flight, then by the piles (of bodies): (those) whom the fire had not overwhelmed were cut down by the sword, and the two camps were destroyed in the one disaster. Both generals, however, and, out of so many thousands of soldiers, (only) two thousand foot-soldiers and five hundred cavalrymen escaped, half-armed, a large part (of them) wounded and scorched by the fire. Forty thousand men were slain or engulfed by the flames, over five thousand, (including) many of the Carthaginians' noblemen (and) eleven senators, were captured, (as well as) a hundred and seventy four military standards, over two thousand seven hundred Numidian horses; six elephants were captured, (and) eight were destroyed by sword and fire; a great quantity of weapons (was) taken: all of these, having been consecrated to Vulcan, the general burned.
Hasdrubal, in his flight, had made for the nearest city of the Africans (together) with a few men, and thither all (those) who had survived, following (in) the footsteps of their general, betook themselves; (but) then, in fear lest he should be given up to Scipio, he left that city. Soon (afterwards), the gates having been opened, the Romans were received in the same place, nor was anything hostile committed, because they had yielded in respect of their dominion of their own accord. Subsequently, two cities (were) captured and destroyed: their booty and what had been rescued from the fire, the camps having been burned, was handed over to the soldiery. Syphax took up a position in a fortified place at a distance of about eight miles from there: Hasdrubal hastened to Carthage, lest any rather weak (policy) should be adopted through fear (arising) from the recent disaster. At first, such great alarm was induced by this that they believed that, Utica having been let go, Scipio would besiege Carthage forthwith. And so the sufetes convened the senate because among them their power was equivalent to that of the consuls. There there was a contest (lit. [it was] contested) between three (different) opinions: one was proposing (sending) envoys to Scipio concerning peace, the second was for recalling Hannibal in order to defend his country (lit. for the purpose of his country being defended) from a war of destruction, (and) the third was for Roman constancy in adversity: this proposed that the army should (lit. [was] needing to) be reinforced and that Syphax should (lit. [was] needing to) be encouraged, lest he withdrew from the war. This view prevailed, because Hasdrubal, being present, and all the Barcid party preferred war. Thereupon a levy began to be held in the city and the fields, (and) also envoys (were) sent to Syphax, (who was) himself renewing the war with the utmost effort, since his wife had prevailed (on him), no longer by blandishments, as before, but by prayers and by (an appeal to) his pity, imploring (him) not to betray her father and her native city, and to allow Carthage to be consumed by the same flames by which the camps had been set alight. The envoys also brought hope, offered at an opportune (moment), (with the news) that four thousand Celtiberians, fine young men, had met them near a city, Obba by name, having been hired by their own recruiting officers in Spain, and that Hasdrubal would shortly be there with a force by no means to be despised. So, he not only responded favourably to the envoys, but also showed (them) a large number of Numidian rustics to whom he had just (lit. during these same days) been giving arms and horses, and he affirms that he would call out all the young men from his kingdom; he was aware (he said) that the disaster had been experienced due to fire, not battle: (and) that he is the loser (lit. inferior) in war, who is defeated by (force of) arms. This was his response to the envoys, and, after a few days, Hasdrubal and Syphax again joined their forces. That whole army was about thirty thousand armed men.
Chapter VIII. Scipio defeats Hasdrubal and Syphax in a pitched battle at the Great Plains.
A report of warfare having been renewed diverted Scipio, intent upon Utica being invested, and already moving his siege-engines up to the walls, the war already having been brought to an end, as it were, inasmuch as it concerned Syphax and the Carthaginians, and sufficient forces having been left, merely for the appearance of a siege by land and sea, he himself, with the main body of his army, proceeds to go towards the enemy. At first he encamped upon a hill about four miles distant from the king's camp; on the next day, (together) with his cavalry, having moved down on to the Great Plains - they called (it) thus - at the foot of (lit. placed beneath) that hill, he spent the day in light engagements, by coming up to the enemy's outposts and challenging (them). And for the following two days, by disorderly sallies from one side and (then) from the other side, they accomplished nothing sufficiently worthy of mention: on the fourth day, they descended (lit. it was descended) on both sides into battle-line. The Roman (general) stationed his 'principes' behind the front ranks of 'hastati', (and) the 'triarii' in reserve; he placed the Italian cavalry on his right wing, and the Numidians and Masinissa on his left. Syphax and Hasdrubal, the Numidians having been placed opposite the Italian cavalry, and the Carthaginians facing Masinissa, admitted the Celtiberians into the middle of the battle-line confronting the maniples of the legions. Drawn up thus, they join battle (lit. run together). In the first onset, both wings, both the Numidians and the Carthaginians were driven (back): for neither could the Numidians, for the most part rustics, withstand the Roman cavalry, nor (could) the Carthaginians, themselves new recruits likewise, (withstand) Masinissa, rendered formidable, on top of other things, by his recent victory. Stripped of their wings on both sides, the battle-line of the Celtiberians stood firm, because neither was any safety indicated in flight, the ground being unfamiliar (to them), nor was there (any) hope of pardon by Scipio, whom, (despite) his deserving well of them and of their tribe, they had come to Africa, as mercenaries (lit. with hired arms), to attack. So, their enemies surrounding (them) on all sides, falling one on top of another, they died defiantly; (and) with the whole of (the enemy) concentrated upon them, Syphax and Hasdrubal took advantage of (some) considerable time to escape. Night overtook the victors, exhausted by a slaughter (lasting) longer than the battle.
Chapter IX. Decision at Carthage to recall Hannibal and to attack the Roman fleet.
On the following day, Scipio sends Laelius and Masinissa, with all the Roman and Numidian cavalry and with the lightly-armed soldiers, in order to pursue Syphax and Hasdrubal (lit. with the purpose of Syphax and Hasdrubal being pursued). He himself, with the main body of his army, takes possession of the towns roundabout, which were all under the sway of the Carthaginians, partly by (inspiring) hope, partly by (inspiring) fear, and partly by force. At Carthage there was indeed a huge panic, and they believed that Scipio, carrying around his arms, all their neighbours having been utterly subdued, would suddenly attack Carthage itself. And so, the walls were repaired and equipped with outworks, and each man, on his own account, carries in from the fields (those things) which belong to the enduring of a lengthy siege (lit. to a lengthy siege being endured). Seldom is there a mention of peace, and more frequently (they talk of) delegates being sent in order to summon Hannibal (lit. for the purpose of Hannibal being summoned); the majority (lit. the greatest part) urge that they should send the fleet, which had been made ready in order that supplies be intercepted, in order to overwhelm the squadron of ships lying off-guard at Utica (lit. with the purpose of the squadron of ships lying off-guard at Utica being overwhelmed): perhaps (it was said) they would overwhelm as well the naval camp (which had been) left with a light garrison. To this plan they were particularly inclined; yet, they vote that delegates should (lit. [were] needing to) be sent to Hannibal: (for they said) even supposing the matter is waged very fortunately by the fleet, the siege of Utica will (only) be relieved in some part: in order to defend Carthage itself, there remained no general other than Hannibal, no army other than Hannibal's. Therefore, ships (were) launched the next day, (and) at the same time delegates set out for Italy. And everything was done in haste, with misfortune stimulating (them), and each man thought (in respect of that [matter]) in which he had slackened that the safety of all was being betrayed by himself.
Scipio, slowly leading (lit. dragging) his army, now weighed down with the spoils of several towns, the captives and the rest of the plunder having been sent to the old camp near Utica, (being) intent now upon Carthage, occupies Tunis, (which had been) abandoned by the flight of its guards. This place is about fifteen miles (lit. thousand paces) distant from Carthage, secure both through its fortifications and its natural position (lit. nature), and (is a place) which can be seen from Carthage and (can) itself afford a view of the city against (the background of) the sea (that) has washed around (it).
Chapter X. The Carthaginian attack on the Roman fleet.
Then, just at the moment when the Romans were throwing up a rampart, the enemy's fleet was sighted making for Utica from Carthage. Accordingly, the work having been abandoned, a march was ordered, and the standards began to be taken up hastily, lest the ships (which were) turned towards the land and the siege(-works) should be sunk. For how could ships both equipped with nautical gear and armed, carrying catapults and siege-engines, and converted either to employment as transports or brought up to the walls in such a way that they could provide (a means of) ascent in the place of a mound and (boarding-)bridges, withstand an easily manoeuvred fleet?
And so, Scipio, when he came to that place, contrary to what he was accustomed (to do) in naval engagements, the war-ships, which could have provided a protection for the others, having been withdrawn into a rear line near the land, positioned a fourfold line as a bulwark against the enemy, and linked together these (ships) themselves, so that the lines could not be disrupted in the confusion of battle, their masts and yard-arms having been thrown across from ship to ship and having been lashed one to another (lit. between themselves) by stout ropes, as if by a single cable, and he laid down planks over (them), so that there was a gangway along the whole line of ships, and beneath these bridges themselves he created gaps where the scouting ships ran forward against the enemy and could be withdrawn in safety. These things having been arranged speedily in proportion to the time (available), around a thousand picked fighting men were placed aboard the transports; a vast quantity of missile weapons are collected, in order that they might be sufficient for a battle, however long. Thus equipped and alert, they were awaiting the enemy's approach.
The Carthaginians, who, if they had made haste, could, in their first attack, have overwhelmed everything (which was) in a state of confusion owing to the disorder of the men hurrying around, having been discouraged by their disasters on land, and as a result not even being confident enough (in themselves) by sea, where they themselves were more powerful, the day having been spent in sailing slowly (around), put in with their fleet at around sunset into a harbour - the Africans call (it) Rusucmon. On the next day, at around sunrise, they draw up their ships in the open sea (lit. the deep), as if for the purpose of a regular naval battle, and as if with the Romans being about to come out against (them). When they had kept their position for a long time, and after they had seen that no movements had been made (lit. nothing had been moved) by the enemy, only (lit. not until) then did they attack the transports. This action was not not at all like a naval engagement, (but) very close to the appearance of ships attacking the walls (of a city).The transports were superior in height; from their war-ships the Carthaginians generally discharged their missiles in vain against a higher position, inasmuch as (they were doing so) with an upward cast; a hit from the transports above is heavier and more forcible from its very weight. Scouting ships and other light vessels, which kept darting through the gaps under the decks of the bridges, were themselves at first sunk by the sheer momentum and size of the war-ships; later, they were awkward for the fighting men as well, because, mingling with the enemy's ships, they often forced (them) to withhold their missiles, through fear lest, owing to their uncertain aim, they might fall upon their own men. Finally, poles fitted with an iron hook at the end - they are called grappling irons - began to be thrown from the Carthaginian ships on to the Roman (ones). Since they could cut neither these (poles) themselves nor the chains by which, having been suspended (from them), they were thrown, whenever a (lit. when each) war-ship, backing water (lit. having been backed astern), would tow a transport held fast by the hook, one might have seen the fastenings, by which one (ship) had been bound to another, broken up, (and) another row of several vessels being towed away together. In this way particularly all the bridges were indeed torn to pieces, and there was scarcely time given to the fighting men for jumping across to the second line of ships. About sixty transports were towed away by their sterns to Carthage. Their rejoicing (was) greater than (what was) in proportion to the facts, but (it was) all the more pleasing, because amongst continual disasters and sorrows one joy, such as it was, had shone upon (them) unexpectedly (lit. from an unexpected [source]), (together) with the fact that it appeared that the Roman fleet had not been far from destruction, (and would actually have been destroyed) if there had not been slackness (lit. if it had not been delayed) by the commanders of their own ships, and Scipio had (not) come to its assistance.
Chapter XI. Syphax defeated by Laelius and Masinissa.
During these same days, by chance, when Laelius and Masinissa had arrived in Numidia on about the fifteenth day, the Maesulians, the hereditary kingdom of Masinissa, joyfully submitted to the king, longed for (by them) for a long time. Syphax, his commanders and garrisons having been expelled from there, confined himself within his old kingdom, (but) by no means intending to remain inactive. Love-sick, his wife and father-in-law were stirring (him) on, and there was such an abundance in men and horses that the (military) strength of his kingdom which had flourished (lit. flourishing) for many years could infuse spirits in a mind even less barbarous and uncontrollable (than his). Therefore, all who were fit for war having been collected together (lit. into one [body]), he distributed horses, armour and weapons (among them); he divided his horsemen into squadrons, (and) his foot-soldiers into cohorts, as he had once learned from Roman centurions. With an army not less than what he had had before, but nearly all raw and indisciplined, he proceeds to go towards the enemy. And, his camp having been pitched in their neighbourhood, at first a few horsemen advanced from outposts, scouting from a safe (distance), then, driven off by javelins, they rushed back to their own men; thence, sallies occurred in turn, and, when indignation inflamed those (who had been) driven back, more men came to their help, (something) which is an incitement to cavalry engagements, when either hope in the case of those being victorious, or anger in the case of those having been repulsed, brings forward (others of) their own men.
So, on this occasion, the battle having been kindled by a few, in the end zest for combat launches into the fight (lit. pours forth) all the cavalry on both sides. And, while it was a pure cavalry battle, the great number of the Masaesulians, with Syphax sending out huge columns, could hardly be withstood: then, when the Roman infantry by a sudden intervention through their own (cavalry) squadrons, which made way (for them) (lit. giving way [to them]), made the battle-line stable, and frightened away the enemy charging (lit. carrying themselves) wildly at (them), the barbarians at first galloped (lit. let [loose] their horses) at a slower pace, then they halted, and, having been quickly confused by this novel kind of fighting, not only did they yield to the infantry but they did not even withstand the cavalry, (now) emboldened by the protection of infantry. (And) now the standards of the legions were approaching also. Then, indeed, the Masaesulians could not bear, not only the first attack, but even the sight of their standards and armour: either the memory of previous disasters or their present alarm had so great an effect.
Chapters XII-XV. Masinissa and Sophonisba.
Chapter XII.
Then, Syphax, while he is riding up to the (cavalry) squadrons of the enemy, (to see) if by shame, (or) if by his own danger, he could stem their flight, having been thrown from his gravely wounded horse, is overcome and captured, and, being likely to provide a welcome spectacle to Masinissa before all (others), is dragged alive before Laelius.
Cirta was the capital of the kingdom of Syphax, and thither a vast number of men betook themselves. The slaughter in that battle was less than (in proportion to) the victory, since it had been fought only as a cavalry battle. Not more (than) five thousand were slain, less than half of those men were captured in an attack made upon the camp, to which very many men, discouraged by their king having been lost, had betaken themselves. Masinissa said that nothing was indeed more pleasing to him at that present moment than to visit (as) victor the kingdom of his forefathers (which had been) recovered after so great an interval; but, as in unfavourable circumstances, so in successful (ones) time is not given for loitering: if Laelius were to allow him to go ahead with the cavalry, and with Syphax in chains, he would overcome everything (that would be) confused due to fear: Laelius (he said) could follow with the infantry in short marches. With Laelius agreeing (to this), (and) having gone ahead to Cirta, he orders the leading citizens of Cirta to be called out to a conference. But among those unaware of the king's misfortunes, he prevailed neither by revealing what had been done, nor by threats, nor by persuasion, before the king in chains has been placed into their sight. Then, a lamentation arose at so shocking a spectacle, and the walls were abandoned by some in panic, (and) the gates were opened by others on the sudden agreement of those seeking favour with the victor. And Masinissa, a guard having been sent around (all) the gates and suitable (locations) along the walls, lest a way of escape might be open to anyone, goes on a horse, (which was) driven at speed, in order to occupy the palace (lit. for the purpose of the palace being occupied).
Sophonisba (N.B. the correct spelling is actually Sophoniba), the wife of Syphax (and) daughter of Hasdrubal the Carthaginian, met him (as he was) entering the forecourt, on the very treshold; and, when she had caught sight of Masinissa in the midst of a column of armed men, conspicuous both by his armour and the rest of his dress, thinking that (he) was the king, a thing which was (the case), (and) clasping (lit. grovelling at) his knees, she said: "The gods and your valour and good fortune have granted that you might indeed have power over everything in our case (lit. in respect of us): but, if if it is permitted to a captive in the presence of the master of her life and death to raise the voice of a suppliant, if (it is permitted to her) to touch his knees, if (it is permitted to her to touch) his right-hand, I pray and beseech (you) by the royal majesty in which we also existed a little time previously, by the name of the race of the Numidians, which was common to you (together) with Syphax, by the gods of this palace here - (and) may they welcome you with better auspices than they sent Syphax hence - may you grant this favour to a suppliant, that, whatever your inclination leads (you to do), you yourself decide concerning your captive, and (that) you do not allow me to come under the haughty and cruel will of any Roman. If I had been nothing other than the wife of Syphax, still I should prefer to make trial of the word of a Numidian and of someone born in the same Africa (together) with myself (rather) than (that) of someone foreign-born and an outsider: you know what a Carthaginian, what the daughter of Hasdrubal, must (lit. what it is necessary for a Carthaginian, what [it is necessary] for the daughter of Hasdrubal to) fear from a Roman. If you can effect (this) by no other means, I beg and beseech that you will, by my death, save me from the will of the Romans." Her beauty was conspicuous and her youth (was) in full bloom: and so, while clasping now his knees, now his right-hand, she besought his promise to this, that she should not be handed over to any Roman, and (as) her speech was closer to blandishments than to prayers, the heart of the victor sunk not only into pity, but, as the race of the Numidians is susceptible to passion, the victor was captivated by love of the captive. His right-hand having been given (to her) as a pledge of his faith (lit. for his faith to be pledged) for that which she was seeking, he goes into the palace. Then, he himself began to ponder (lit. consider with himself) how he might make good the pledge of his promise. As he could not see his way to do this, he borrows from love a reckless and shameful plan: he suddenly orders a wedding to be made ready for that very day, in order that he might not leave anything fresh either to Laelius or to Scipio himself to be resolved, as though in respect of (her as) a captive who was now married to Masinissa. The marriage having been celebrated, Laelius arrived, and he did not conceal that he disapproved of this act, to such an extent (in fact) that at first he tried to send her, having been dragged from the marriage bed, to Scipio (together) with Syphax and the other prisoners. Then, having been overcome by the entreaties of Masinissa, (who was) begging) that he should refer to Scipio the decision (as) to the fortune of which of the kings Sophonisba should be an addition, Syphax and the other captives having been sent (away), he subdues, with Masinissa helping (him), the remaining cities of Numidia which were held by the king's garrisons.
Chapter XIII.
When it had been announced that Syphax was being brought into the camp, the rank and file poured out, as if to the spectacle of a triumph. He himself in chains went first, and a company of Numidian nobles followed. Then, each man, by exaggerating their victory, added as much as he could to the greatness of Syphax and of his nation: (saying) that he was the king to whose majesty the two most powerful peoples in the world, the Roman and the Carthaginian, had paid such great tribute that Scipio, their own general, his province of Spain and his army having been left behind, sailed to Africa with two quinqueremes in order to seek his friendship (lit. for the purpose of his friendship being sought), (while) Hasdrubal, the general of the Carthaginians, not only came to him himself but also gave his daughter to him to marry. (They said) that he had, at the one time, two generals, the Carthaginian and the Roman, in his power. That, just as both sides had sought favour from the immortal gods by victims being sacrificed, so friendship had been sought from him by both sides equally. Moreover, he had such great power that he reduced Masinissa, (who had been) expelled from his kingdom, by so much, that his life was protected by the rumour of his death, and by the hiding-places of (someone) living in the woods on prey in the manner of wild beasts.
Honoured by these observations of the bystanders, the king was led to Scipio in his headquarters. Both the former good fortune of the man compared to his present circumstances, and the recollection of their guest-friendship and of his right-hand having been given, and of a compact joined in both a public and a private capacity moved Scipio also. These same (considerations) also gave Syphax courage in addressing the victor. For, when Scipio enquired of him why he had wished not only to have rejected a Roman alliance, but further to have waged war, then he confessed that he had indeed done wrong and had been mad, but not only at the time when he had taken up arms against the Roman people; that had been the culmination of his madness, not the beginning: (he says) that when he received the Carthaginian lady into his house, then he lost his reason, then all private guest-friendships and public compacts were banished from his mind. That his palace was set on fire by those nuptial torches, that that fury and pestilence diverted and alienated his mind by all its blandishments, nor did she rest until she herself, with her own hands, clothed him with guilt-ridden armour against a guest and a friend. Yet, for himself, ruined and crushed (as he was), there was this (element) of consolation in his miseries, that he knows that the same pestilence and fury has transferred into the house and home of his most bitter personal enemy amongst all men. (He says) that Masinissa is neither wiser nor more steadfast than Syphax, (but is) even more rash due to his youth: certainly he has married her (lit. led her [into matrimony]) (even) more foolishly and intemperately than he (himself did).
Chapter XIV.
When he had spoken these (words), not only out of the hatred of an enemy but also out of the goads of love, seeing his beloved in the possession of his rival, he affected Scipio's mind with no slight anxiety. Also, the nuptials having been rushed, almost on the battle-field (lit. among weapons), with Laelius neither consulted nor awaited, conferred credibility on the charges (against Masinissa), and his haste (was) so precipitate, that on the (very) day on which he had seen his enemy captive, he received (her) joined in matrimony to himself, and performed the marital rite in the presence of his enemy's household gods. And these (actions) seemed to Scipio all the more heinous, because the beauty of a captive woman had in no way affected himself (as) a young man in Spain. With him pondering these things, Laelius and Masinissa arrived; when he had received them both in the same way and with a cheerful countenance, and had glorified (them) with the highest praises in a crowded assembly (of his officers), he addressed Masinissa, (who had been) taken aside into a private room, thus: "I suppose, Masinissa, that you, seeing some good in me, both, in the first place, came to Spain in order to join a friendship (lit. for the purpose of a friendship being joined) with me, and, afterwards, in Africa you entrusted yourself and all your hopes to my protection. And yet, of those things, on account of which I may have seemed to you worthy to be approached, there is no virtue in which I have taken as much pride as in my temperance and in my control over my passions. I would wish you to add this also to your other remarkable virtues, Masinissa. There is no such great danger, (there is) not - believe me - (to men) of our age, (even) from among armed enemies, as from those pleasures surrounding (us) on all sides. (He) who has checked and tamed these things by his own moderation has acquired for himself a much greater distinction and a greater victory than we possess with Syphax having been defeated. I have both mentioned, and I remember with pleasure, what you have accomplished with energy and with courage: I prefer that you yourself should reflect inwardly (lit. with yourself) on those other (matters) rather than blush at me recounting (them). Syphax has been defeated and captured under the auspices of the Roman people. Therefore, he himself, his wife, his kingdom, territory and towns, the people who inhabit (them), in short, whatever has belonged to Syphax, is the booty of the Roman people; and it is proper that the king and his wife should be sent to Rome, even if she were not a Carthaginian citizen, (and) even if we did not see her father (as) our enemy's commander, and that the trial and judgment concerning her, who is said to have alienated an allied king and to have driven (him) headlong into war (lit. arms), should be (the prerogative) of the Senate and Roman people. Conquer your heart: (and) take care (lest) you mar your many good (qualities) by one vice, and spoil the credit for so many good services by a greater fault than is the cause of the fault."
Chapter XV.
Not only did a blush suffuse (itself) over Masinissa, when he heard (lit. hearing) these things, but tears welled up also; and, when he had declared that he would indeed be under the authority of the general, and he had implored him, in so far as the circumstances allowed, to have regard for his rashly pledged promise - for he had promised that he would hand her over into no man's power - he withdrew from the headquarters to his own tent in confusion. There, with (any) witnesses having been removed, when he had spent a considerable (amount) of time with frequent sighs and groans, which could easily be heard by those standing around the tent, he calls a trusted (man) out of his slaves, in whose custody was the poison, (kept) according to royal custom to (meet) the uncertainties of fortune, and he bids (him) to carry (it) mixed in a cup to Sophonisba; and, at the same time, to report that Masinissa would gladly have bestowed upon her the foremost promise which a husband owed to his wife: since (those) who have the power have taken away his capacity to perform it, he was bestowing the next (most important) promise, so that she should not come into the power of the Romans: mindful of her father, the general, and of her native-city, and of the two kings to whom she had been married, she should decide for herself. When the servant bearing this message together with the poison had come to Sophonisba, she said, "I accept this wedding gift, nor (is it) unwelcome, if my husband can bestow nothing better on his wife: yet, tell him this, that I should have died better, if I had not married at my funeral." She spoke no more boldly than (the way in which) she drained the cup, (which she had) received, with no sign of agitation. When this was reported to Scipio, him having been summoned at once, lest, sick at heart, the young man might impulsively decide upon something (yet) more desperate, now he consoles (him), now he chides (him) gently, because he has atoned for (one) rash act by another rash act, and has made the circumstances more tragic than was (it was) necessary (to do). On the following day, in order to divert his mind from its present disturbed state, he mounted upon a platform and ordered that an assembly be summoned. There, Masinissa having been addressed for the first time (as) king and honoured with exceptional praises, he presents (him) with a golden crown, a gold bowl, a curule chair, and an ivory sceptre, and an embroidered toga and a tunic adorned with palm-leaves. He adds a tribute in these words: that (there was) not anything more magnificent among the Romans than a triumph, nor was there an array more splendid to those celebrating a triumph than this, to which the Roman people consider Masinissa, alone out of all foreigners, worthy. Then, he presents Laelius, having been praised also himself, with a gold wreath. Then other men (were) decorated, according as to whatever was the service (which had been) performed. The mind of the king (was) soothed by these honours, and was encouraged in respect of the imminent expectation that, with Syphax having been removed, the whole of Numidia (was) due to be possessed (by him).
Chapter XVI. Scipio states his terms to the Carthaginians.
Gaius Laelius, (together) with Syphax and the other captives, having been sent to Rome, while with these Masinissa's envoys set out also, Scipio himself moves his camp back to Tunis and finishes fortifying the defences which he had begun. The Carthaginians, having revelled in a joy not only short-lived but almost unfounded, on account of the fairly successful attack upon the fleet, (but) having been discouraged after the report of Syphax having been captured, (the man) in whom they had reposed almost more hope than in Hasdrubal and their own army, with no advocate of war any longer being listened to, send the thirty chief men among their elders (as) spokesmen in order to seek peace (lit. for the purpose of peace being sought); this was an especially venerable council among them, and a great influence in directing the senate itself (lit. for the purpose of the senate itself being directed). When they arrived at the Roman camp and headquarters, they fell prostrate (on the ground), according to the custom of courtiers - that ceremony having been derived, I suppose, from that land from which they originated (lit. were sprung) (i.e. Phoenicia). Their discourse was suited to such grovelling flattery, not of those excusing their fault, but of those transferring the origin of the fault to Hannibal and the supporters of his power. They craved pardon for a state overthrown twice by the temerity of its citizens, and about to be protected again by the benevolence of its enemy; (they say) that the Roman people seeks power from their conquered enemies rather than their utter destruction. Let him enjoin as he wishes upon those ready to serve (him) obediently.
Scipio says that he has come to Africa with this hope, that he would bring back home a victory, not a peace, and that his hope (has been) increased by a successful outcome of the war: nevertheless, although he has victory almost in his hands, he is not rejecting a peace, in order that all the nations might know that the Roman people both undertake and end wars justly. (He says) that he is announcing these terms of peace: they should restore (all) prisoners of war and deserters and runaway slaves; they should withdraw their armies from Italy and Gaul; they should have nothing to do with Spain; they should depart from all the islands which are between Italy and Africa; they must hand over all their war-ships except twenty, five hundred (thousand pecks) of wheat, (and) three hundred thousand pecks of barley. There is little agreement (as to) how great a sum of money he imposed; I find in one source five thousand talents, in another source five thousand pounds (lit. in weight [of pounds]) of silver, and in yet another source double the pay required for his soldiers. "Whether peace seems good (to you) on these conditions," he says, "three days will be given (to you) for the sake of deliberation. If it does seem (lit. if it will have seemed) good, make a truce with me, (and) send ambassadors to the Senate in Rome." Having been thus dismissed, the Carthaginians, when they had decided that no terms of peace ought (lit. [were] right to) be refused, since they were seeking a delay in time, until Hannibal should cross over into Africa, sent some envoys to Scipio, in order to make a truce, and others to Rome in order to seek peace (lit. for the purpose of peace being sought), taking (with them) a few prisoners of war and deserters and runaway slaves for the sake of appearances, so that peace might be more attainable.
Chapter XVII. Laelius and Masinissa's envoys in Rome.
Many days before, Laelius, (together) with Syphax and the captive noblemen of the Numidians, came to Rome, and he outlined to the senators (lit. fathers) all the things, one after another, which had been accomplished in Africa, amidst both the great rejoicing of people for the present and (high) hopes for the future. Thereupon, the senators, their advice having been requested, voted that the king ought (lit. was needing) to be sent to prison at Alba, and that Laelius ought (lit. was needing) to be retained until the Carthaginian ambassadors arrived. A thanksgiving for four days was decreed. Publius Aelius (Paetus), the praetor, the Senate having been broken up and an assembly thereupon having been summoned, climbed on to the rostrum with Gaius Laelius. There, hearing that the armies of the Carthaginians (had been) routed, a king with a famous name conquered and captured, (and) the whole of Numidia overrun through an exceptional victory, (the people) could not indeed contain their joy in silence, but displayed their unrestrained rejoicing by shouts and by other (actions) to which the multitude is accustomed. And so, the praetor immediately proclaimed that the temple-guardians should open the sacred shrines in the whole of the city, (and) that the opportunity should be available (lit. occur) to the people throughout the whole day of going around and of paying their respects to the gods and of giving thanks.
On the next day, he introduced Masinissa's envoys to the Senate. Firstly, they congratulated the Senate because Publius (Cornelius) Scipio had successfully conducted matters in Africa; then they gave thanks because he had not only addressed Masinissa (as) king, but he had (also) given effect (to this) by restoring (him) to his paternal kingdom, in which, after Syphax (had been) removed, he would, if it seemed good to the senators thus, rule without fear and strife, (and) then (because) he had decorated (him), (after he had been) highly praised before an assembly (of officers), with the most splendid gifts; in order that he should not be unworthy of these, Masinissa had both given service and would give (such service) further. They requested that the Senate would confirm by a decree the title of king and the other kindnesses and gifts of Scipio: and in addition to these things, if it were not (too) difficult, Masinissa also requested that they would send back the Numidian prisoners of war, who were in custody at Rome: this would be important (for his reputation) among his fellow-citizens. To these (requests) (there was) this response to the envoys: the congratulation of themselves was shared with the king; Scipio was thought to have acted rightly and with propriety in that he had called him king; and anything else he had done, this the senators approved and applauded, which was gratifying to (lit. was [lying] at the heart of) Masinissa. They also decreed what gifts the envoys should carry to the king, two purple cloaks with broaches for each one, and tunics with the broad band, two horses adorned with trappings, two equestrian suits of armour with breast-plates, and tents and military furniture, such as it was the custom for a consul to be provided with. The praetor was ordered to send these things to the king, for the envoys gifts of not less (than) five thousand (asses) for each one, for their attendants a thousand asses each, and two garments for the envoys, one each for their attendants and for the Numidians, who, having been released from custody, were to be restored to the king: in addition t in the fron o this, free lodgings, places (of honour) (and) public entertainments for the envoys (were) decreed.
Chapter XVIII. Defeat of Mago in North Italy.
In the same summer, in which these (measures) were decreed at Rome and (these operations) carried out in Africa, the praetor Publius Quinctilius Varus and the proconsul Marcus Cornelius (Cethegus) fought a pitched battle (lit. with their standards gathered together) with Mago the Carthaginian. The praetor's legions were in the front of the battle-line: Cornelius kept his (legions) in reserve, having ridden (lit. having been carried on his horse) himself to the front line (lit. the foremost standards); near the two wings, the praetor and the proconsul exhorted the soldiers to charge the enemy (lit. with the purpose of their standards being carried towards the enemy) with the utmost force. After they had not moved the enemy in any way, Quinctilius then (said) to Cornelius: "As you perceive, the battle is happening too slowly, and the enemy's fear is hardened by resisting, contrary to expectation, and there is danger lest it should be converted into boldness. It is necessary that we summon up a cavalry charge, if we wish to shake (them) up and shift (them) from their ground. And so, either do you maintain the battle in the front rank (lit. at the foremost standards), (and) I shall lead the cavalry into battle, or I shall direct the action here in the front line, (and) do you launch the cavalry of the four legions against the enemy." With the proconsul accepting which of the two parts of duty he wished, the praetor, (together) with his son, a spirited young man, whose first name was Marcus, goes to the cavalry, and, (with them) having been ordered to mount upon their horses, he launches (thalling em) suddenly against the enemy. The shouting raised by the legions increased the confusion caused by the cavalry, and the enemy's battle-line would not have stood its ground, if Mago, at the first movement of the cavalry, had not immediately brought into the battle the elephants (which had been) made ready; the horses, terrified by their trumpeting, their smell and their appearance, rendered the assistance of the cavalry ineffective. And, as, mixed up in a crowd, when he could use his lance and his sword at close quarters, the Roman cavalryman was the more effective, so against the cavalry (when it had been) carried far away by frightened horses, the Numidians hurled their lances better at a distance. At the same time, the twelfth legion of infantry, a great part of them having been slain, held their ground through (a sense of) shame rather than though their strength; and it would not have held (it any) longer. if the thirteenth legion, brought up into the front line from the reserve, had not taken up the struggle. Mago also opposed Gauls (brought up) from his reserves against the fresh legion. These having been routed with no great effort, the 'hastati' (i.e. soldiers from the second rank) of the thirteenth legion massed themselves together and charged the elephants, (who were) also now disordering the line of the infantry. When they had thrown their javelins together at these (elephants who had been) densely crowded together, almost no (javelin) had been discharged in vain; four (of them) fell, overwhelmed by wounds. Then, for the first time, the battle-line of the enemy gave ground, with all the cavalry having charged forward at the same time, when they saw the elephants turned around, in order to increase the panic and confusion (lit. with the purpose of the panic and confusion being increased). But, so long as Mago stood before the standards, (his men, while) gradually retreating (lit. retracing their steps), maintained their ranks and the steady course of the battle; when they saw (him) falling, his thigh having been pierced, and borne away from the battle(-field) almost lifeless, they all turned to flight at once. About five thousand of the enemy (were) killed on that day, and twenty-two military standards captured. Nor was it a bloodless victory for the Romans: two thousand three hundred (were) lost from the praetor's army, much the greatest part from the twelfth legion. From this also (were lost) two military tribunes, Marcus Cosconius and Marcus Maevius. Of the thirteenth legion too, which had been present in the last part of the battle, a military tribune,Gaius Helvius, fell while the battle(-line) was being reinvigorated (lit. during the battle being restored), and twenty-two upper class knights, having been trampled by the elephants, and some centurions perished. And the contest would have been longer, if victory had not been conceded (by the enemy) owing to the wound of their general.
Chapter XIX. Death of Mago. Events in Italy.
Mago, setting out during the silence of the following night, the marches along the road having been (as much) lengthened as he was able to endure by reason of his wound, arrived at the sea in the territory of the Ingaunian Ligurians. Here emissaries from Carthage, their ships having brought in to land a few days before in the Gallic bay (i.e. the Gulf of Genoa) came to him, ordering (him) to go across to Africa at the earliest opportunity: (they said) that his brother Hannibal would do this also - for emissaries, ordering the same thing had gone to him too; that the affairs of the Carthaginians were not in such a position, that they could hold Gaul and Italy by (force of) arms. Mago, not only influenced by the command of the senate, but also fearing lest his victorious enemy should be upon (him), if he were to delay (lit. delaying), and (lest) the Ligurians themselves, perceiving that Italy was being abandoned by the Carthaginians, should go over to those in whose power they would soon be, (and), at the same time, hoping that the jolting of his wound would be gentler during a sea-voyage than on the road and that everything would be more conducive to his treatment, (and), with his men having been put into the ships, having set sail, yet Sardinia having been scarcely passed, dies from his wound. Some also of the Carthaginians' ships, having been dispersed in the open sea (lit. the deep), are captured by the Roman fleet, which was around Sardinia. These things (were) transacted on land and sea in that part of Italy which lies near to the Alps.
The consul Gaius Servilius (Geminus), no memorable action having been undertaken in his province of Etruria, and in Gaul - for thither he had gone too - his father Gaius Servilus (Geminus) and Gaius Lutatius (Catulus), who had been taken prisoner by the Boii near the village of Tannetum, having been rescued from servitude after the sixteenth year, returned to Rome, his father flanking (him) on one (side) (and) Catulus on the other side, marked by private rather than by public honour. (A measure) was taken to the people that it should not be to Gaius Servilius (Geminus)'s prejudice that, with his father, who had occupied a curule chair, alive, although he was unaware of this, he had been tribune of the plebs and plebeian aedile against what was sanctified by the laws. This proposal having been passed, he returned to his province.
Consentia, Aufugum, Bergae, Besidiae, Oriculum, Lymphaeum, Argentanum, Clampetia and many humble communities, perceiving that the Carthaginian campaign was waning, went over to the consul Gnaeus Servilius (Caepio), who was among the Bruttians. The same consul fought a battle with Hannibal in the territory of Croton. The story of that battle is unclear. Valerius Antias says that five thousand of the enemy (were) slain; this is such a great event that it has either been shamelessly fabricated or passed over carelessly. Certainly nothing further (was) accomplished by Hannibal in Italy. For to him also came emissaries from Carthage, recalling (him) to Africa at the same time (lit. in those [same] days), by chance, as (lit. in which) they came to Mago.
Chapter XX. Hannibal evacuates Italy.
It is said that he heard the words of the emissaries (while) gnashing his teeth and groaning and scarcely holding back his tears. After they delivered their instructions, he says: "They are recalling (me) no longer indirectly but openly, (they) who, by forbidding reinforcements and money being sent, have been trying to drag (me) back for a long time now. So the Roman people, so often cut to pieces and put to flight, have not conquered Hannibal, but the Carthaginian senate by its carping and envy. Nor will Publius Scipio exult and glory (lit. raise himself up) so much as Hanno, who has crushed our house, since he could not (do it) by (any) other means than the ruin of Carthage."
Already, foreseeing this in his mind, he had prepared his ships in advance beforehand. Accordingly, the useless crowd among his soldiers having been distributed under the pretence of garrisons among the towns of the territory of Bruttium, a few of which were being held by fear rather than by loyalty, he transported what was the pick of (lit. among) his army to Africa, many men of the Italian race, since, saying that they would not follow (him) to Africa, they had withdrawn to the shrine of Juno Lacinia, undesecrated until that day, having been foully killed within the temple itself. They say that rarely has anyone else, leaving his native-land to go into (lit. for the sake of) exile, departed so sorrowfully as Hannibal, going away from his enemy's land; he looked back frequently at the shores of Italy, (and), accusing both gods and men, he called down curses upon himself also and upon his very own head, because he had not led his army, blood-stained from their victory at Cannae, to Rome; Scipio, who (as) consul, had not seen a Carthaginian enemy in Italy, (had) dared to go to (attack) Carthage: he, a hundred thousand armed men having been slain at Trasimene or Cannae, had become enfeebled around Casilinum, Cumae and Nola. Accusing (himself), and complaining, of these things, he was dragged away from his long occupation of Italy.
ack
Chapters XXI-XXIII. The Carthaginian envoys in Rome.
Chapter XXI.
At Rome it was reported that both Mago and Hannibal had set sail. Both the fact that their generals seemed to have too little either of courage or of strength with regard to them being held back, since this had been ordered by the Senate, and the fact that they were anxious (as to) how the campaign would turn out, with the whole weight of the war depending on one army and (one) general, diminished the delight in this two-fold rejoicing. During these same days, envoys from Saguntum arrived, bringing (with them) (some) Carthaginians, who had crossed into Spain in order to hire auxiliary troops (lit. with the purpose of auxiliary troops being hired), (and who had been) seized together with their money. They deposited in the forecourt of the Senate House two hundred and fifty (pounds) of gold (and) eighty pounds (lit. in weight [of pounds]) of silver. The men having been received and confined in the prison, (and) the gold and silver having been returned, thanks (were) given to the envoys, and in addition presents (were) given (to them), as well as ships, by which they might be returned. Then mention was made by the older (members) that men recognised blessings more slowly than misfortunes; they recalled how great was the alarm and the panic in respect of Hannibal's passage into Italy; since then what disasters, what sorrows they had encountered! The enemy's camp had been visible from the walls of the city: what prayers there had been from individuals and from the whole community! How often in their deliberations had the voices of (men), stretching their hands to heaven, been heard (to say), oh, would that day ever come (lit. be) in which they should behold Italy clear of enemies, flourishing in a blessed peace! (They said) that the gods had at length granted that (favour), (but) not until the sixteenth year, nor was there (anyone) to propose that thanks should be given to the gods: to such an extent do men not welcome gratefully a blessing when it has come (lit. coming), not to mention the fact that they are (little) enough mindful of a past (blessing). Then the cry was raised (lit. it was shouted) from every part of the Senate House that Publius Aelius (Paetus), the praetor, should put the matter (to the House); and it was resolved that for five days thanks should be offered (lit. it should be supplicated) around all the festal couches, and that a hundred and twenty full-grown victims (lit. victims of the larger kind) should be sacrificed.
Laelius and the envoys of Masinissa having been dismissed, when it had been reported that that the ambassadors of the Carthaginians, coming to the Senate concerning peace, (had been) seen at Puteoli, (and) would be coming thence by land, it was agreed that Gaius Laelius should be recalled and that the discussions about peace should take place (lit. it should be discussed about peace) in his presence. Quintus Fulvius Gillo, a legate of Scipio, conducted the Carthaginians to Rome: to them, having been forbidden to enter the city, hospitality (was given) in the Villa Publica, and (a hearing) of the Senate was granted at the Temple of Bellona.
Chapter XXII.
They delivered almost the same speech as (they had) before Scipio, shifting all the blame for the war from public policy to Hannibal; (they declared) that he had crossed not only the Alps but also the Ebro without orders from their senate, and that he had waged war not only on the Romans but also on the Saguntines previously on his private initiative; that, if anyone were to view (the matter) properly, the treaty of the senate and people of Carthage with the Romans was unbroken up to that day. Accordingly they had been mandated (lit. it had been mandated to them) to seek nothing other than that it should be permitted (to them) to remain in that peace(-treaty) which had been made with the consul (Gaius) Lutatius (Catulus) (i.e. in 241 B.C.) When the praetor, in accordance with custom having been handed down, had given to the senators the opportunity of interrogating the ambassadors, if anyone wished (to ask) anything, and the older (members) who had been present at these treaties asked, some (one question), (others) another, and the ambassadors kept on saying that they did not remember on account of their age - and, as a matter of fact, they were almost all (of them) young men - the cry arose (lit. it was shouted) from every part of the Senate House that, due to Punic trickery, (men had been) chosen to seek a renewal of the old treaty, which they did not remember themselves.
Chapter XXIII.
Then, the ambassadors having been removed from the Senate House, opinions began to be asked. Marcus Livius (Salinator) moved that the consul Gaius Servilius (Geminus), who was the nearer, should (lit. was needing to) be summoned, so that the discussions about peace might take place (lit. it should be discussed about peace) in his presence; since consultation could not occur concerning a more important matter than this was, it did not seem to him that this matter could be discussed sufficiently in accordance with the dignity of the Roman people with one or both of the consuls being absent. Quintus (Caecilius) Metellus, who had been consul three years previously, and dictator, (said): since Publius Scipio, by destroying their armies and by ravaging their land, had driven the enemy into such a necessitous state that they were seeking peace (as) suppliants, and (since) no one out of all the world (lit. everyone) could calculate more accurately with what intent that peace was being sought, than (he) who, at that very moment, was waging war before the gates of Carthage, peace should (lit. was needing to) be accepted or (lit. was needing to be) rejected on the advice of no one other than Scipio. Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who had twice been consul, sought to prove that they had come (as) spies not envoys, and that they should (lit. were needing to) be ordered to depart from Italy and that guards should (lit. were needing to) be sent with them as far as the ships, and that written instructions should be sent (lit. it [was] needing to be written) to Scipio that he should not let up on the war (effort). Laelius and Fulvius added that Scipio also had based his hope for peace having been put in place on the supposition that Hannibal and Mago would not be recalled from Italy; (he considered) that the Carthaginians would pretend all kinds of things, while they awaited (lit. awaiting) these generals and their armies; then, forgetful of (any) treaties, however recent, and all the gods, they would proceed with the war. (Accordingly there was) a division (all) the more in favour of Laevinus' motion. The ambassadors (were) dismissed, with peace unachieved and almost without an answer.
Chapter XIV. Incidents in Italy. The Carthaginians break the truce.
During those days, the consul Gnaeus Servilius (Caepio), not doubting but that the glory of Italy having been pacified was his prerogative (lit. in the possession of himself), as if pursuing a Hannibal having been driven out by him, crossed (over) to Sicily, intending to cross to Africa also. When this was noised abroad in Rome, the senators had, at first, voted that the praetor should write to the consul that the Senate thought (it) proper that he should return to Italy; then, when the praetor declared that he would scorn his letter, Publius Sulpicius (Galba), having been appointed dictator for this very (purpose), recalled the consul to Italy by virtue of his superior authority. (Together) with Marcus Servilius (Geminus), his master of the horse, he devoted the rest of the year to the purpose of the cities of Italy, which had been estranged by the war, being visited, and the cases of each individual (city) being enquired into.
During the period of the truce also, a hundred transport ships with supplies, (sent) from Sardinia by the praetor Lentulus with an escort of twenty war-ships (lit. beaked [ships]), transferred to Africa, the sea (being) safe from the enemy and from storms. Gnaeus Octavius did not have (lit. there was not to Gnaeus Octavius) the same good fortune, as he crossed (lit. crossing) from Sicily with two hundred transport ships (and) thirty war (lit. long) ships. The wind at first failed (him), (after he had been) carried by a favourable passage almost within sight of Africa, then, having shifted into a south-westerly, it disrupted and scattered his ships in all directions. He himself with the war-ships (lit. beaked [ships]), having struggled through adverse waves by the mighty efforts of his oarsmen, reached the promontory of Apollo: the greatest part of the transports were carried down to Aegimurus - this island shuts in from the open sea (lit. the deep) the bay in which Carthage is sited, (and is) about thirty miles from the city - , (and) the rest to the Hot Baths opposite the city. Everything was within the sight of Carthage. Accordingly, a crowd was assembled (lit. it was assembled) in the forum from every part of the city: the magistrates called the senate, (and) the people protested in the forecourt of the senate house lest such great booty should be lost from their sight (lit. eyes) and grasp (lit. hands). Although some put forward (in argument) the obligations of the peace having been solicited, (and) others (the obligations) of the truce - for the period had not yet expired - , it was agreed by an assembly of senate and people, almost (equally) mixed, that Hasdrubal (N.B. an admiral, and not the general and father of Sophonisba) should take a fleet of fifty ships to Aegimurus, (and) thence gather up the Roman ships scattered along the coast and its ports. First the transport ships from Aegimurus, then those from the Baths, having been abandoned by the flight of their sailors, were towed by their sterns to Carthage.
Chapter XXV. Carthaginian attack on Roman ambassadors. Hannibal lands in Africa.
The ambassadors had not yet returned from Rome. Nor was it known what was the decision of the Roman Senate concerning war and peace, nor yet had the period of the truce expired: Scipio, thinking the outrage the more unworthy in that both the hope of peace and the sanctity of the truce had been violated by those who had sought peace and a truce, immediately sent Lucius Baebius, Marcus Sergius, (and) Lucius Fabius (as) ambassadors to Carthage. When they had been nearly injured by the jostling of a mob, and they did not perceive that their return would be (any) safer, they requested from those magistrates, by whose help violence had been prevented, that they should send ships to escort them. When the two triremes, (which had been) furnished, reached the river Bagradas, from where the Roman camp could be seen, they returned to Carthage. The Carthaginian fleet was holding its station neat Utica. From this (fleet) three quadriremes suddenly attacked, from the sea(ward side), a Roman quadrireme (as it was) rounding the promontory - whether owing to a message that this should be done having been sent secretly from Carthage, or with Hasdrubal, who was in command of the fleet, having ventured the enterprise without (any) public complicity. But they could neither ram (it) with their beaks, as it slipped away (lit. slipping away) (from them) by its speed, nor (could) the armed men jump across from the lower (vessels) on to a higher ship, and she was brilliantly defended as long as their missiles were in full supply. With these failing nothing could now have protected it other than the proximity of the land and the large number of men having poured out of the camp on to the shore. For when they had launched (it) against the land, having been driven on by the oars with the greatest impetus that they could (provide), only the ship having become a loss, they themselves escaped unharmed. Thus, when the truce had been without doubt broken by one crime on top of another, Laelius and Fulvius arrived from Rome (together) with the Carthaginian ambassadors. When Scipio had said to them that, although not only had the sanctity of the truce been violated, but also the law of nations in respect of the envoys, yet he would, in their case, do nothing unworthy either of the traditions of the Roman people or of his own character, the ambassadors having been dismissed, he prepared for war.
With Hannibal now approaching land, when one of the sailors, (who had been) ordered to climb up the mast in order to make out what region they were coming to, had said that the prow was pointing towards a ruined tomb, he, deprecating an unfavourable omen, (and) the helmsman been having ordered to sail past, brought his fleet in at Leptis, and disembarked his troops there.
Chapter XXVI. Other events of the year 203 B.C.
These things (were) done in this year in Africa: the following (events) overlap into that year in which Marcus Servilius (Geminus), who had, at that time, been master of the horse, and Tiberius Claudius Nero became consuls. But at the end of the previous year, when envoys of allied cities in Greece had complained that their lands (had been) ravaged by the king's forces, and that their envoys, having set out for Macedonia in order to demand satisfaction (lit. for the purpose of these matters being redressed), had not been admitted into the presence of King Philip, (and), at the same time, had brought word that four thousand soldiers, with Sopater (as) their commander, were said to have been taken across into Africa to serve as a reinforcement for the Carthaginians, and that a considerable amount of money (had been) sent together (with them), the Senate resolved that ambassadors should (lit. were needing to) be sent to the king to inform (him) that these acts were considered by the senators (to be) contrary to the treaty. Gaius Terentius Varro, Gaius Mamilius (Atellus) and Marcus Aurelius (Cotta) (were) sent. Three quinqueremes (were) assigned to them.
That year was (made) remarkable by a huge fire, by which the Publician hill was burnt to the ground, and by the size of the floods, but (also) by the cheapness of grain, not only because all of Italy had been opened up by the peace, (but) also because Marcus Valerius Falto and Marcus Fabius Buteo, the curule aediles, distributed to the people, street by street, at (the rate of) four asses a peck, a great quantity of corn (which had been) sent from Spain.
In the same year, Quintus Fabius Maximus (Verrucosus Cunctator) dies at an advanced old age (lit. at an age when his active life had been completed), if indeed it is true that he had been an augur for sixty-two years, as some assert (lit. as some are witnesses). He was a man, unquestionably worthy of that very grand surname, even if it began as a new (name) with him. He surpassed the honours of his father (N.B. actually his grandfather), (and) equalled (those) of his grandfather (N.B. actually his great-grandfather). His grandfather Rullus (was) distinguished by greater victories and battles: but (having) Hannibal (as) his sole antagonist can make everything equal. However, he (was) regarded more (as) a cautious man than an active one; and, just as you may doubt whether he was the delayer by disposition or because (that title) was particularly suited to the war which he was waging in such a way at that time, so nothing is more certain than that one man restored our state by delaying, just as Ennius says. In his place (as) an augur his son (N.B. actually it was his grandson), Quintus Fabius Maximus, (was) installed; in the place of the same man (as) pontiff - for he held two priesthoods - Servius Sulpicius Galba (was installed).
The Roman Games were celebrated for one day, (and) the Plebeian (Games) (were celebrated) completely for three days by the aediles Marcus Sextius Sabinus and Gnaeus Tremellius Flaccus. Both these men were elected praetors, and with them Marcus Livius Salinator and Gaius Aurelius Cotta. Conflicting authorities bring it about that it is uncertain whether the consul Gaius Servilius (Geminus) held the elections (lit. the assembly [for the elections]) of that year, or Publius Sulpicius (Galba), having been nominated dictator by him, because (affairs) had detained him in Etruria, (as he was) holding enquiries, in accordance with a resolution of the Senate, concerning the conspiracies of the leading (inhabitants).
Chapter XXVII. New commands and distribution of forces. 202 B.C.
At the beginning of the following year, Marcus Servilius (Geminus) and Tiberius Cladius (Nero), the Senate having been summoned to the Capitol, brought (to it the question) about (the assignment of) the provinces. They wanted Italy and Africa in the lots to be cast, both desiring Africa; but with Quintus (Caecilius) Metellus making especial efforts, Africa was neither withheld nor (yet) allocated. The consuls (were) instructed to arrange with the tribunes of the plebs that, if it seemed good to them, they should ask the people whom they wished to conduct the war in Africa. All the tribes appointed Publius (Cornelius) Scipio (to conduct the war). Nevertheless, the consuls put to the lot the province of Africa - for so the Senate had decreed. Africa fell to the lot of Tiberius Claudius (Nero), with the instructions that he should take across to Africa a fleet of fifty ships, all (of them) quinqueremes, and that he should be a commander with authority equal to (lit. with) Publius (Cornelius) Scipio. Marcus Servilius (Geminus) received Etruria by lot. In the same province also command (was) extended in the case of Gaius Servilius (Geminus), in case it were agreed by the Senate that the consul should remain near the city. In respect of the praetors, Marcus Sextius (Sabinus) received Gaul by lot, with instructions that Publius Quinctilius Varus should hand over to him his two legions; Gaius Livius (Salinator) (received the land) of the Bruttians with the two legions which Publius Sempronius (Tuditanus) had commanded (as) proconsul of the previous year; Gnaeus Tremellius (Flaccus) (was allotted) Sicily, so that he received the province and its two legions from Publius Villius Tappulus, the praetor of the previous year; Villius (as) propraetor was to defend the coast of Sicily with twenty war (lit. long) ships (and) a thousand soldiers. Marcus Pomponius (Matho) with the remaining twenty ships was to transport five hundred soldiers back to Rome; the urban (jurisdiction) fell to Gaius Aurelius (Cotta). With regard to the rest (of the praetors) their commands (were) extended according as each was holding their (respective) provinces and armies. The empire was defended by no more than sixteen legions that year, And, so that they might begin everything and carry (it) on with the gods having been placated, inasmuch as, with Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Titus Quinctius (Crispinus) (being) consuls (i.e. in 208 B.C.), the dictator Titus Manlius (Torquatus) (had vowed) games, and inasmuch as he had vowed victims of the larger kind, if the republic should have been in the same condition for a period of five years, (it was ordered) that the consuls should celebrate those games before setting out to war. The games were celebrated in the Circus for five days, and the victims were sacrificed to the gods to whom they (had been) vowed.
Chapter XXVIII. Hopes and fears at Rome.
Meanwhile (lit. among these things) both hope and anxiety were growing daily; nor could it be agreed with enough certainty in (men's) minds whether it was a fit (subject) for rejoicing that Hannibal, departing from Italy after the sixteenth year, had left its possession free to the Roman people, or, because he had crossed into Africa with his army intact, (it was) more (a matter) to be feared; assuredly (they thought) the place (had) changed, (but) not the danger; Quintus Fabius (Maximus Verrucosus Cunctator), the prophet of this very great struggle, who had recently died, was wont to predict, not without reason, that Hannibal would be an (even) more formidable foe in his own country than in a foreign (one). Nor would Scipio have to deal (lit. would there be business for Scipio) either with Syphax, a king, whose armies that camp-follower Statorius was accustomed to lead, or with Hasdrubal, a general all too ready to flee, or with hastily raised armies, suddenly gathered from a semi-armed mob of rustics, but with Hannibal, born almost in the headquarters of his father, the bravest of generals, reared and brought up amidst arms, at one time a boy soldier, a general (when) scarcely a youth, who, having become elderly by conquest, had filled Spain, Gaul (and) Italy from the Alps to the Straits (of Messina) with the monuments of his great deeds. He was leading an army contemporary with his own campaigns (lit. payments), hardened by the endurance of every kind of hardship, such as there can scarcely be a belief that men could have endured, steeped a thousand times in Roman blood, (and) bearing the spoils not only of soldiers but also of generals. (There were) many men about to encounter Scipio on the battle-line, who had, with their own hands, slain Roman praetors, generals and consuls, (who had been) decorated with crowns for scaling walls and ramparts, (and who had) wandered through captured camps and captured cities of the Romans. The magistrates of the Roman people did not have (lit. There were not to the magistrates of the Roman people) today so many fasces as Hannibal could carry before (him), captured through the slaughter of generals.
By brooding (lit. pondering in their minds) on these apprehensions, they themselves increased their anxieties and fears, even (more) because, while they had been accustomed, for many years, to the waging of war before their eyes in one part of Italy and (then) in another, with faint hope, (and) with no end of the fighting approaching, Scipio and Hannibal had excited the minds of all, as generals prepared for the ultimate contest. Even those, whose faith in Scipio, and hope of victory, was huge, the more they were intent in their minds upon its imminence, the more intense were their anxieties. Nor was there a dissimilar state of mind among the Carthaginians, to whom, at one moment, (when) contemplating Hannibal and the magnitude of the things achieved by him, it was a source of regret that they had sought peace, (and) at another moment, when they considered that they had twice been defeated on the field of battle, that Syphax (had been) captured, that they had been driven from Spain, (and) driven from Italy, and all these things (had been) accomplished on account of the valour and strategy of Scipio alone, they looked upon him with dread as if (he were) a commander marked out by fate (and) born for their destruction.
Chapter XXIX. The advance to the battlefield.
Hannibal had by this time arrived at Hadrumetum, from where, a few days having been spent in order to revive his soldiers (lit. for the purpose of his soldiers being revived) from the tossing of the sea, (and) aroused by alarming messages of (men) reporting that all places around Carthage were being held by armed troops, he hastened to Zama by forced (lit. great) marches. Zama is a march of five days distant from Carthage. When scouts having been sent forward from there, (and) having been intercepted, were led by their Roman guards before Scipio, he ordered that they, having been handed over to the military tribunes and having been told to view everything without fear (lit. with fear having been abandoned), should be conducted through the camp as they wished; and, having questioned (them) as to whether they had sufficiently explored everything at their convenience, he sent (them) back to Hannibal, with (men) having been provided to escort (them). Hannibal, indeed, heard nothing of the (circumstances) which were reported (to him) with a joyous mind - for they brought word that Masinissa with six thousand infantry and four (thousand) cavalry had arrived as well on that very day, (but he was) especially shocked by the confidence of the enemy, which was certainly not conceived without good reason (lit. from nothing). Accordingly, although he was himself both the instigator (lit. the cause) of the war, and had, by his arrival, upset both the truce (which had been) struck and the hope of treaties, yet, thinking that more favourable (terms) could be obtained if he sought peace (with his strength still) unimpaired, he sent a messenger to Scipio in order to create an opportunity of holding a conference with him. Whether he did this of his own accord or through public policy, I have no grounds (as to) why I should affirm either. Valerius Antias relates that he, having been defeated by Scipio in a first engagement, in which twelve thousand armed men were slain in battle, (and) one thousand and seven hundred captured, came (as) an envoy with ten other envoys to Scipio in his camp. Be that as it may, when Scipio had not refused a conference, both generals by agreement (lit. in accordance with a plan) moved his camp forward so that they could meet from a nearby (location). Scipio encamped not far from the city of Naraggara in a place both suitable in other respects and (where) there was a watering place within range (lit. the throw) of a javelin. Hannibal occupied a hill at a distance of four miles from there, safe and convenient in other respects, except that there was a somewhat distant watering place. There in between both camps (lit. in the middle [space]) a place (was) chosen, visible from all sides, so that there might not be any ambush.
Chapter XXX. The speech of Hannibal.
Their armed men having been withdrawn by an equal distance, they met with one interpreter each, (being) not only the greatest leaders of their own age but equal to any of the kings and commanders of all nations in all history before them. For a short time, within sight of one another, they were silent, almost dumbfounded by mutual admiration. Then Hannibal (spoke) first (thus): "If it was ordained thus by fate (from the beginning) that I who began the war (lit. who [was] the first to make war) upon the Roman people, and who have had the victory so often in my grasp (lit. hands), should, (as) that man, come voluntarily in order to seek peace (lit. for the purpose of peace being sought), I rejoice that you have been especially granted to me by lot (as the man) from whom I should seek (it). Moreover, amongst your many brilliant (achievements) it will not (be found to) have been amongst the least of your distinctions that Hannibal to whom the gods had granted victory over so many Roman generals, should have yielded to you, and that you should have put an end to this war, (which has been) remarkable for your disasters rather than for ours. Moreover, fortune will (be found to) have brought forth this freak of chance, that, whereas I took up arms with your father (as) consul, (and) I first joined battle (lit. gathered my standards together) with the same general, I should come, unarmed, to his son for the sake of peace being sought. It would, indeed, have been far better for such a disposition to have been granted to our forefathers that you (would have been content with power) over Italy and we should have been content with power over Africa: for not even to you are Sicily and Sardinia a sufficiently fit price in proportion to so many fleets, so many armies, (and) so many (and) such distinguished generals having been lost. But past (events) can more (easily) be censured than set aright. We have (both) sought to appropriate other men's possessions with the result that we have had to fight for our own (possessions), and not only have you had a war in Italy and we in Africa (lit. and not only has there been a war to you in Italy and to us in Africa), but you have beheld the standards and arms of your enemy almost in your gates and (on) your walls, and we have distinctly heard the din of a Roman camp from (the walls of) Carthage. What therefore we should especially deprecate but you should wish for before everything, there is a discussion (lit. it is being discussed) about peace at a time when your fortune (is) better. We (who) are discussing (it are) those who, whatever we have discussed our states will ratify (lit. will keep the decision). We only need (lit. there is only a need for us) to have a disposition not shrinking from peaceful counsels.
As far as it pertains to me, now returning (as) an old man too my native-land whence I set out (as) a boy, now favourable (circumstances), now adverse (circumstances) have so schooled (me) that I prefer to follow reason (rather) than fortune: (but) I fear both your youth and your constant good fortune, both of which things are more impetuous than quiet counsels need (lit. than there is a need for in respect of quiet counsels). Hardly ever (lit. not easily) does he, whom fortune has never deceived, reflect upon the uncertainties of chance. What I was at Trasimene (and) at Cannae, you (are) that today. Your command having been received (when) scarcely yet at the age of military service, fortune has nowhere deceived (you when) undertaking everything with great boldness. Having avenged the death of your father and your uncle, you have snatched from the disaster of your house the distinguished honour of outstanding valour and piety; you have recovered the lost Spanish (provinces), four Carthaginian armies having been driven thence; having been elected consul, when the rest had (lit. there was to the rest) too little courage to defend Italy (lit. for the purpose of Italy being defended), having crossed into Africa, two armies having been destroyed here, two camps at the same time having been captured and burned at the same hour, Syphax, a most powerful king having been captured, (and) so many towns of his kingdom and of our dominion having been seized, you have dragged me away, clinging to the possession of Italy now for the sixteenth year. The mind can prefer victory (rather) than peace. I know that aspiration (which is) great rather than useful: on me too such a fortune once shone. But, if in favourable circumstances the gods can grant (us) sound judgment also, we should reflect upon not only those things which have happened, but also (upon) those things which can happen. Although you may forget everyone else, I am a sufficient proof in respect of all misfortunes, (I), whom you had seen not long ago, my camp pitched between the Anio and your city, my standards advancing and now almost scaling the walls of Rome, (but), at this point, having been deprived of two brothers, the bravest of men and the most eminent of generals, you see before the walls of my native-city, (already) almost besieged, deprecating those things on behalf of my own (city) by which I terrified your city.
It is necessary for each (piece) of the greatest good fortune to be trusted least (lit. It is necessary to be trusted least in respect of each [piece of] good fortune) : amidst your favourable affairs and our doubtful (ones), peace to you granting (it) is splendid and handsome, (but) to us soliciting (it) it is more necessary than honourable. A certain peace is better and safer than an expected victory; the former is in your hands, the latter in the gods'. Do not expose the good fortune of many years to the hazard of a single hour; when you (consider) your strength, then put before your mind the power of chance and the shared uncertainty of war. On both sides there will be arms, on both sides there will be human bodies: nowhere less than in war do events correspond to (men's) expectations. If you were to be victorious in battle, you will not add not so much to that renown which you can have already, peace having been granted, as you would take from (it), if anything adverse were to happen. The chance of a single hour can overturn simultaneously the honours (which you have) acquired and (those which you have) anticipated. Everything is in your power in a peace being made, Publius Cornelius: otherwise, that fortune must (lit. will be needing to) be accepted, which the gods will have granted. Among the few good examples of good fortune and virtue would have been Marcus Atilius (Regulus) years ago in this same land, if, (when) victorious, he had granted peace to our fathers (who were) seeking (it): by setting no limit to his success and by not checking a good fortune which was carrying him away, the more highly he had been raised up, the more horribly he fell.
It is, indeed, for him who gives (it), not for him who seeks (it), to name the terms of peace: but perhaps we are not unworthy to propose of our own accord a penalty upon ourselves. We do not refuse that everything, on account of which we went (lit. it was gone) to war, should be yours, Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, (and) every island which lies (lit. is contained) in all the sea between Africa and Italy: let us Carthaginians, confined by the coasts of Africa, behold you ruling by your authority even foreign (countries) by land and sea. I would not deny that, on account of the peace having recently been sought by us or awaited not too honestly, Punic faith is suspect to you. For the security of peace being kept much depends, Scipio, upon (those) who have sought (it) [your senators also have refused peace, as I hear (it), to some extent even on account of this, because there was too little seniority of status in the embassy]: I, Hannibal, am seeking peace, (I), who should not be seeking (it) unless I thought (it) advantageous, and I shall uphold (it) because of the same advantage on account of which I sought it. And, just as (lit. in the same manner as) I, because the war was started by me, guaranteed that no one should regret it, until the gods themselves came to envy this, so I shall strive that no one may regret the peace obtained through me."
Chapter XXXI. The reply of Scipio.
In response to these (words) the Roman general replied almost to this effect: "It has not escaped my notice, Hannibal, that the Carthaginians, in the hope of your arrival, upset both the present obligations of the truce and the hope for peace: nor, indeed, do you conceal this, since you exclude from the former terms everything except those things which have been in our power for a long time now. But, just as it is of concern to you that your citizens appreciate from what great a burden they are relieved by you, so it is necessary for me to endeavour (lit. it is needing to be endeavoured by me) that they may not win (as) the rewards of their perfidy what they formerly stipulated, (these things) having now (lit. today) been removed from the terms of peace. (Although) you are unworthy to receive the terms then available (lit. Unworthy to whom the same terms should be open), you are even asking that your dishonesty should benefit you. Neither did our fathers first make war with regard to Sicily, nor (did) we with regard to Spain: both, in the former case, the danger to our allies the Mamertines, and, in the present case, the destruction of Saguntum girded upon us pious and just armour. That you provoked (these matters) both you yourself confess and the gods are witness, (gods), who both gave for that war, and are giving and will give for this (one), an outcome in accordance with justice and right. Inasmuch as it concerns me, I am both mindful of human weakness and I reflect upon the power of fortune, and I know that all things whatsoever (that) we do are subject to a thousand chances: but, just as (lit. in the same manner as) I should admit that I were acting arrogantly and with violence, if, before I had crossed over to Africa, I were to scorn you, (if you were) withdrawing from Italy of your own (free) will, and, (if) with your army having been embarked into ships, (you were) coming (to me) of your own accord in order to solicit peace (lit. for the purpose of peace being solicited); so now, when I have dragged (you) to Africa, resisting and shifting (your ground), almost (engaging) in close combat (lit. with hands entwined), I am under no obligation to show you respect (lit. I am in no way bound by respect for you). Therefore, if something, in addition to those (terms) upon which peace then seemed likely to be agreed, is added - which might be compensation for those ships (together) with their supplies (which were) attacked during the truce, and my envoys (who were) harassed - there is something which I can bring before the council: but, if that also seems too severe, prepare for war, since you are not able to endure peace."
So, peace, having been undone, when they had betaken themselves from the conference to their own (men), they reported that words (had been) exchanged in vain: that the issue had (lit. that it was needing) to be decided by (force of) arms, and that that fortune had (lit. was needing) to be accepted which the gods had given.
Chapter XXXII. Prelude to the battle of Zama.
When they (lit. it was) arrived at their camps, they both announced that their armies should get their arms, and the soldiers their spirits, ready for the final contest, (to be) victorious, if success were at hand, not for one day, but forever: (whether) Rome or Carthage would give laws to the nations, they would know before the next day's night; for not Africa or Italy but the whole world would be the reward of victory: (there was) a danger equal to this reward (to those) for whom the fortune of battle should have been adverse. For no means of escape was open at all to the Romans in a foreign and unknown land, and for Carthage, its last resources having been expended, immediate destruction seemed to be at hand.
To this hazard on the next day, the two generals, by far the most distinguished (of all), (and) the two bravest armies of the two wealthiest peoples go forth, either destined to crown on that day the many honours (which they had) acquired before, or to be overthrown. Accordingly, wavering hopes and fears mingled in their minds; and, as they contemplated (lit. [themselves] contemplating) now their own battle-line (and) now (that) of the enemy, they weighed their (respective) strengths with their eyes rather than by calculation, (and) joyous and sad (reflections) were presented to their minds together at the same time; (those circumstances) which did not occur to (the troops) themselves of their accord their generals suggested (to them) by admonition and exhortation. The Carthaginian (i.e. Hannibal) recounted the things (which had been) achieved (by him) in sixteen years in the land of Italy, so many Roman generals, so many armies having been annihilated (lit. slain in a massacre), and to each man his own famous deeds, when he came (lit. had come) to a soldier famous in the record of some battle. Scipio (referred to) Spain and the recent battles in Africa and the enemy's confession of weakness, since they had neither been able not to seek peace on account of their fear, nor to keep it by reason of the perfidy ingrained in their minds. In addition, he made use of (lit. turned as he wished) his conference with Hannibal, (which had been) held in private, and (so) open to his fabrication (lit. free to [him] inventing); he presages that the gods have portended such omens to the (enemy), as they went out (lit. going out) into their battle-line, (as those) with which their fathers once fought at the Aegates islands. (He said) that the end of the war and of their labours was at hand, (and) that the spoils of Carthage were in their grasp (lit. in their hands) (as well as) their return home to their country, to their parents, their children, their wives and their household-gods. He said these (words) with head held high (lit. lofty of body), and with a countenance so joyful that you would have supposed that he had conquered already.
He then drew up the 'hastati' in the front line, the 'principes' after them, (and) he closed the rear of his battle-line with the 'triarii'.
Chapter XXXIII. The battle formations and the elephant charge.
However, he did not draw up the cohorts in close order, each one in advance of its own standards, but (rather) maniples at some distance from each other, so that there should be a gap through which the enemy's elephants, having been driven, might not throw their ranks into confusion. Laelius, whom he previously employed (as) a legate, (but) in that year (as) a quaestor outside the lot in accordance with a decree of thea Senate, he placed opposite (the enemy) with the Italian cavalry on the left wing, (and) Masinissa and the Numidians on the right. He filled the open passages between the maniples of the front-line soldiers with 'velites', this was the light-armed (force) of their day - the order having been given that, upon the charge of the elephants, they should either flee behind the ranks drawn up in line, or, attaching themselves to the front-line soldiers, by a run to the right and to the left they should give the beasts a passage through which they might rush in between missiles from both sides.
Hannibal, in order to (create) terror, drew up his elephants in front - moreover there were eighty (of them). a number which he had never had before in his battle-line - then the auxiliaries of the Ligurians and of the Gauls, with Balearic and Mauretanian (soldiers) mixed in (with them); in his second line Carthaginians and Africans and the Macedonian legion; then, a reasonable space having been left, he drew up a battle-line of reserves of Italian soldiers - the majority were Bruttians, more having followed (him), (as he was) departing from Italy, through compulsion and by necessity than of their own (free) will. Also he placed his cavalry on the wings, the Carthaginians held the right and the Numidians the left. In an army among so many men, of such a kind that no language, no custom, no law, no armour, no clothing and general appearance, no reason for military service were the same, (the means of) exhortation were varied. To the auxiliaries pay was offered, both (as) ready cash and having been multiplied (by a share) of the booty; the Gauls are inflamed by their own and their inbred hatred towards the Romans, to the Ligurians, in the expectation of victory the rich plains of Italy are proffered, once they have come down (lit. having come down) from their rugged mountains; he scares the Numidians and the Mauretanians with the prospect of the (lit. the future) tyranny of the savage Masinissa; to the different peoples different hopes and fears are mentioned. The Carthaginians are reminded of (lit. To the Carthaginians are shown) the walls of their native-city, their household gods, the tombs of their ancestors, their children (together) with their parents and their panic-stricken wives, either destruction and servitude or the empire of the world, (and) nothing in between either in respect of fear or in respect of hope.
At the very moment when the general was discussing these things among the Carthaginians, (and) the leaders of his national contingents among their countrymen, mainly through interpreters among (men) intermingled with foreigners, trumpets and horns sounded from the Romans, and such a great clamour arose that the elephants, especially (those) on the left wing, turned (around) upon their own men, the Mauretanians and the Numidians. Masinissa easily added panic to the dispirited (men), and stripped the battle-line on that side of its cavalry support. But a few fearless (animals) among the beasts, having been driven into the enemy, wreaked great havoc among the ranks of the 'velites', (although) with many wounds to themselves. For the 'velites', springing back to the maniples, when they had made way for the elephants, lest they be trampled down, hurled their spears from both sides at (the beasts) doubly exposed to blows. Nor did the javelins from the men in the front line slacken, until these (elephants), having been driven out of the Roman line by the missiles falling upon (them) from all sides, turned the Carthaginians' very own cavalry on their right wing to flight also. When Laelius saw the enemy in confusion, he added panic to the dispirited (men)
Chapter XXXIV. The battle.
On both sides, the Carthaginian battle-line had been stripped of its cavalry, when the infantry, equal (to the Romans) neither in hope nor in strength, joined battle (lit. clashed together). In addition to this, (there were) factors, small things to mention, but at the same time important in respect of the battle being fought: the war-cry from the Romans was in unison, and for that reason louder and more terrible, (but) from the other side (there were) discordant voices, as (was natural) among many nations with different tongues; the Romans' (method of) fighting (was) stationary, with the weight both of themselves and of their arms of (the men) pressing forward upon the enemy, (while) on the other side (there was) more skirmishing and rapid movement than force. Accordingly, with their first charge the Romans at once dislodged the enemy's line from its position. Then, pushing (them) with their shoulders and the bosses of their shields, (and) pressing forward (lit. with steps having been carried forward) against (those) having been forced back, they advanced a considerable distance, as though with no one resisting (them), (and) with those in the rear also urging on those in the front rank, whenever they perceived their line giving way; this (circumstance) itself added great force in repelling the enemy (lit. for the purpose of the enemy being repelled). Among the enemy, the second line, the Africans and the Carthaginians, did not support the auxiliaries (as they were) giving way, such that, on the contrary, they even fell back (lit. took their feet back), lest the enemy, by cutting down (any) men in the front rank resisting obstinately, should reach themselves. Accordingly, the auxiliaries suddenly retreat (lit. offer their backs), and, turning towards their own men, some found refuge in the second line, (while) others slashed at those not receiving (them), on the grounds both that they (had) not (been) helped a short time before and now that they (had been) excluded. And now there were almost two battles intermingled, since the Carthaginians were forced to engage in close combat (lit. to entwine their hands) both with the enemy and, at the same time, with their own men. Yet they did not admit (those men) thus dispirited and angered into their line, but, their ranks having been closed up, they forced (them) out on to the wings and the empty space around the plain outside the battle-field, lest they should embroil their line, (still) whole and intact, with soldiers alarmed by flight and their wounds.
But so great a pile of men and arms had filled the place in which the auxiliaries had stood shortly before that the passage across (them) was almost more difficult than it had been through the densely packed enemy. And so, the 'hastati', who were in the front rank, pursuing the enemy, wherever each could (do so), through the heaps of bodies and arms and the pools (lit. melting) of blood, threw both their maniples (lit. standards) and their ranks into disorder. The maniples (lit. standards) of the 'principes' also began to waver (lit. to be tossed) through perceiving the unsteady line in front of them. When Scipio saw this, he ordered (them) to sound the retreat at once in the case of the 'hastati'; and, the wounded having been taken to the rear of the battle-line, he leads the 'principes' and the 'triarii' to the wings, in order that the centre of the line of the 'hastati' might be more secure and stronger. Thus a new battle was begun afresh: for they had (lit. it had been) arrived at the real enemy, equal (to them) both in the quality of their arms and their experience of military service, and in their experience of military service and the renown of the things (which they had) done, and in the magnitude of their hopes and of their danger. But the Roman was superior, both in number and in spirit, because he had routed their cavalry at one point and their elephants at another, (and) he was already fighting against their second (line), their first line having been repulsed.
Chapter XXXV. Victory.
Laelius and Masinissa, returning at the (critical) time, having pursued the enemy's cavalry for a considerable distance, charged into the rear of the enemy's battle-line. That charge of the cavalry finally overcame the enemy. Many, having been surrounded, (were) slain in the battle-line; many, having been scattered in flight over the open plain (all) around, with the cavalry occupying everything, perished all over the place. Of the Carthaginians and their allies, above twenty thousand (were) slain on that day, (and) almost an equal number (was) captured, (together) with a hundred and thirty-two military standards and eleven elephants. About (one) thousand five hundred (of) the victors fell.
Hannibal, escaping with a few horsemen in the midst of the confusion, fled to Hadrumetum, having tried every (expedient) both during the engagement and before the battle, before he withdrew from the fray, and, even by the admission of Scipio and all experts in military matters, having acquired this distinction, that he had drawn up his battle-line on that day with singular skill; (he had placed) his elephants right in front, so that their haphazard charge and irresistible force might prevent the Romans from following their standards and maintaining their ranks, upon which (tactic) they placed most of their hopes; then, the auxiliaries, in front of the line of Carthaginians, so that men mixed (together) from the dregs of all the nations, whom not loyalty but pay held (in place), might have no withdrawal for the purpose of flight open (to them), and, at the same time, (that), intercepting the first ardour and onset of the enemy, they might exhaust (them), and, if (they could do) nothing else, (that) they might blunt the enemy's swords with their own wounds; then, where all his hope was, the Carthaginian and African soldiers, so that (being) equal in everything else, they might have the advantage (lit. might be superior) for the reason that they would be fighting (while) fresh with exhausted and wounded (men); the Italians, (of whom it was) uncertain (whether) they were allies or foes, he removed into the final line. When Hannibal, this (formation) having been produced as though it were his last work of valour, had fled to Hadrumetum, and, having been summoned thence, to Carthage, he had returned (thither) in the thirty-sixth year after he had set out from there (as) a boy, acknowledged in the senate-house that he had not only been defeated in the battle but in the war, and that there was no hope of safety otherwise than in peace being obtained.
Chapter XXXVI. Carthage sues for peace.
Scipio, the enemy's camp having ben stormed and plundered immediately after the battle, returned to the sea and to his ships with immense booty, the news having been reported that Publius (Cornelius) Lentulus with fifty war-ships (lit. beaked [ships]) (and) a hundred transport (ships) (together) with every kind of supplies had arrived near Utica. Thinking, therefore, that terror ought (lit. was needing) to be brought (to bear) from all sides against disheartened Carthage, Laelius having been sent to Rome with news of the victory, he orders (Gnaeus) Octavius to lead the legions to Carthage by a land march: he himself, setting out from Utica, makes for the harbour of Carthage with the fresh fleet of Lentulus having been joined to his former (one). He was not far away when a ship of the Carthaginians, hung with (woollen) fillets and olive branches, met (him). There were ten envoys, leading citizens, sent, with Hannibal (as) their authority, for the sake of peace being solicited. When they had come to the stern of the flag-ship, stretching out the symbols of suppliants, begging and imploring the protection and compassion of Scipio, no other answer (was) given to them than that they should come to Tunis. He himself, having sailed out in order to survey the site of Carthage (lit. with the purpose of the site of Carthage being surveyed), not so much for the sake of the enemy being reconnoitred for any present (purpose) as (for the sake of) their being humiliated, returned to Utica, Octavius having been recalled to the same (place) as well.
Proceeding thence to Tunis, the news (was) brought that Vermina, the son of Sypahax, with more cavalry than infantry, was coming to the assistance of the Carthaginians.Part of the infantry with all the cavalry, having attacked the column of the Numidians [on the first day of the Saturnalia], routed (it) in a short engagement. With every way of escape having been blocked by the cavalry (which had been) placed around (them) from every side, fifteen thousand men (were) slain, (and one) thousand two hundred were captured alive, with (lit. and) one thousand five hundred Numidian horses and seventy-two military standards. The prince himself fled with a few (men) during the confusion. The camp (was) then pitched at Tunis in the same place as before, and thirty ambassadors came to Scipio from Carthage.
And, indeed, they acted much more piteously than before, inasmuch as fortune was the more compelling, but, as a result of the more recent memory of their treachery, they were heard with considerably less compassion. In the council, although righteous indignation spurred (them) all on towards Carthage being destroyed (lit. to the purpose of Carthage being destroyed), yet, when they reflected both upon how great that undertaking would be and (upon) how long a time the siege of a city so (well) fortified and so strong (would take), and the expectation of a successor, likely to come for the glory of a war having been finished (and) the enjoyment of a victory procured by the labours and risks of another, disturbed Scipio, the minds of all were inclined towards peace.
Chapter XXXVII. The terms of peace.
On the next day, the ambassadors having been recalled, and, with much criticism of their perfidy, having been advised that, taught at last by so many disasters, they should believe that the gods and the sanctity of an oath (lit. an oath needing to be sworn) (really) existed, the terms of peace (were) stated (to them), that they should live (as) free (men) under their own laws; they were to continue to hold those cities and those territories, with the (same) boundaries (as) they had held before the war, and the Roman would make an end to devastation: they were to restore to the Romans all deserters, runaway slaves and prisoners-of-war, and surrender their war-ships (lit. beaked [ships]), except ten triremes, and the tamed elephants which they had, and they were not to tame (any) others. they were to wage war neither in Africa nor outside Africa without the permission of the Roman people: they were to make restitution (lit. to repay things) to Masinissa, and to make a treaty with him: they were to furnish corn and pay to the auxiliaries, until their envoys should return from Rome: they were to pay ten thousand talents of silver divided in equal payments over fifty years: they were to give a hundred hostages, at Scipio's choosing, not less than fourteen years (of age) nor more than thirty. So, (he said) that he would grant a truce, provided that the transport ships captured during the previous truce, and what had been in those ships, were restored: otherwise, there would be no truce nor any hope of a peace.
When the ambassadors, having been ordered to bear these terms back home, reported (them) in an assembly, and Gisgo had come forward to oppose the peace (lit. with the purpose of the peace being opposed), and was being heard by the multitude, (which was) restless and at the same (time) unwarlike, Hannibal, indignant that such things should be said and heard at such a (critical) time, dragged Gisgo, (whom he had) seized, down from his platform (lit. higher position) with his own hand. When this manifestation, unusual in a free state, had caused the protests of the people, the military man, confounded by this urban freedom, said, "Setting out from you from you at nine years (of age), I have returned after the thirty-sixth year. I seem to know well the military arts, which circumstances, at one moment personal,(and) at another moment public, have taught me from boyhood: the rights, the laws, the customs of the city and of the forum, you ought (lit. it behoves you) to teach me." His indiscretion having been apologised for, he discoursed in many words concerning the peace, (and) how (it was) not unfair and (how) it was necessary. The most difficult thing of all (the terms imposed) was this, that out of the ships captured during the truce, nothing except the ships themselves was visible; nor was the investigation easy, (those) who were accused being opposed to the peace. It was decided that the ships should be returned and that the men should be searched for especially; that the other things which were missing should be left to Scipio to be estimated in value (lit. that the other things needing to be assessed in value should be left to Scipio), and that the Carthaginians should atone accordingly in money. There are (those) who relate that Hannibal went from the battle-field to the sea, whence, a ship having been prepared (for him) in advance, he set out immediately (to go) to King Antiochus; and with Scipio demanding, above everything, that Hannibal be handed over to him, the reply was that Hannibal was not in Africa.
Chapter XXXVIII. The truce and the events in Italy.
After his envoys had returned to Scipio, the quaestors were ordered to declare, from the public accounts, an inventory (lit. the things [which had been] written down) (of) what public (property) had been on those ships, (while) the owners (were ordered to declare) what private (property had been there): in place of that total sum of money, twenty-five thousand pounds (lit. in weight of pounds) of silver (was) exacted at once; and a truce for three months (was) granted to the Carthaginians. (It was) added that they were not to send envoys during the period of the truce to anywhere other than to Rome, and that, whichever envoys should come to Carthage, they were not to let them go before they they informed the Roman general who (they were) and for what purpose (lit. seeking what) they had come. With the Carthaginian envoys, Lucius Veturius Philo and Marcus Marcius Ralla and Lucius (Cornelius) Scipio, the general's brother, (were) sent to Rome. During that time (lit. those days), supplies from Sicily and Sardinia effected such a great cheapness of grain, that the merchant left his corn to the sailors in lieu of freight-money.
At Rome, at the first news of the Carthaginians' renewal of hostilities, there had been a state of alarm, and Tiberius Claudius (Nero) had been ordered to take his fleet promptly to Sicily, and thence to take (it) across into Africa, and the other consul, Marcus Servilius (Geminus) (had been ordered) to stay near the city, until it were known in what state affairs in Africa were. Everything with regard to his fleet being made ready and being launched had been done slowly by the consul Tiberius Claudius (Nero), because the senators had voted concerning the peace that the authority as to on which terms it should be granted should be (a matter) for Scipio rather than (a matter) for the consul. Moreover, prodigies, having been reported at the very (time of) the report of the renewal of hostilities, had brought alarm: at Cumae, vision of the circle of the sun was diminished and it rained with huge stones, and in the district of Velitrae the ground subsided in huge cavities, and trees (were) swallowed up into the depths; at Aricia the forum and the shops around (it) (and) at Frusino the walls at a number of places and a gate (were) struck by lightning (lit. from the sky); and on the Palatine (Hill) it rained with stones. That prodigy was atoned for by a rite lasting for nine days according to ancestral custom, and the rest by victims of the larger kind. Among these things, the unusual height (lit. size) of the rivers (lit. waters) was also turned into a portent: for the Tiber overflowed to such an extent that, with the Circus under water, the Apollinarian Games were prepared near the temple of Venus of Eryx outside the Colline Gtae. But on the very day of the games, sudden bright weather having arisen, the procession having begun to be conducted to the Colline Gate, was recalled and diverted into the Circus, when it had been reported that the water had receded from there: and its proper scene having been restored to the solemn spectacle increased the people's joy and the crowd at the games.
Chapter XXXIX. The adventures of Claudius and events in Rome.
A terrible force, having assailed with storms the consul Claudius, (who had) at last set out from the city, between the ports of Cosa and Loreta, induced (him) into (a state of) great alarm. Then, when he had reached Populonium and had dropped anchor there, until the remainder of the storm should abate, he crossed to the island of Ilva (i.e. Elba) and from Ilva to Corsica, (and) from Corsica to Sardinia. There, as he passed (lit. passing) the Mad Mountains, a storm, both much more savage and assailing (him) in a more dangerous situation, scattered his fleet. Many ships (were) damaged and despoiled of their rigging, (and) some (were) wrecked; his fleet, thus battered and mangled, reached Carales (i.e. Cagliari). When winter overcame (him), while the ships, (which had been) beached, were being repaired, the time of year having come around, and with no one having extended his command, Tiberius Claudius (Nero) led his fleet back to Rome (as) a private (citizen). Marcus Servilius (Geminus), with Gaius Servilius Geminus having been named (by him as) dictator, in order that he should not be recalled to Rome for the sake of (holding) elections, set out for his province; the dictator named Publius Aelius Paetus master of the horse. Storms prevented the frequently announced elections (from) being held, and so, since the former magistrates had left (office) on the day before the Ides of March, and new (men) had not been appointed, the state was without curule magistrates.
The pontiff Titus Manlius Torquatus died that year: Gaius Sulpicius Galba (was) appointed in his place. The Roman Games were repeated entirely three times by Lucius Licinius Lucullus and Quintus Fulvius, the curule aediles. (Some) clerks and messengers of the aediles were condemned, through an informer, for secretly conveying money out of the treasury, not without the disgrace of the aedile Lucullus. The plebeian aediles, Publius Aelius Tubero and Lucius Laetorius, abdicated (lit. detached themselves from) their office, when they had celebrated the games, and the banquet in connection with the games, of Jupiter, and (when) they had deposited on the Capitol three statues made out of silver resulting from fines. The dictator and the master of the horse celebrated games in honour of Ceres by decree of the Senate.
Chapter XL. The elections for 201 B.C.
When the Roman and the Carthaginian ambassadors had arrived together at Rome from Africa, the Senate was being held at the Temple of Bellona. There, when Lucius Veturius Philo had announced, to the great joy of the senators, that the battle (lit. it) (had been) fought with Hannibal as the last fight for the Carthaginians, and that an end (had) at last (been) put to that woeful war, he added, what was a small addition to this success (lit. this matter having been well accomplished), that Vermina, the son of Syphax, had also been vanquished. (He was) ordered to go forth to a (public) assembly and impart this joyful (news) to the people. Then, all the temples in the city were thrown open for the purpose of thanksgiving, and supplications for three days (were) decreed. With the ambassadors of the Carthaginians and of King Philip - for they also had arrived - seeking that (an audience) of the Senate should be granted to them, the answer was given by the dictator that, by order of the senators, the new consuls would grant (an audience of) the Senate to them. Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus (and) Publius Aelius Paetus (were) elected consuls; the praetors (elected were) Marcus Junius Pennus, to whom the lot of the urban (jurisdiction) fell, (and) Marcus Valerius Falto was allotted the (territory of the) Bruttians, Marcus Fabius Buteo Sardinia, and Publius Tubero Sicily. It seemed good (to the senators) that nothing should be done about the provinces of the consuls, before the ambassadors of King Philip and of the Carthaginians had been heard: for they foresaw in their minds the end of one war (and) the beginning of another.
The consul, Gnaeus (Cornelius) Lentulus burned with desire for the province of Africa, whether there would be an easy victory, if there were (still) war, or, if it were finished already, seeking the glory of so great a war having been ended with himself (as) consul. And so he refused to allow anything to be discussed until Africa had been decreed (as) his province, his colleague conceding (his claim to it), for he saw a contest with Scipio for that honour would not only be unjust but also unequal. Quintus Minucius Thermus and Manius Acilius Glabrio, tribunes of the plebs, said that Gnaeus Cornelius (Lentulus) was trying the thing (which had been) attempted in vain by the consul Tiberius Claudius (Nero): that, by the authority of the Senate, (the decision as to) whose power they wished to be in Africa (had been) brought to the people: that all thirty-five tribes had decreed this power to Publius (Cornelius) Scipio. With many disputes, both in the Senate and before the people, the matter to be decided was ultimately left in such (a manner) that they (i.e. the two tribunes) entrusted (it) to the Senate.The senators therefore, under oath - for so it had been agreed - , resolved that, with regard to their provinces, the consuls should settle between themselves or determine by lot which of the two of them should have Italy (and) which a fleet of fifty ships; that (he), to whom the fleet should fall, should sail to Sicily; that, if peace could not be constructed with the Carthaginians, he should cross over to Africa; that the consul should conduct operations by sea, (and) Scipio by land with the same right of command as before; that, if they should agree on the terms of peace, the tribunes of the plebs should ask the people whether they should order the consul or Publius (Cornelius) Scipio to grant the peace, and, if the victorious army was due to be brought back from Africa, who was to bring (it) back. If they should order that the peace should be granted through Publius (Cornelius) Scipio, and that the army should be brought back by the same (man), that the consul should not cross from Sicily to Africa. The other consul. to whom Italy should have fallen, should receive two legions from the praetor Marcus Sextius (Sabinus).
Chapter XLI. The commands for 201 B.C.
Publius (Cornelius) Scipio's command in the province of Africa (was) extended with the armies which he had. To the praetor Marcus Valerius Falto two legions (were) assigned, which Gaius Livius (Salinator) had commanded in the previous year. Publius Aelius (Paetus) was to receive two legions in Sicily from Gnaeus Tremelius (Flaccus). One legion is assigned to Marcus Fabius (Buteo) in Sardinia, which Publius (Cornelius) Lentulus had held (as) propraetor. For Marcus Servilius (Geminus), consul in the previous year, his command in Etruria was extended, likewise with his two legions. But, as it pertained to Spain, (they said) that Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus had been there already for some years; that the consuls should discuss with the tribunes, if it seemed good to them, that they should ask the people who should have (lit. to whom there should be) the power in Spain; (that) that man should enlist, from the two armies, Roman soldiers into one legion and allies of the Latin name into fifteen cohorts, by which he should hold the province; (and that) Lucius Cornelius (Lentulus) and Lucius Manlius (Acidinus) should take the veteran soldiers back to Italy. A fleet of fifty ships (was) assigned to the consul, (made up) out of two fleets, (that) of Gnaeus Octavius, which had been in Africa, and (that) of Publius Villius (Tappulus), which was guarding the coast of Sicily, with the proviso that he might choose the ships which he wanted. Publius (Cornelius) Scipio was to have the forty war-ships (lit. long ships) which he had had (before); if he wished Gnaeus Octavius to be in command of these, just as he had been in command, Octavius would have authority (lit. authority would be to Octavius) (as) propraetor for that year: if he were to put Laelius in command, Octavius was to depart for Rome, and was to bring back the ships for which the consul had no need (lit. for which there was no need to the consul).
Chapter XLII. Macedonian and Carthaginian envoys in Rome.
Then there was a discussion (lit. it was deliberated) about the ambassadors of Philip and of the Carthaginians. It was agreed that the Macedonians should be brought in first; the address of these men was diverse (in content), (made up) in part of (those) excusing what the envoys sent to the king from Rome had been complaining of concerning the ravaging of allies' territory, in part of (those) making, on their own account, actual accusations against the allies of the Roman people, but much more aggressively (against) Marcus Aurelius (Cotta), whom (as one) of the three envoys sent to them, a levy having been held (among the allies of the Roman people), had remained and had provoked them to war contrary to the treaty, and had repeatedly fought with their commanders in pitched battle (lit. the standards having been brought together), (and) in part (again) of (those) demanding that the Macedonians and their general Sopater, who had fought by the side of Hannibal as a mercenary (lit. for pay), (and who) were at that time captives in chains, should be restored to them. In response to these (charges), Marcus Furius, having been sent by Aurelius from Macedonia for that very (purpose), stated that Aurelius (had been) left behind in order that the allies of the Roman people, exhausted by rapine, should not go over to the king owing to the violence and injustice (to which they were being subjected), (and) that he had not gone beyond the boundaries of the allies; (but) that he had made an effort (to ensure) that raiders should not cross over into their lands with impunity. (He said) that Sopater was (one) of those entitled to wear purple and a relative of the king: that he had recently been sent to Africa with four thousand Macedonians and (some) money to (provide) help to Hannibal and the Carthaginians. When the Macedonians, having been interrogated on these (points), proceeded to respond evasively, they did not, themselves, receive a gentle reply: (they were told) that the king was seeking war, and that, if he persisted, he would shortly find (it), that the treaty (had been) doubled violated by him, both because he was causing harm to allies of the Roman people and was provoking (them) with warfare and arms, and because he was assisting their enemies with auxiliaries and money. (They were told also) both that Publius (Cornelius) Scipio was deemed to have acted, and to be acting, rightly and properly, inasmuch as he was keeping in chains in the capacity of enemies those who were captured (while) bearing arms against the Roman people, and that Marcus Aurelius (Cotta) was acting in accordance with the public interest, and the fact that he was protecting by arms the allies of the Roman people was pleasing to the Senate, since he could not (do so) through the obligations of the treaty.
The Macedonians having been dismissed with this very stern answer, the Carthaginian ambassadors (were then) called: the age and high status of these men having been observed - for they were by far the chief (men) of the state - then each (senator), on his own account, said that they were truly discussing about peace. Hasdrubal, however - his countrymen called (him) by the surname Haedus (i.e. the Kid) -, was conspicuous amongst the rest, (as he was) invariably a proponent of peace, and opposed to the Barcid faction. On this (account) there was then more weight (lit. authority) (accorded) to him, since he sought to transfer (lit. transferring) the blame for the war from the state (as a whole) to the greed of a few. When he had employed various strands in his (lit. employed a varied) speech, at one moment by excusing the charges (against them), at another moment by admitting some (of them), lest pardon might be more difficult (to obtain) by shamelessly denying known facts, (and) now by even admonishing the conscript fathers to make a modest and moderate use of favourable circumstances, (he said) that, if the Carthaginians had listened to him and Hanno and had been disposed to make use of a favourable opportunity, they would been granted the terms of peace which they were, at that time, seeking. That good fortune and good judgment were rarely given to men at the same time: that the Roman people were invincible for this (reason), that in favourable circumstances they remembered to be wise and to take counsel; and, indeed (lit. by Hercules), it would have been worthy of surprise if they were to act otherwise; (those) for whom good fortune is new, being uncontrollable on account of its unfamiliarity, behave like madmen: that for the Roman people the joys of victory were commonplace and now almost obsolete, and that they had increased their empire almost more by sparing the vanquished than by crushing (them). The speech of the others was more full of pathos, recording from what great wealth to what (depths) the circumstances of the Carthaginians had fallen; that nothing except the walls of Carthage was left to those who but lately held the (whole) world by (force of) arms; that, enclosed within these, they did not see anything, either on the land or on the sea, belonging to their jurisdiction; that even the city itself and their household gods they would only hold, if the Roman people were not disposed to vent their fury on these (possessions) as well, (a fate) than which there could be nothing worse. When it appeared that the senators were moved by compassion, they say that one senator, incensed at the perfidy of the Carthaginians, enquired with a shout through which gods they would sanction (lit. strike) the treaty, when they had broken faith with those through whom they had sanctioned (it) before: "Through the same (ones)," said Hasdrubal, "since they are so hostile to (those) violating treaties."
Chapter XLIII. The coming of peace.
The minds of all having been inclined to peace, the consul Gnaeus (Cornelius) Lentulus, whose province was the fleet, vetoed a decree of the Senate. Then, the tribunes of the plebs, Manius Acilius (Glabrio) and Quintus Minucius (Thermus), brought before the people (the questions) whether they willed and ordered the Senate to decree that peace should be made with the Carthaginians and whom they ordered to conduct the army out of Africa. All the tribes ordered concerning the peace as they had been asked; that Publius (Cornelius) Scipio should grant the peace, (and) that the same (man) should bring back the armies. In accordance with this proposal the Senate decreed that Publius (Cornelius) Scipio, on the advice of ten deputies, should make peace with the Carthaginian people on those terms on which it should seem good to him (to do so). The Carthaginians then gave thanks to the senators, and requested that it might be permitted to them to enter into the city and converse with their fellow-citizens who were captives in the custody of the state: (they said) that among these, some were their relatives and friends, men of noble birth, (and) others (were those) for whom they had messages from their relatives. These (requests) having been agreed on, when they again requested (that) the opportunity might occur to them of ransoming from amongst them (those) whom they wished, they were told to give their names: and, when they had given in about two hundred, the Senate made a decree that the Roman deputies should take to Publius Cornelius (Scipio) in Africa two hundred of the captives as the Carthaginians wanted, and should report to him that, if peace were agreed, he was to restore them to the Carthaginians without a ransom. When the fetial (priests) were instructed to go to Africa to sanction the treaty (lit. with the purpose of the treaty being struck), at their own request (lit. with themselves demanding [it]) a decree of the Senate was made in these words, that they should each take with them a flint-stone knife and (some) sacred herbs; in order that, (when) the Roman general (i.e. Scipio) ordered (them) to sanction the treaty, they could demand the sacred herb from the general. It is customary that this kind of herb, gathered from the citadel (i.e. the Capitol) should be given to the fetials.
When the Carthaginians, having thus been dismissed from Rome, had come to Scipio in Africa, they made peace on those terms on which it has been stated before, they handed over their war-ships, their elephants, deserters, runaway slaves, and four thousand prisoners-of-war, among whom was the senator Quintus Terentius Culleo. He (i.e. Scipio) ordered the ships, having been sailed out into the open sea (lit. the deep), to be burnt; some say that there were five hundred (vessels) of every kind, which were worked by oars; the sudden sight of these burning was as woeful to the Carthaginians as if Carthage herself were burning. Severer measures were taken (lit. [it was] treated more severely) against the deserters than against the runaway slaves: (those) who were of a Latin name (were) beheaded (lit. struck with an axe), Romans (were) crucified (lit. raised on a cross).
Chapter XLIV. Hannibal rebukes the Carthaginian senate.
Forty years previously, Quintus Lutatius (Catulus) (and) Aulus Manlius (Torquatus) (being) consuls (i.e. in 241 B.C.), peace had last been made with the Carthaginians. The war, having been started twenty-three years later, Publius Cornelius (Scipio) (and) Tiberius Sempronius (Longus) (being) consuls (i.e. 218 B.C.), was brought to an end in the seventeenth year, Gnaeus Cornelius (Lentulus) (and) Publius Aelius Paetus (being) consuls (i.e. 201 B.C.). They say that Scipio often said afterwards that the desire (for fame), firstly, of Tiberius Claudius (Nero), and, then, of Gnaeus Cornelius (Lentulus) had prevented (him) from finishing (lit. had been in respect of the hindrance whereby he had not finished) the war with the destruction of Carthage.
At Carthage, when the first instalment of money seemed difficult to (men whose resources had been) exhausted by the lengthy war, and there was lamentation and weeping in the senate-house, they say that Hannibal (was) observed laughing. When Hasdrubal Haedus rebuked (him for) his laughter amidst the public tears, when he himself was the cause of those tears, he said, "If the mind within (us) could also thus be seen, just as the expression of our faces is seen by our eyes, it would readily be seen by you that this laughter which you criticise is not (that) of a joyful heart but of (one) almost frantic with misfortunes; (and) yet it is by no means so untimely as those senseless and misplaced tears of yours. It would have been right for you to have wept at the time when our arms were taken away from us, our ships burnt, and we were forbidden (lit. it was forbidden [to us]) (to engage) in foreign wars: for, by that wound, we have fallen. It is necessary (that) you believe (that) measures have been taken (lit. [that it has been] decided) against you by the Romans due to your animosity. No great state can be peaceful. If it has no enemy abroad, it finds (one) at home, just as too powerful bodies may seem secure from any external causes, but are themselves encumbered by their own strength. Assuredly, we feel, in accordance with public calamities, only as much as it pertains to private affairs; nor, with regard to these (calamities), does anything sting more keenly than the loss of money. And so, when the spoils of victory were being torn away from Carthage, at the very moment when you beheld (her) unarmed and defenceless, amidst so many armed nations of Africa, no one sighed: now, because tribute must (lit. is needing to) be collected from private (property), you lament as though at the funeral of the commonwealth. How I fear that you may shortly feel that you have shed tears today at the lightest of your misfortunes!" Hannibal (spoke) these (words) amongst the Carthaginians.
An assembly having been summoned, Scipio presented Masinissa, in addition to his father's kingdom, with the town of Cirta, and with the rest of the cities and territories from the kingdom of Syphax, which had passed into the sway of the Roman people, having been added. He ordered Gnaeus Octavius to hand over to the consul Gnaeus Cornelius (Lentulus) the fleet (which he had) conducted to Sicily, (and) the ambassadors of the Carthaginians to set out for Rome, in order that those (actions) which had been taken by him, in accordance with the advice of the ten deputies, might be confirmed by the authority of the senators and the command of the people.
Chapter XLV. Scipio's triumph.
Peace having been obtained on land and sea, (and) his army having been embarked on ships, he crossed over to Lilybaeum in Sicily. Thence, a large part of his soldiers having been sent by the ships, he himself (making his way) through Italy (which was) exulting in the peace no less than in his victory, with not only the (people of the) cities pouring out in order to show (him) honour (lit. for the purpose of honour being done [to him]), but also with crowds of rustics blocking the roads, he arrived at Rome, and rode into the city in the most distinguished triumph of (them) all. He brought into the treasury a hundred and twenty-three thousand (pounds) in weight of silver. To his soldiers he distributed four hundred bronze (asses) apiece out of the booty. By his death, Syphax, having thus died not long (lit. much) before at Tibur, whither he had been transferred from Alba, took away more from the spectacle of the people than from the glory of the triumphing (general). His death, however, attracted public attention (lit. was looked at [with interest]), because he was borne (to the grave) in a public funeral. Polybius, by no means an authority to be despised, asserts that this king (was) led in the triumph. Quintus Terentius Culleo followed Scipio as he triumphed (lit. triumphing), a liberty cap having been placed on his head; and then for all (the rest of) his life he honoured (him as) the author of his freedom. I do not know for certain (lit. I have too little knowledge) (whether) the favour of his soldiery or the breezes of popular (favour) first made the surname Africanus renowned, or whether, like Felix in the case of Sulla, or Magnus in the case of Pompey, in the memory of our fathers, it was initiated by the flattery of his friends. He (was) undoubtedly the first commander to be distinguished by the name of the nation conquered by him. Then, due to his example, (some) by no means his equals in victory, effected splendid inscriptions for their masks and glorious names for their families.
